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* ^ 



THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 

VOL. I. 

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, THE GREAT LEARNING, AND 

THE DOCTRINE OF THE JIEAN. 




Mencius, v. Pt. II. IV. 2. 



# % 



^ m ^^ B 

^ ^^ B _ 

t,. M M ^ 1^ X 




. B 



■> 






THE 



CHINESE CLASSICS: 



WITH 



I TRANSLATION, CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL NOTES, 
PROLEGOMENA. AND COPIOUS INDEXES. 



BT 

JAMES LEGGE, D.D., 

OF THE LONDON MIBSIONA&T SOCIETY. 



IN SEVEN VOLUMES. 



VOL. L, 



coNTAnriNa 

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, THE GREAT LEARNING, AND 
TUE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



HONGKONG: AT THE AUTHORS. 
LONDON : TRUBNER & CO., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW 

1861. 



> 



PL 

M.l 



HONGKONG : 

P«.IifTBD AX TOB LONDOM MiSSIONAttT S0CI£TT*S 

Pbiminq Office. 









TO THE MEMORY 



or 



THE HON. JOSEPH JARDINE, ESQ., 



BY WHOSE MUNIFICENT ASSISTANCE IT IS NOW PUBUSHED, 



AND BUT FOB WHICH IT MIGHT NEVER HAVE BEEN FUBUSUEO, 



Ctii0 8£lotK it inttvittH, 



^ 



PREFACE. 



The author arrived in the East as a Missionary toAvards the end 
of 1839, and was stationed at Malacca for betAveen three and^four 
years. Before leaving England, he had enjoyed the benefit of a few 
months* instruction in Chinese from the late Professor Kidd at the 
University of London, and was able in the beginning of 1840 to 
commence the study of the first of the Works in the present publi- 
cation. It seemed to him then — and the experience of one and 
twenty years gives its sanction to the correctness of the judgment — 
that he should not be able to consider himself qualified for the 
duties of his position, until he had thoroughly mastered the Classical 
Books of the Chinese, and had investigated for himself the whole 
field of thought through which the sages of China had ranged, and 
in which were to be found the foundations of the moral, social, and 
political life of the people. Under this conviction he addressed 
himself eagerly to the reading of the Confucian Analects, and pro- 
ceeded from them to the other Works. Circumstances occurred in 
the Mission at Malacca to throw various engagements upon him, 
which left him little time to spend at his books, and he consequently 
souorht about for all the assistance which he could find from the 
labours of men who had gone before. 

In this respect he was favourably situated, the charge of the 
Anglo-Chinese College having devolved upon him, so that he had 
free access to all the treasures in its Library. He had translations and 
dictionaries in abundance, and they facilitated his progress. Yet he 
desiderated some Work upon the Classics, more critical, more full 
and exact, than any which he had the o])2)ortunity of coiis\i\\AXig 



til 



VIU PREFACE. 

and he sketched to himself the plan of its execution. This was dis- 
tinctly before him in 1841, and for several years he hoped to hear 
that some experienced Chinese scholar was preparing to give to the 
public something of the kind. 4s time went on, and he began to feel 
assured as to his own progress in the language, it occurred to hira 
that he might venture on such an undertaking himself. He studied, 
wrote out translations, and made notes, with the project in his mind. 
He hopes he can say that it did not divert him from the usual active 
labours of a Missionary in preaching and teaching, but it did not 
allow him to rest satisfied in any operations of the time then being. ^ 

In 1856, he first talked with some of his friends about his purpose, 
and among them was the Rev. Josiah Cox, of the Wesleyan Mission- 
ary Society. The question of the expense of publication came 
up. The authors idea was that by-and-by he would be able to 
digest his materials in readiness for the press, and that then he 
would be likely, on application, to meet with such encouragement 
from the British and other foreign merchants in China, as would 
enable him to go forward with his plan. Mr. Cox, soon after, with- 
out the slightest intimation of his intention, mentioned the whole 
matter to his friend, Mr. Joseph Jardine. In consequence of what 
he reported of Mr. Jardine's sentiments, the author had an interview 
with that gentleman, when he very generously undertook to bear 
the expense of carrying the Work through the press. His lament^ 
death leaves the author at liberty to speak more freely on this point 
than he would otherwise have done. Mr. Jardine expressed himself 
favourably of the plan, and said, ''I know the liberality of the 
merchants in China, and that many of them would readily give their 
help to such an undertaking, but you need not have the trouble of 
canvassing the community. If you are prepared for the toil of the 
publication, I will bear the expense of it. We make our money in 
China, and we should be glad to assist in whatever promises to be of 
benefit to it." 

The author could not but be grateful to Mr. Jardine for his 
profter, nor did he hesitate to accept it. The interruption of mission- 
ary labours, consequent on the breaking out of hostilities in the 
end of 1856, was favourable to retired and literary work, and 
he immediately set about preparing some of his materials for the 
press. A necessary visit to England in 1857, which kept him absent 



PREFACK. IX 






from the Colony for eighteen months, proved a serious interrup- 
tion, but the first-fruits of his labours are now in a state to be 
presented to the public. 

The first conception of the present work and the circumstancos 
under which it is published have thus been detailed. Of the style 
and manner of its execution it is for others to judge. It origi- 
nated in the author s feeling of his own wants. He has translated, 
annotated, and reasoned, always in the first place to satisfy himself. 
He hopes that the volumes will be of real service to Missionaries 
and other students of the Chinese language and literature. They 
have been foremost in his mind as those whom he wished to benefit. 
But he has thought also of the general reader. The Chinese is the 
largest family of mankind. Thoughtful minds in other parts of the 
world cannot but be anxious to know what the minds of this many- 
millioned people have had to live upon for thousands of years. 
The Work will enable them to draw their own conclusions on the 
subject. The author Avill give his views on the scope and value of 
their contents in his prolegomena to the several volumes. Some 
will agree with his opinions, and others will probably diff^er from 
them. He only hopes that he will be found to advance no judg- 
ment for which he does not render a reason. To think freely and for 
hiittself is a source to him of much happiness; his object is to supply 
to others the means of realizing the same for themselves, so far as 
the subjects here investigated are concerned. He hopes also that the 
time is not very remote, when among the Chinese themselves there 
will be found many men of intelligence, able and willing to read Avith- 
out prejudice what he may say about the teachings of their sages. 

Tlie title-page says that the Work will be in seven volumes, — 
two, that is, for the Four Books, and one for each of the Five King. 
It will be necessary, however, from their size, to publish more than 
one of the latter in two or more parts, so that to the eye the 
Work will present the appearance perhaps of ten volumes. Should 
life and health be spared, the author would like to give a supple- 
mentary volume or two, so as to embrace all the l>ooks in " The 
Thirteen King." The second volume is two-thirds printed, and will 
appear, God willing, before the end of the present year He must tlvav 
be permitted to rest for a tiiney before i^roceeding with l\\(i S\\oo- 
Afo^ or The Book of History. His directly iriisj^ionvivy \a\)OV\v^ 



iu 

L 

if 

. 



X PREFACK. 

are the chief business of his life, and require of course his cluct 
attention. The fact that the Work is inscribed to the memory of Mr. 
Jardine impresses him deeply with the frailty of life and the uncer- 
tainty of all human plans. While he has been putting the finish- 
ing hand to this first volume, the same solemn truth has been still 
more realizingly forced upon him by the news of the death of his 
own eldest brother, the thought of giving pleasure to whom by the 
publication was one of the greatest stimuli under the toil of its pre- 
paration. Whether he shall be permitted to accomplish what he 
contemplates, the future alone can determine. 

It would have been an easy matter to swell the volume now 
presented to double the size. In the Chinese Commentatoi's he had 
abundant materials to do so; but the authors object has been to 
condense rather than expand. He has not sought to follow Choc He 
or any other authority. The text, and not the commentary, has 
been his study. He has read the varying views of scholars exten- 
sively, but only that lie might the better understand what was 
written in the Book. He has also consulted the renderings of other 
translators, but never till he had made his own. He may have 
sometimes altered his own to adopt a happier expression from them, 
but the translation is independent. He has not made frequent 
mention in his notes of the labours of other scholars, — not because he 
undervalues them, but because there w^as no necessity to call atten- 
tion to the circumstance, where he agreed with them, and where he 
differed, he thought it more seemly to avoid " doubtful disputations." 

In expressing the sounds of proper names, the author has follow- 
ed the orthography of Morrison and Medhurst ; and in the index 
of Chinese characters he has given, in addition, that of Mr. Wade, 
taken from his " Peking Syllabary." Yet he is afraid that j\Ir. 
Wade may find some characters incorrectly represented, as the 
author could only fix their pronunciation by the analogy of others. 
It may seem strange also to some scholars, that where he has spoken 
in the notes of the tones of characters, he has assumed that in the 
Court dialect there are eight tones in the same way as in the dia- 
lect of Canton Province. The author has not paid sufficient atten- 
tion to the Court dialect to justify his speaking on this point with 
positiveness. If K'ang-he's dictionary were to determine the ques- 
tion, it could be shown that a distinction of '' upper " and " lower'* 



CONTENTS. 



I. THE PROLEGOMENA. 

CHAPTER I. 

OT THE CHINESE CLASSICS OEKERALLT. 
BSCT101V fiQH 

I. Books included under the name of the Chinese Classics, I 

II. The Authority of the Chinese Classics, S 



CHAPTER n. 

OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 

I. Formation of the Text of the Analects by the Scholars of the Han dynasty, IJ 

II. At what time, and by whom, the Analects were written ; their Plan ; and Authen- 

vl^'vjf^ ••• ••• .(« •»• .(( (.( a>a (,, ,,, ,,^ ,,, ^^^ If 

m. Of Commentaries upon the Analects, 14 

IV. Of Various Readings, 21 



CHAPTER in. 

OF THE OEEAT LEARNTNO. 

I. History of the Text, and the different Arrangements of it which have been proposed, S 

II. Of the Authorship, and distinction of the text into Classical Text and Commentary, 26 

HI. Its Scope and Value, ... •«. •.. ... ... ... ••. ••• •«• ... S* 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 

I. Its place in the Le Ke, and its Publication separately, 35 

II. Its Author, and some account of him, • 3^ 

HI. Its Integrity, ... ... ... ... ... ••% ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• " 

IV. Its Scope and Value, ... ••• 4* 



CHAPTER V. 

CONFUCIUS AND HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 

I. Life of Confucius, ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ^ 

II. His Influence, and Opinions, *<^ 

III. His Immediate Disciplos, 11^ 



EKBATA. 



XIU 



CHAPTER VI. 

.1ST OP THE PRIKCIYAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSULTED IK THE PREPARATION 

OF THIS VOLUME. 

ineae Works, with brief notices, 

anslations aud other Works, ... 

II. THE BODY OP THE VOLUME. 

'■lI»*dIHl ATIAIfrvlBy ..« .•• ... ..« ... «.• ..• ... ... ..• 

le Groat Learning^} ••• ••• *•• ••• *«« ••• ••• 

te Doctrine of the Mean, 



PAGE 

129 
185 



1^ 

21G 



III. INDEXES. 



bjects In the Confucian Analects, ... 
oper Kanics in the Confucian Analects,... 

bject8 in the Great Learning, 

Dfier Xaine^ in the Great Leaminpr, 
bject« in the Doctrine of the Mean, ... 
)per Names in the Doctrine of the Mean, 
tnese Characters and Phrases, 



••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

••» ##• •«• ••• ••• 

••• ••• «•• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• •«• ••• •• 

••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• 






• V • 



• • • 
• •• 



299 
806 
810 
811 
311 
313 
8U 



ERRATA. 



I. IN THE CHINE8K TEXT. 



Cb/ttlR1l. 

2, 
1, 
9, 
4, 

2, 

• -5, 
2, 

10, 

iO. 

3, 

7, 



ioT ^ read ^. 

Fj is inverted. 

fop;J5^ read jfj^, 

transpose ^ j^. 




fores read 




E 



>» 



«» 



A- 




P^ is inverted, 
for j^ read ^. 



Page. 
185, 

199, 

228, 

230, 

237, 

256, 

273, 

2S3, 

285, 

290, 

295, 



Colutttfu 
9, 

6, 

8, 

4, 

9, 

1. 

e, 

2. 
2, 
4. 
4, 




n 

n 
n 

■n 



read 
deU 



Face II, between the 6th and 7th Columns, for 
25 

2Q, 1st aud 2(1 „ 

n 4th and 5th ,for ^^ read 

75, 8d and 4th >^^ Jlxi ^^^^ 

116, 6th and 7th ,aftcr^ „ 

258, 3d and 4th ,for j;^ read 

-^^» n tf n > n jE » 



for JS read ^g. 




u 







M 




'^ n ^- 




»» 




transpose VaI ^p. 
forj^ read ^. 
after @ insert ^^. 
for R read Q. 



Hi 



9» 



Hi 



n 



XIV. 



Page* 
3, 

7, 

49, 

62, 

88, 

102, 

117, 

138, 

HI, 
152, 
160, 
173, 



Line. 
10, 

1, 

3, 

6; 

6, 

2, 

3, 

5, 

2, 

16, 



n.. 



I., 

» 
*f 
)> 
i» 
»» 
I. 

n., 



EKKATA. 



II. CUINE8E C11AKACTER8 IK THE NOTER. 



for ^r- read 




}f 








i» 



>» 




.. ?^ 



»> 



w 



1> 




»> 



>l 



» 



« 



» 



l> 



}> 



91 




F1' 









Page. 
182, 

193, 

197, 

207, 

227, 

250, 

257, 

264, 

269, 

293, 

294, 



Line, 
22, 

2, 

4, 

1, 

10, 

12, 
3, 
12, 
18, 
16, 

6, 
4, 



Cofumn. 
I., for ^ read ^. 



it 



», 



IL, 



>» 
I, 

I., 






» 



»» 



»» 




yS 




«< oi, » ^ 



" B8. 



>» 



>f 



>» 





.. M 



», 




>» 



?t 



»> 



}» 



>» 



,9 



9» 



»9 



99 



9, 



% 

M: 
I- 



in. IN THB PROLBOOUENA. 



P«7C. Line, 
2, 24, for Kuh Leang-ch*ih 

read Kuh-leang Chlh. 

•9 vj lor 4*.«... „ ... ,«, ... o, 

10, 24, „ Leang „ Lew. 

15, 15, „ 490... „ 430. 



Page, Line* 

20, 11, for P^ing lead Piig. 

40, 34, „ transpose „ K^ng and Sung. 

67, 14, „ who „ wliidu 

85, 15, „ ages „ sages. 



lY. IN THE TRANSLATION AND NOTES.. 



1, 

130, 
155, 
183, 
201, 



3, for pleasant read ... delightful. 

6, „ governinent „ governments, 

6, refer to char. JS, Index tH. 

1, for hing read shing. 

9, „ nobody „ nobody. 



26, 


17, col. 11^ 


for 540 read ... 6(2. 


99 


13, 99 99 


„ />*«• »9 ••• P'' 


166, 


26, „ I., 


„ HEAD „ ... BAND. 


269, 


3, ,) I., 


„ ships „ slips. 


271, 


23, „ n., 


„ Noty Lin, Sin, 

Tew^Not,LiiLSm, 



PROLEGOMENA. 



CHAPTER I. 



OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. 



SECTION L 

)KS INCLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 

The Books now recognized as of highest authority in China 
>mprehended under the denominations of " The five King^^^i 
'The four Shoo''^ The term King is of textile origin, and 
ies the warp threads of a web, and their adjustment. An easy 
cation of it is to denote what is regular and insures regularity. 
*ed with reference to books, it indicates their authority on the 
cts of which they treat. *' The five King " are the five canonical 
L8, containing the truth upon the highest subjects from the 
of China, and which should be received as law by all genera- 

The term Shoo simply means Writings or Books. 
The five King are : — the Yih^^ or, as it has been styled, " The 
: of Changes ;" the Shoo,^ or " The Book of History ;" the She,^ 
The Book of Poetry ;" the Le Ke,^ or " Record of Rites ;" and 
Jh'uu Ts'ew,^ or " Spring and Autumn," a chronicle of events, 
iding from 721 to 480, B.C. The authorship, or compilation 
;r, of all these works is loosely attributed to Confucius. But 
1 of the Le Ke is from later hands. Of the Yih, the Shoo, and the 
it is only in the first that we find additions from the philoso- 
himself, in the shape of appendixes. The Ch'un Ts'ew is the 
one of the five King which can rightly be described as of his 
" making." 



im- ^mm "sm ^w^- ^mm- ejftit- '%%• 



FROLBOOMKKA.] THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [ch.i 

" The four Books " is an abbreviation for " The Books of the four 
Philosophers." ® The first is the Lun Yu,^ or '' Digested Conversa^ 
tions," being occupied chiefly with the sayings of Confucius. He 
is the philosopher to whom it belongs. It appears in this Work 
under the title of " Confucian Analects." The second is the Ta 
Hifo,^^ or " Great Learning," now commonly attributed to Tsang 
Sin,ii a disciple of the sage. He is the philosopher of it. The third 
is the Chung Yung/^ or " Doctrine of the Mean," ascribed to K'ling 
Keih,^3 the grandson of Confucius. He is the philosopher of ii 
The fourth contains the works of Mencius. 

3. This arrangement of the Classical Books, which is commonly 
supposed to have originated with the scholars of the Sung dynasty, ia 
defective. The Great Learnimj and the Doctrine of the Mean are 
both found in the Record of Rites, being the forty-second and thirty- 
first Books respectively of that compilation, according to the usual 
arrangement of it. » 

4. The oldest enumerations of the Classical Books specify only rt^ 
five King. The Yo Ke, or " Record of Music,"^* the remains of which 
now form one of the Books in the Le Ke, was sometimes added to 
those, making with them the six King. A division was also made into 
nine King^ consisting of the Yih, the She, the Shoo, the Chow Le,^* 
or "Ritual of Chow," the E Le,^^ or " Ceremonial Usages," the Le 
Ke, and the three annotated editions of the Ch*un Ts'ew,^^ by Tso- 
k'ew Ming,i® Kung-yang Kaou,^^ and Kuh Leang-ch'ih.^^ In the 
famous compilation of the classical Books, undertaken by order of 
T'ae-tsung, the second emperor of the T'ang dynasty (b.c 627- 
649), and which appeared in the reign of his successor, there are 
thirteen King ; viz., the Yih, the She, the Shoo, the three editions of 
the Ch'un Ts'ew, the Le Ke, the Chow Le, the E Le, the Confucian 
Analects, the Urh Ya,^^ a sort of ancient dictionary, the Heaou 
King,22 Qr u Classic of Filial Piety," and the works of Mencius. 

5. A distinction, however, was made among the Works thus 
comprehended under the same common name, and Mencius, the 
Lun Yu, the Ta Hiio, the Chung Yung, and the Heaou King were 
spoken of as the seaou King, or " smaller Classics." It thus appears, 



s|zg-f-^# ^Wim- '^i^^' ^^^#- ^^*if- i^?L# 
^m- ^'^mm ^^mfi^.^ ^^m^-n ^^^j^m- ^^^^ 





OCT nj AUTHORITY OF THB CHINESE CLASSICS. [pbolmombma 

contrary to the ordinary opinion on the subject, that the Ta Heo 
aiid Chung Yung had been published as separate treatises before 
the Sung dynasty, and that the Four Books, as distinguished from 
the greater King, had also previously found a place in the literature 
ofCliiiia,23 



SECTION II. 

THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 

1. Tliis subject will be discussed in connection with each separate 
Work, and it is only designed here to exhibit generally the evidence 
on which the Chinese Classics claim to be received as genuine pro- 
ductions of the time to which they are referred. 

2. In the memoirs of the Former Han dynasty (b.c. 201 — a.d. 
24), we have one chapter which we may call the History of Litera- " 
ture.^ It commences thus : — "After the death of Confucius,^ there 
was an end of his exquisite words ; and when his seventy disciples 
had passed away, violence began to be done to their meaning. It 
came about that there were five different editions of the Ch'uu 
Ts^ew, four of the She, and several of the Yih. Amid the disorder 
and collision of the warring States (b.c. 480-221), truth and 
falsehood were still more in a state of warfare, and a sad confusion 
marked the words of the various scholars. Then came the calamity 
inflicted under the Ts'in dynasty (b.c. 220-200), when the literary 
monuments were destroyed by fire, in order to keep the people in 
ignorance. But, by-and-by, there arose the Han dynasty, which 
set itself to remedy the evil wrought by the Ts'in. Great efforts were 
made to collect slips and tablets,^ and the way was thrown wide 
open for the bringing in of Books. In the time of the emperor 
Heaou-woo'* (b.c. 139-86), portions of Books being wanting and 
tablets lost, so that ceremonies and music were suffering great 

23 For the statements in the two hist paragraphs, see gg ^ ^ ^, ^ ^ ^ ^, 

^ll*^#*^>^^ + #^^^- ^#>^- 3 ^ Ig-slips and 
teblf ts on hamboo, which supplied in those da^rs the place of paper. 4 |j[V ^ "^ "jj^ 



nu)t«oojCKfAj THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENEUALLY. [ch. 

damage, he was moved to sorrow, and said, ' I am very sad for 
this.' He therefore formed the plan of Repositories, in wliichi 
the Books might be stored, and appointed officers to transcribe Bookgj 
on an extensive scale, embracing the works of the various scholars^t 
that they might all be placed in the Repositories. The emperoi 
Shing^ (b.c. 31-4), finding that a portion of the Books still con-Ji 
tinned dispersed or missing, commissioned Ch*in Nung, the super- 
intendent of guests,^ to search for undiscovered Books throughouft|rfr 
the empire, and by special edict ordered the chief of the Banquetin; 
House, Lew Heang,^ to examine the classical Works, along with tk j 
commentaries on them, the writings of the scholars, and all poetical* 
productions; the master-controller of infantry, Jin Hwang,'* to tx»- 
amine the Books on the art of war; the grand historiographer, 
YinHeen,^ to examine the Books treating of the art of numbers (Le^ 
divination); and the imperial physician, Le Ch^oo-ko,^^ to examine 
the books on medicine. Whenever an}'^ Book was done with, Heang 
forthwith arranged it, indexed it, and made a digest of it, which was 
presented to the emperor. While the undertaking was in pro- 
gress, Heang died, and the emperor Gae (b.c. 5 — a.d.) appointed- 
his son, Hin,^i a master of the imperial carriages, to complete bi» 
father s work. On this, Hin collected all the books, and presented 
a report of them, under seven divisions." 

The first of these divisions seems to have been a general cata- 
logue,^2 containing perhaps only the titles of the works included in 
the other six. The second embraced the classical Works. ^^ From 
the abstract of it, which is preserved in the chapter referred to, we 
find that there were 294 collections of the Yih-king, from 13 dif- 
ferent individuals or editors ;^* 412 collections of the Shoo-king, from 
9 dififerent individuals; 416 volumes of the She-king, from 6 differ- 
ent individuals ;^^ of the Books of Rites, 555 collections, from 13 

mii^- «:fc:^^^jt- ^Mtn^^ta- ^^i^^mmu 

How much of the whole Work was contained in each j^, it is impossible for us to ascertain. F. 
Regis says : — "Pilen, qmniadmodum Gallice dicunus * des pieces d'eloqucnce, dt poesie* " 15 ^i, 'rt 

4JC» Y^ H — ' "I >^ i^' ^^® collections of the She-king are mentioned under the name 
of Keuen, * sections,' * portions/ Had p'een been used, it niiglit have been understtKxl of individual 
odes. This change of terms shows that by p^etn in the other summaries, we are not to understand 
■iugle blocks or chapters. 

4] 



CT. n.] AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. [pholkgomeita. 

iflTerent individuals ; of the Books on Music, 165 collections, 
roin 6 different editors ; 948 collections of History, under the head- 
ng of the Ch'un Ts'ew, from 23 different individuals; 229 coUec- 
ions of the Lun Yu, including the Analects and kindred fragments, 
rom 1 2 different individuals ; of the Heaou-king, embracing also 
lie Urh Ya, and some other portions of the ancient literature, 59 
collections, from 1 1 different individuals ; and finally of the Lesser 
Learning, being works on the form of the characters, 45 collections, 
from 11 different individuals. The Works of Mencius were includ- 
^ in the second division, ^^ among the Writings of what were 
deemed orthodox scholars, ^^ of which there were 836 collections, 
irom 53 different individuals. 

3. The above important document is sufficient to show how the 
«mperors of the Han dynasty, as soon as they had made good their 
possession of the ^empire, turned their attention to recover the 
ancient literature of the nation, the Classical Books engaging their 
first care, and how earnestly and effectively the scholars of the time 
responded to the wishes of their rulers. In addition to the facts 
specified in the preface to it, I may relate that the ordinance of the 
Is'in dynasty against possessing the Classical Books (with the 
reception, as will appear in its proper place, of the Yih-king) was 
•epealed by the second sovereign of the Han, the emperor Heaou 
Hwuy,^^ in the 4th year of his reign, B.C. 190, and that a large 
)ortion of the Shoo-king was recovered in the time of the third 
mperor, B.C. 178-156, while in the year B.C. 135, a special Board 
VBS constituted, consisting of literati who were put in charge of the 
ive King.^^ 

4. The collections reported on by Lew Hin suffered damage in 
be troubles which began a.d, 8, and continued till the rise of the 
econd or eastern Han dynasty in the year 25. The founder of it 
A.D. 25—57) zealously promoted the undertaking of his predeces- 
ora, and additional repositories were required for the books which 
ire^e collected. His successors, the emperors, Heaou-ming^o (58-75), 
leaou-chang2i (76-88), and Heaou-hwo22 (89-105), took a part 
hemselves in the studies and discussions of the literary tribunal, 



'^^^BJ^- ^'^^^M' i^^EM^- i9^^^7i:3l 

¥'^7JMi^ii±- '^m^^mM^'t^' 2i^^#m^m^- 

5] 



PBOLBaoMKXA.] THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERAIXY. [ca 

and the emperor Heaou-ling,^^ between the years 172-178, had tl 
text of the five King^ as it had been fixed, cut in slabs of stone, i 
characters of three different forms. 

5. Since the Han, the successive dynasties have considered th 
literary monuments of the country to be an object of their special ca 
Many of them have issued editions of the classics, embodying t 
commentaries of preceding generations. No dynasty has disti 
guished itself more in this line than the present Manchew possessoii 
of the Empire. In fine, the evidence is complete that the Classical 
Books of China have come down from at least a century befow 
our Christian era, substantially the same as we have them at pref 
ent, 

6. But it still remains to inquire in what condition we may suppose 
the Books were, when the scholars of the Han dynasty commenced 
their labours upon them. They acknowledge that the tablets— ve 
cannot here speak of manuscripts — were mutilated and in disordff. 
Was the injury which they had received of such an extent that all the 
care and study put forth on the small remains would be of little use? 
This question can be answered satisfactorily, only by an examination 
of the evidence which is adduced for the text of each particular 
Classic; but it can be made apparent that there is nothing, iiitte 
nature of the case, to interfere with our believing that the material* 
were sufficient to enable the scholars to execute the work intrusted 
to them. 

7. The burning of the ancient Books by order of the founder ot 
the Ts'in dynasty is always referred to as the greatest disaster whicb 
they sustained, and with this is coupled the slaughter of many of 
the Literati by the same monarch. 

The account which we have of these transactions in the Historical 
Records is the following : — ^^ 

" In his 34th year," (the 34th year, that is, after he had ascended 
the throne of Ts'in. It was only the 8th after he had been acknow 
ledged Sovereign of the empire, coinciding with B.C. 212), the 
emperor, returning from a vij^it to the south, which had extended as 
far as Yue, gave a feast in the palace of Heen-yang, when the Great 

23 ^ ^ _^ ♦J^. 24 I have thought it well to endeavour to translate the whole of the 
passages. Father de Mailla merely constructs from them a narrative of his own ; see L'JJistoin 
Genernk de La Chine, tome II., pp. 399-402. The j^ ^ j^ g avoids the difficulties of Ui« 
original hy giving an abridgment of it. 

6] 



t. II,] AUTHORITT OP THE CHINESE CLASSICS. [pmugoxeka. 

Iiolars, amounting to seventy men, appeared and wished him long 
* One of the principal ministers, Chow Ts'ing-shin,^^ camefor- 
firard and said, ^ Formerly, the State of Ts'in was only 1,000 le in 
tatent, but Your Majesty, by your spirit-like efficacy and intelli- 
nt wisdom, has tranquillized and settled the whole empire, and 
iren away all barbarous tribes, so that, wherever the sun and 
oon shine, all appear before you as guests acknowledging subjec- 
n. You have formed the States of the various princes into pro- 
nces and districts, where the people enjoy a happy tranquillity, 
ffering no more from the calamities of war and contention, 
is condition of things will be transmitted for 10,000 generations. 
from the highest antiquity there has been no one in awful virtue 
like Your Majesty.' 
"The Emperor was pleased with this flattery, when Shun Yu- 
" ^e,2^ one of the great scholars, a native of Ts'e, advanced and 
d, *The sovereigns of Yin and Chow, for more than a thousand 
^rs^ invested their sons and younger brothers, and meritorious 
ininisters, with domains and rule, and could thus depend upon them 
r support and aid; — that I have heard. But now Your Majesty 
in possession of all within the seas, and your sons and younger 
thers are nothing but private individuals. The issue will be that 
me one will arise to play the part of T'een Chang, ^^ or of the six 
obles of Tsin. Without the support of your own family y where will 
ou find the aid which you may require ? That a state of things not 
odelled from the lessons of antiquity can long continue ; — ^that is 
hat I have not heard. Ts*ing is now showing himself to be a flatterer, 
to increases the errors of Your Majesty, and not a loyal minister.' 
"The Emperor requested the opinions of others on this representa- 
lioD, when the premier, Le Sze,-^ said, 'The five emperors were 
not one the double of the other, nor did the three dynasties accept 
one another's ways. Each had a peculiar system of government, 
not for the sake of the contrariety, but as being required by the 
changed times. Now, Your Majesty has laid the foundations of 
mperial sway, so that it wnll last for 10,000 generations. This is 



25 "W "^ J^ -4- ^ "Ig ^ ^. Tlie 1^ -j^ were not only * great scholars/ but had 
n (jBciai rank. There was what we may call a college of them, consisting of seventy members. 

*MMM^U' *^ W- T'M- 28 flj 5f , - ;!• .bould probably be^,« 
titfffea in the TliafKcoa. 20 y^ ;^ ^ ^. 

7] 



PROLEOOMEXA.] THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [en. 

t 

indeed beyond what a stupid scholar can understand. And, moi 
over, Yue only talks of things belonging to the Three Dynastie^j 
which are not fit to be models to you. At other times, when t\ 
princes were all striving together, they endeavoured to gather thi 
w^andering scholars about them; but now, the empire is in astabl 
condition, and laws and ordinances issue from one supreme aiUJtorit 
Let those of the people who abide in their homes give their strengtl 
to the toils of husbandry, and those who become scholars should studj 
the various laws and prohibitions. Instead of doing this, howeverj 
the scholars do not learn what belongs to the present day, but studj 
antiquity. They go on to condemn the present time, leading the' 
masses of the people astray, and to disorder. 

" At the risk of my life, I, the prime minister, say, — ^Formerly|! 
when the empire was disunited and disturbed, there w^as no one 
w^ho could give unity to it. The princes therefore stood up toge^' 
ther; constant references were made to antiquity to the injury 
the present state ; baseless statements were dressed up to confound 
what was real, and men made a boast of their own peculiar leartt-i 
ing to condemn what their rulers appointed. And now, when YoiAi 
Majesty has consolidated the empire, and, distinguishing black from 
white, has constituted it a stable unity, they still honour their 
peculiar learning, and combine together; they teach men what 
is contrary to your laws. When they hear that an ordinance has 
been issued, every one sets to discussing it with his learning. In 
the court, they are dissatisfied in heart ; out of it, they keep talking 
in the streets. While they make a pretence of vaunting their Mas- 
ter, they consider it fine to have extraordinary views of their o^vn. 
And so they lead on the people to be guilty of murmuring and e\Tl 
speaking. If these things are not prohibited. Your Majesty's au- 
thority will decline, and parties will be formed. The best way la 
to prohibit them. I pray that all the Records in charge of the 
Historiographers be burned,excepting those of Ts'in ; that, with the 
exception of those officers belonging to the Board of Great Scholars, 
all throughout the empire who presume to keep copies of the She- 
king, or of the Shoo-king, or of the books of the Hundred Schools, 
be required to go wuth them to the ofiicers in charge of the several 
districts, and burn them ; ^o that all who may dare to speak together 

8] 



p. XI.] 



AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. [prolboombsa. 



kbout the She and the Shoo be put to death, and their bodies exposed 
II the market place ; that those who make mention of the past, so 
to blame the present, be put to death along with their relatives ; 
^hat officers who shall know of the violation of those rules and not 
^form against the offenders, be held equally guilty with them ; and 
lat whoever shall not have burned their Books within thirty days 
fter the issuing of the ordinance, be branded and sent to labour 
m the wall for four years. The only Books which should be spared 
those on medicine, divination, and husbandry. Whoever wants 
learn the laws may go to the magistrates and learn of them.' 
" The imperial decision was — * Approved.' " 
The destruction of the scholars is related more briefly. In the 
year aft^r the burning of the Books, the resentment of the emperor 
?as excited by the remarks and flight of two scholars who had been 
&vourit«s with him, and he determined to institute a strict inquiry 
^bout all of their class in Heen-yang, to find out whether they had 
ieen making ominous speeches about him, and disturbing the minds 
of the people. The investigation was committed to the Censors,^^ 
and it being discovered that upwards of 460 scholars had violated 
the prohibitions, they were all buried alive in pits,®^ for a warning 
to the empire, while degradation and banishment were employed 
more strictly than before against all who fell under suspicion. The 
emperor s eldest son, Foo-soo, remonstrated with him, saying that 
such measures against those who repeated the words of Confucius 
and sought to imitate him, would alienate all the people from their 
infant dynasty, but his interference ofi\jnded his father so much that 
he was sent off from court, to be with the general who was super- 
intending the building of the great wall. 

8. No attempts have been made by Chinese critics and historians 
to discredit the record of these events, though some have questioned 
the extent of the injury inflicted by theiu on the monuments of 
their ancient literature.^ It is important to observe that the edict 
against the Books did not extend to the Yih-king, which was 

.0 9>^ + i^ A'^BtL^)^^- The meaning of this passage m a whole if 
•nlllcientlj plain, but I am unable to make out the force of the phrase g ^^. 38 See the re- 
mnks of Chlng Eeft-tM (^ |^ ^ ^}, of the Sung dynasty, on the subject, in the ^ 
f^ ^ ^, Bk. clxxir. p. 5. 

9] 



rnoLBooMKMA.] Tlllfc CHINESE CLASSICS GEKEUALLY. [ca^J 

exempted as being a work on divination, nor did it extend to t\ 
other classics which were in charge of the Board of Great ScholanJ 
It is still more important to note that the burning took place only! 
three years before the death of the tyrant who commanded it. He] 
died B.C. 209, and the feeble reign of his second son, who succeec 
ed him, lasted only three years. A brief season of disorder an|j 
struggling between different chiefs for the supreme authority ensuedj I 
but the reign of the founder of the Han dynasty dates from B.ai 
201. Thus, eleven years were all which intervened between the order 
for the burning of the Books and the rise of that family, whidi 
signalized itself by the care which it bestowed for their recovery;] 
and from the edict of the tyrant of Ts'iu against private individuak! 
having copies in their keeping, to its express abrogation by the em- 
peror Heaou Hwuy, there were only 22 years. We may believe, indeed, 
that vigorous efforts to carry the edict into effect would not be coa- 
tiuued longer than the life of its author, — that is, not for more thaa 
about throe years. The calamity inflicted on the ancient Books of - 
China by the House of Ts'in could not have approached to anytliingp: 
like a complete destruction of them. There would be no occasion 
for the scholai-s of the Han dynast \% in regard to the bulk of their 
ancient literature^ to undertake more than the work of receusiott 
and editing. 

9, The idea of forgery by them on a large scale is out of the 
question. The catalogues of Leang Hin enumerated more than 
13,000 volumes of a larger or smaller size, the productions of nearly 
600 different writers, and arranged in .' 8 subdivisions of sul)jects.^ 
In the tWivd oatalomie, the first sulxli vision contained the orthodox 
Avritors'^*» to the number of 53, with 83(5 Works or |>ortions of their 
AVorks, Uotweon Menoius and K^ung Kcih, the gmndson of Coii' 
fucius, eiuiit diffoivnt authoi's have place. The second subdivision 
c\>nr;ruK \l rho Works of the Taouist sohooK^ amountinsr to 993 collee- 
lions. tiN>m 37 different authors. The sixth sulnlivision contaiued 
the Mihi>t writors.-^^ to the numlvr of 6, with their productions 
in SO colUv:ion:v I sjKxnfy tlu'>e two sululivi^ivais, because they 
embnuwl the Works of soluv>l> or seo:> ant;;:r^n3-t to that of Con- 
fuvixis aiid some of ilicui still h >lvl a plaoe in ChiiK^se literature, 



i"3 



p. n.] AUTnORITY OP THE CHINESE CLASSICS. [proleoomesa. 

i contain many references to the five Classics, and to Confucius 
d his disciples. 

10. The inquiry pursued in the above paragraphs conducts us to 
e conclusion that the materials from which the Chissics, as tliev 
ve come down to us, were compiled and edited in the two ceii- 
ries preceding our Christian era, were genuine remains, going back 
a still more remote period. The injury wdiich they sustained 
)Hi the dynasty of Ts'in was, I believe, the same in character as 
at to which they were exposed, during all the time of "the 
arring States." It may have been more intense in degree, but the 
nstant warfare which prevailed for some centuries among the 
BFerent States which composed the empire was eminently unfavour- 
le to the cultivation of literature. Mencius tells us how tlie 
inces had made away with many of the records of antiquity, from 
lich their own usurpations and innovations might have been con- 
inned.*^ Still the times were not unfruitful, either in scholars or 
Ltesmen, to whom the ways and monuments of antiquity were dear, 
d the space from the rise of the Ts'in dynasty to Confucius was 
t very great. It only amounted to 258 years. Between these 
periods Mencius stands as a connecting Hide. Born probably 
the year B.C. 371, he reached, by the intervention of K'ung Keili, 
ck to the sage himself, and as his death happened n.c. 288, 
i are brought down to within nearly half a century of the Ts'in 
nasty. From all these considerations we may proceed with confi- 
nce to consider each separate Work, believing that we have in 
ese Classics and Books what the great sage of China and his dis- 
pies gave to their country more than 2,000 years ago. 

38. See Mencius, V. Ft. II. u. 9. 



11] 



nouMOMBirA.] THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [cH.a 



CHAPTER II. 

OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



SECTION I. 

FORMATION OF THE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THE SCHOLARS 

OF THE HAN DYNASTY. 

1. When the work of collecting and editing the remains of the 
Classical Books was undertaken by the scholars of Han, there appear- 
ed two different copies of the Analects, one from Loo, the native State 
of Confucius, and the other from Ts*e, the State adjoining. Between 
these there were considerable differences. The former consisted of 
twenty Books or Chapters, the same as those into which the Chask 
is now divided. The latter contained two Books in addition, andia 
the twenty Books, which they had in common, the chapters and 
sentences were somewhat more numerous than in the Loo exemplar. 

2. The names of several individuals are given, who devoted them- 
selves to the study of those two copies of the Classic. Among the 
patrons of the Loo copy are mentioned the names of Shinoj, the prince 
of Hea, grand-tutor of the heir-apparent, who died at the age of 90, 
and in the reign of the emperor Seuen (b.c. 72 — 48) ;^ Seaou Wang- 
che,2 a general officer, who died in the reign of the emperor Yuen, 
(b.c. 47-32) ; Wei Heen, who was premier of the empire from B.c. 
70-66 ; and his son Heuen-shing.^ As patrons of the Ts'e, copy, we 
have Wang K4ng, who was a censor in the year B.C. 99 ;* Yung 
Shang,^ and Wang Keih,^ a statesman who died in the beginning of 
the reign of the emperor Yuen. 

3. But a third copy of the Analects was discovered about B.a 
150. One of the sons of the emperor King was appointed king of 
Loo,^ in the year B.C. 153, and some time after, wishing to enlarge 
his palace, he proceeded to pull down the house of the K*ung family, 
known as that where Confucius himself had lived. While doing so, 



12] 



w. I.] FORMATION OF THE T15XT. [pbolxoombha. 

ere were found in the wall copies of the Shoo-king, the Ch*un 
5*ew, the Heaou-king, and the Lun Yu or Analects, which had 
ien deposited there, when the edict for the burning of the Books 
as issued. They were all written, however, in the most ancient 
rm of the Chinese character,® which had fallen into disuse, and 
e king returned them to the K'ung family, the head of which, 
*ung Gan-kwo,^ gave himself to the study of them, and finally, in 
>edience to an imperial order, published a Work called " The Lun 
u, with Explanations of the Characters, and Exhibition of the 
eaning."^^ 

4. The recovery of this copy will be seen to be a most import- 
it circumstance in the history of the text of the Analects. It is 
ferred to by Chinese writers, as "The old Lun Yu." In the 
storical narrative which we have of the affair, a circumstance is 
Ided which may appear to some minds to throw suspicion on the 
hole account. The king was finally arrested, we are told, in his 
irpose to destroy the house, by hearing the sounds of bells, musical 
ones, lutes, and harpsichords, as he was ascending the steps that led 
► the ancestral hall or temple. This incident was contrived, we 
lay suppose, by the K'ung family, to preserve the house, or it may 
ftve been devised by the historian to glorify the sage, but we may 
ot, on account of it, discredit the finding of the ancient copies of 
lie Books. We have K'ung Gan-kw5's own account of their being 
ommitted to him, and of the ways which he took to decipher them. 
lie work upon the Analects, mentioned above, has not indeed come 
own to us, but his labours on the Shoo-king still remain. 

5. It has been already stated, that the Lun Yu of Ts'e contained 
vo Books more than that of Loo. In this respect, the old Lun 
u agreed with the Loo exemplar. Those two books were wanting 
/in as well. The last book of the Loo Lun was divided in it, 
Dwever, into two, the chapter beginning, " Yaou said," forming a 
hole Book by itself, and the remaining two chapters formed ano- 
ler Book beginning " Tsze-chang." With this trifling difference, 
le old and the Loo copies appear to have agreed together. 

S ^f -2^ "^ Hpf— lit., 'tadpole characters/ They were, it is said, the original forms 
Tised by Tt'ang-Ke?, with large heads and fine tails, like the creature from which they were 
imed. See the notes to the preface to the Shoo-king in 'The thirteen Classics.' 9 ^ ^ 

9' ^^ ii^ ^ ^'1 ^- ^^ ^^^ Preface to the Lun Yu in ' The thirteen King.' It has been 
Y principal authority in this Section. 

13] 



FROLTOOjfKNA.] TlIE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [en. 

6. Chang Yu, prince of Gan-ch*ang, who died B.C. 4, after havinj 
sustained several of the highest offices of the empire, instituted i\ 
comparison between the exemplars of Loo and Ts'e, with a view t^l 
determine the true text The result of his labours appeared \i\ 
twenty-one Books, which are mentioned in Lew Hin's catalofrne. 
They were known as the Lun of the prince Chang,^^ amj commanded 
general approbation. To Chang Yu is commonly ascribed the eject- 
ing from the Classic the two additional books which the Ts^e axm* 
plar contained, but Ma Twan-lin prefers to rest that circumstance 
on the authority of the old Lun, which we have seen was without 
them.i^ If we had the two Books, we might find sufficient reason from 
their contents to discredit them. That may have been sufficient 
for Chang Yu to condemn them as he did, but we can hardly 
suppose that he did not have before him the old Lun, which had 
come to light about a century before he published his Work. 

7. In the course of the second century, a new edition of the 
Analects, with a commentary, was publislied by one of the greatest 
scholars which China has ever produced, Ch*ing Heuen, known also 
as Ch'ing K'angshing.^* He died in the reign of the emperor Heeri 
(a.d. 190-220) at the age of 74, and the amount of his labours on 
the ancient classical literature is almost incredible. While he 
adopted the Loo Lun as the received text of his time, he compared 
it minutely with those of Ts*e and the old exemplar. In the last 
section of this chapter will be found a list of the readings in his 
commentary different from those which are now acknowledged, in 
deference to the authority of Choo He, of the Sung dynasty. They 
are not many, and their importance is but trifling. 

8. On the whole, the above statements will satisfy the reader of 
the care with which the text of the Lun Yu was fixed durin<r the 
dynasty of Han. 

SECTION IL 

AT WHAT TIME, AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WERE WRITTEN ; 

THEIR PLAN ; AND AUTHENTICITY. 

1 At the commencement of the notes upon the first Book, under 
the heading — " The Title of the Work," I have given the received 



ll^g^^Si^- J2 5g>^fgr. 13 ^ J[|^ ^ :^-, Bk. clxxxiT. p 3. 

14] 



■CI. l] by whom written. [prolkoomeka. 

xicount of its autlvorship, taken from the " History of Literature" 
>f the western Han dynasty. According to that, the Analects were 
oui[)iled by the disciples of Confucius, coming together after his 
lentil, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversa- 
ions whicli they had severally preserved. But this cannot be true. 
Ve may believe, indeed, that many of the disciples put on record 
onversations which they had had with their ifnister, and notes about 
lis manners and incidents of his life, aud that these have been 
iicorporated with the Work which we have, but that Work must 
lave taken its present form at a period somewhat later. 

In Book Vni., chapters iii. and iv., we have some notices of the 
ast days of Tsang Sin, and are told that he was visited on his death- 
bed by the officer Mang King. Now King was the posthumous 
title of Chung-sun Tsee,^ and we find him alive, (Le Ke, H. Pt. II. ii. 
2) after the death of duke To of Loo,^ which took place B.C. 490, about 
fifty years after the death of Confucius. 

Again, Book XIX. is all occupied with the sayings of the disciples. 
Confucius personally does not appear in it. Parts of it, as chapters 
iii., xii., and xviii., carry us down to a time when the disciples had 
schools and followers of their own, and were accustomed to sustain 
their teachings by referring to the lessons which they had heard 
from the sage. 

Thirdly, there is the second chapter of Book XL, the second 
paragrapii of which is evidently a note by the compilers of the 
IV^ork, enumerating ten of the principal disciples, and classifying 
hem according to their distinguishing characteristics. We can 
lardly suppose it to have been written wliile any of the ten were 
ilive. But there is among them the name of Tsze-hea, who lived 
o the age of about a hundred. We find him, B.C. 406, three quar- 
4;rs of a century after the death of Confucius, at the court of Wei, 
-0 the prince of which lie is reported to have presented some of the 
Classical Books.^ 

2. We cannot therefore accept the above account of the orinn of 
he Analects, — that they were compiled by the disciples of Confucius. 
Uuch more likely is the view that we owe the work to their disci- 
ples. In the note on I. ii. 1, a peculiarity is poiilted out in the 




I Sec Choo lies commentary, in /oc.~^ ^^-^^ ^ ^h ^^ i^ ^ ^^ "^ 

15] 



noLBOOMBVA.] THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [olq 

use of the surnames of Yew Jo and Tsang Sin, which has m 
some Chinese critics attribute the compilation to their foUowe 
But this conclusion does not stand investigation. Others ha 
assigned different portions to different schools. Thus, Book V. i 
given to the disciples of Tsze-kung ; Book XI, to those of Min Ta 
k*een ; Book XIV, to Yuen Heen ; and Book XVI has been suppo^l 
ed to be interpolated from the Analects of Ts*e. Even if we wei 
to acquiesce in these decisions, we should have accounted only f( 
a small part of the Work. It is better to rest in the generd coBr 
elusion, that it was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of M 
sage, making free use of the written memorials concerning him 
which they had received, and the oral statements which they had 
heard, from their several masters. And we shall not be far wronj 
if we determine its date as about the end of the fourth, or the begin- 
ning of the fifth century before Christ. 

3. In the critical work on the Four Books, called " Record of Re- 
marks in the village of Yung,"* it is observed, " The Analects, in my 
opinion, were made by the disciples, just like this record of remarla^ 
There they were recorded, and afterwards came a first-rate hand, 
who gave them the beautiful literary finish which we now witnesses© 
that there is not a character which does not have its own indispens- 
able placets We have seen that the first of these statements contains 
only a small amount of truth with regard to the materials of the 
Analects, nor can we receive the second. If one hand or one mini 
had digested the materials provided by many, the arrangement andj 
style of the work would have been different. We should not have^ 
had the same remark appearing in several Books, with little variatioiif 
and sometimes with none at all. Nor can we account on this sup- 
position for such fragments as the last chapters of the 9th, 10th, 
and 16th Books, and many others. No definite plan has been kept 
in view throughout. A degree of unity appears to belong to somt 
Books more than others, and in general to the first ten more thai 
to those wliich follow, but there is no progress of thought oi 
illustration of subject from Book to Book. And even in those when 



* ^^ i^ m' ^'""^^ ^' **^® ▼iUage of Tung,' is, I conceire, the writer's nom de phm 

16] 



■BCT. n.] THEin AUTIIENTICITT. [fbolegohkvjl 

the chapters have a common subject, they are thrown together at 
random more than on any plan. 

4. Wlieu the Work was first called tlie Lim Yu, we cannot tell.« 
rhe evidence in the preceding section is sufficient to prove that 
when the Han scholars were engaged in collecting the ancient 
Books, it came before them, not in broken tablets, but complete, 
and arranged in Books or Sections, as we now have it. The old 
Lun was found deposited in the wall of the house which Confucius 
had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than B.C. 
211, distant from the date w^hich I have assigned to the compilation, 
not much more than a century and a half. That copy, written in 
the most ancient characters, was, possibly, the autograph of the 
compilers. 

We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several 
authors of the third and fourth centuries before Christ. Of these, in 
addition to "The Great Learning," "The Doctrine of the Mean," and 
''The Works of Mencius," I have looked over the Works of Seun 
K'ing^ of the orthodox school, of the philosophers Chwang and Lee 
of the Taouist school,® and of the heresiarch Mih.^ 

In The Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv., we have the 
words of Ana. XII. xiii. In The Doctrine of the Mean, ch. iii.. 
We have Ana. VI. xxvii.; and in ch. xxviii. 5, we have Ana. III. 
xxiv- In Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 19, we have Ana^ VII. xxxiii., and 
in vii. 2, Ana. IV. i.; in III. Pt. I. iv. 11, Ana. VIII. xviii., xix.; in 
IV. Pt. I. xiv. 1, Ana. XI. xvi. 2 ; V. Pt. II. vii. 9, Ana. X. xiii. 4. ; 
and in VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 1, 2, 8, Ana. V. xxi., XIII. xxi., and XVII. 
xiii. These quotations, however, are introduced by "The Master said," 
or " Confucius said," no mention being made of any book called 
"The Lun Yu," or Analects. In The Great Learning, Commentary, 
X. 15, we have the words of Ana. IV. iii., and in Mencius, III. Pt. II. 
viL 3, those of Ana. XVII. i, but without any notice of quotation. 

6 In the continuation of the "General Examination of Records and Scholars, (J^ OCwt ^fi 

^), Bk. cxcviii. p. 17, it is said, indeed, on the authority of Wang Ch*ung (^ ^), a scholar 
of the 1st century, that when the Work came out of the wall it waa named a Chuenor Record 
(f^), and that it was when K'ung Gau-kwu instructed a native of Tsin, named Foo-kMng, in it, 

that it first got the name of Lun Yu -.--^ 't}j'#i»lioT?li^^'-^;20#' 
?l^SJ^*il«itWA^i)^'^tii^ig^- int were so, it i. .trang, 
the circumstance is not meutioued ia Ho An's i)rcface. 7 y^ fflj. 8 A^ -?•, 2m -^. 

17] 




FBOtEGOMBifA.] THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ch. 

In the Writings of Seun K4ng, Book I. page 2, we find the words 
of Ana. XV. xxx; p. 6, those of XIV. xxv. In Book VIII. p. 13^ 
we have the words of Ana. II. xvii. But in these three instances, 
there is no mark of quotation. 

In the Writings of Chwang, I have noted only one passage wlierc^ 
the words of the Analects are reproduced. Ana. XVIII. v. is found, 
but with large additions, and no reference of quotation, in his treatise 
on "The state of Men in the world, Intermediate,"^^ placed, thatii^ 
between Heaven and Earth. In all those VVbrks, as well as in those o£ 
Leo and Mih, the references to Confucius and his disciples, and to 
many circumstances of his life, are numerous.^^ The quotations of 
sajungs of his not found in the Analects are likewise nuiiiy,especiallyiii 
the Doctrine of the Mean, in Meiicius, and in the works of Chwang. 
Those in the latter are mostly burlesques, but those by the orthodox 
writers have more or less of classical authority. Some of them maybe 
found in the Kea Yu,^^ or " Family Sayings," and in parts of theLeKe, 
while others are only known to us by their occurrence in tliese Writ- 
ings. Altogether, they do not sup[)ly the evidence, for which I ara 
in quest, of the existence of the Analects as a distinct Work, bearing 
the name of the Lun Yu, prior to the Ts'in dynasty. They leave 
the presumption, however, in favour of those conclusions, which 
arises from the facts stated in the first section, undisturbed. They 
confirm it rather. * They show that there Wiis abundance of materi- 
als at hand to the scholars of Han, to compile a much larger AVork 
with the same title, if they had felt it their duty to do the business 
of compilation, and not that of editing. 

SECTION III. 

OF COMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS. 

1. It would be a vast and unpi-ofitable labour to attempt to give 
a list of the Commentaries which have been published on this Work. 
My object is merely to point out how zealously the business of inter- 
pretation was undertaken, as soon as the text had been recovered 
by the scholars of the Han dynasty, and with what industry it has 
been persevered in down to the present time. 

10 ^ ^ ||r. 11 In Mih*8 chapter against the Literati, he niontiotiB some of the chmc- 
terUtica uf Confucius, in the yery words of the 10th Book of Uic Analects. 12 ^k ^^. 

18] 



. m.] COMMENTARIES. [prolegomesa 

2. Mention has been made, in Section T. G, of the Lun of prince 
Chang, publislied in the half century before our era. Paou Heen,^ a 
distinguished scholar and officer, of the reign of Kwang-woo,^ the first 
emperor of the Eastern Han dynast}^ a.d. 25-57, and another schohir 
>f the surname Chow,^ less known but of the same time, published 
Works, containing arrangements of this into chapters and sentences, 
tvith explanatory notes. The critical work of K*ung Gan-kw6 on the 
old Lun Yu has been referred to. That was lost in consequence of 
tuspicions under which Gan-kwo fell towards the close of the reign 
of the emperor Woo, but in the time of the emperor Shun, a.d. 126- 
l44, anotlier scholar, Ma Yung,^ undertook the exposition of the 
characters in the old Lun, giving at the same time his views of the 
general meaning. The labours of dicing Heuen in the second 
century have been mentioned. Not long after his death, there ensued 
a. period of anarchy, when the empire was divided into three govern- 
rnents, well known from the celebrated historical romance, called 
'* The Three States." The strongest of them, the House of Wei, pa- 
tronized literature, and three of its high officers and scholars, Ch4n 
K'eiin, Wang Suh, and Chow Shang-liie,^ in the first half, and pro- 
bably the second quarter, of the third century, all gave to the 
ivorld their notes on the Analects. 

Very shortly after, five of the chief ministers of the Government of 

Wei, Sun Yung, Ch'ing Cheung, Tsaou He, Seun Iv'ae, and Ho An,6 

united in the production of one great Work, entitled, "A Collection of 

Explanations of the Lun Yu."^ It embodied the labours of all the 

writers which have been mentioned, and having been frequently 

reprinted by succeeding dynasties, it still remains. The preface of 

the five compilers, in the form of a memorial to the emperor, so 

called, of the House of AVei, is published with it, and has been of 

much assistance to me in writing these sections. Ho An was the 

leader among them, and the work is conmionly quoted as if it were 

the production of him alone. 

1^^- ^±^- ^^^- *ii)Ii^f^'^^^^'.iSt</y^ 

19] 



FROLBaOMEHA«] 



THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



[cfl 



3. From Ho An downwards, there has hardly been a dvnasty 
which has not contributed its labourers to the illustration of the 
Analects. In the Leang, which occupied the throne a good part of j 
the sixth century, there appeared the " Comments of Wang K'an,"8 
who to the seven authorities cited by Ho An added other thirteen, 
being scholars who had deserved well of the Classic during tlie^ 
intermediate time. Passing over other dynasties, we come to thcj 
Sung, A.D. 960-1279. An edition of the Classics was published by, 
imperial authority, about the beginning of the 11th century, witi 
the title of " The correct Meaning." The principal scholar engaged 
in the undertaking was Hing P'ing.^ The portion of it on the 
Analects^^ is commonly reprinted in *'The Thirteen Classics," after 
Ho An's explanations. But the names of the Sung dynasty are all 
thrown into the shade by that of Choo He,, than whom China has not 
produced a greater scholar. He composed, in the 12th centurv, 
three Works on the Analects: — the first called "Collected Mean- 
ings,"^^ the second, "Collected Comments ;"12 and the third, "Que-^ 
ries."^^ Nothing could exceed the grace and clearness of his stvle,i 
and the influence which he has exerted on the literature of China 
has been almost despotic. 

The scholars of the present dynasty, however, seem inclined to 
question the correctness of his views and interpretations of the 
Classics, and the chief place among them is due to Maou Ree- 
ling, ^* known by the Twm de jjlume of Se-ho,^^ His writings, under 
the name of " The collected Works of Se-ho,"^^ have been published 
in 80 volumes, containing between three and four hundi'ed books or 
sections. He has nine treatises on The Four Books, or parts of 
them, and deserves to take rank with Ch'ing Heuen and Choo He 
at the head of Chinese scholars, though he is a vehement opponent 
of the latter. Most of his writings are to be found also in the great 
Work called "A collection of Works on the Classics, under the 
Imperial dynasty of Ts'ing,"^^ which contains 1,400 sections, and is 
a noble contribution by the present rulers of China to the illustra- 
tion of its ancient literature. 



8 





pp 



17 



10 ss? sS- IE ^^ 



11 g 






12 



m 






15 ® M- i« B§ /rT ^ ^ 



20] 



«. IT.] VARIOUS READINGS^ [prolboomeha. 



SECTION IV, 



OF VARIOUS READINGS. 



In "The Collection of Supplementary Observations on The Four 
>oks/'^ the second chapter contains a general view of commentaries 
I tlie Analects, and from it I extract the following list of various 
adings of the text found in the comments of Ch'ing Heuen, and 
ferred to in the first section of this chapter. 



look XL i., ;gt for ^ ; viii., ^ for ^; xix., fg for ^; xxiii. 1, + tt "^ ^• 
boat -J^, for -|^ [if Pf ^ -1^. Book III. vii, in the clause jj^\ jjll^j[^> he makea a 
L stop at jh ; xxi. 1, dfc for Jgj^, Book IV. x., S^ for ^§ , and ^^ for &.' Book V. 
., he puts a full stop at -jp-. Book VL vii., he has not the characters BlJ ^'. Book VII. 

SL for Mji ; xxxiv., ~]r^j^ simply, for "^'^Bt^W* ®^^^ ^^' ^'» ^f^ '^' '^^ Book XI. 
- 7, ^ for ^, and ^ for ^. Book XIII. iii. 3, ^ ^^ for ^ ; xviii. 1, ^ for j|g. 

>kXlV.xxxi;^for;^;xxxiv.l.>(^g:^jjjg^|aforiBr^:gfi^ 

,- M. Book XV. i. 2, 7^ f<^r l|g. Book XVI. i. 13, ^ for ^. Book XVII. i., ^ for 
\ ; xxir. 2, J^ for ^. Book XVIU. iv., ^ f or ^ ; viii. 1, ^ for ;^. 



These various readings are exceedingly few, and in themselves 
significant. The student who wishes to pursue this subject at 
igth, is provided with the means in the Work of Teih (? Chih) 
^aou-show,i expressly devoted to it. It forms sections 449-473 
the Works on the Classics, mentioned at the close of the last 
ction. 



^n^m^m- ^mm^nw^M 



' ^^***"^"^"''-^ — " — I 1 ~ i .-_-ui_ i u 



21] 



pkolboomeha] the GREAT LEARNING. [en 



) 



CHAPTER III. 

OF THE GREAT LEARNING. 

« 

SECTION I. 

HISTORY OF THE TEXT, AND THE DIFFERENT ARRANGEMENTS OF 

WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED. 

1. It has already been mentioned that " The Great Learning" fo 
one of the Chapters of the Le Ke, or '' Record of Rites," the fom 
tion of the text of which will be treated of in its proper place 
will only say here, that the Book, or Books, of Rites had suffer 
much more, after the death of Confucius, than the other anciei 
Classics which had been collected and digested by him. They w 
in a more dilapidated condition at the time of the revival of t 
ancient literature under the Han dynasty, and were then publish 
in three collections, only one of which — the Record of Rites — ^retail 
its place among the King. 

The Record of Rites consists, according to the current arrangi 
ment, of 49 Chapters or Books. Lew Heang (see ch. I. sect. II. 2.) 
took the lead in its formation, and was followed by the two famo 
scholars, Tae Tih,i and his relative, Tae Shing,2 The first of th 
reduced upwards of 200 chapters, collected by Heang, to 89, am 
Shing reduced these again to 46. The three other Books wei 
added in the second century of our era, The Great Learning bein 
one of them, by Ma Yung, mentioned in the last chapter, section 11 
2. Since his time, the Work has not received any further additions. < 

2. In his note appended to what he calls the chapter of " ClassicaP 
Text," Choo He says that the tablets of the " old copies " of the rert 
of The Great Learning were considerably out of order. By those olA 
copies, he intends the Work of Ch'ing Heuen, who published hiscoBH 
mentary on the Classic, soon after it was completed by the addition^ 
of Ma Yung; and it is possible that the tablets were in confusion^ 1 
and had not been arran^^ed with sufficient care ; but such a thing 






. 2 gp §g. Sliing was the son of a cousin of Tih*8. 

22] 



p I.] HISTORY OF THE TEXT. [pkolbqomkma. 

>es not appear to have been suspected until the 12th century, nor 
n any authority from ancient monuments be adduced in its sup- 
>rt. 

I have related how the ancient Classics were cut on slabs of stone 
' imperial order, a.d. 175, the text being that which the various 
erati liad determined, and which had been adopted by Ch'ing 
euen. Tlie same work was performed about seventy years later, 
ider tlie so-called dynasty of Wei, between the years 240 and 248, 
d the two sets of slabs were set up together. The only difference 
tween them was, that whereas the Classics had been cut in the 
st instance in three different forms, called, the Seal character, the 
ittern style, and the Imperfect form, there was substituted for tlie 
;ter in the slabs of Wei the oldest form of the characters, similar 

that whicli has been described in connection with the discovery 

the old Lun Yu in the wall of Confucius' house. Amid the 
anges of dynasties, the slabs both of Han and Wei had perished, 
fore the rise of the T^ang dynasty, a.d. 624; but under one of its 
iperors, in the year 836, a copy of the Classics was again cut on 
>ne, though only in one form of the character. These slabs we 
n trace down through the Sung dynasty, when they were known 
the tablets of Shen.^ They were in exact conformity with the text 

the Classics adopted by Ch^ng Heuen in his commentaries. 

The Sung dynasty did not accomplish a similar work itself, nor has 
ly one of the three which have followed it thought it necessary 
► engrave in stone in this way the ancient Classics. About the 
iddle of the 16th century, however, the literary world in China 
as startled by a report that the slabs of Wei which contained 
he Great Learning had been discovered. But this was nothing 
lore than the result of an im[)udent attempt at an imposition, 
>r which it is difficult to a foreigner to assign any adequate cause. 
'he treatise, as printed from these slabs, has some trifling additions, 
iad many alterations in the order of the text, but differing from the 
^ngements proposed by Choo He, and by other scholars. There 
teeius to be now no difference of opinion among Chinese critics that 
fte whole affair was a forgery. The text of The Great Learning, as 
fe appears in the Book of Rites with the commentary of Ch'ing 

23] 



PBOIEOOMEKA.] 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



[ca,j| 



Heuen, and was thrice engraved on stone, in three different dynasti 
is, no doubt, that which was edited in the Han dynasty by Ma \ 

3. 1 have said, that it is possible that the tablets containing 
text were not arranged with sufficient care by him, and indeed, 
one who studies the treatise attentively, will probal)ly come to 
conclusion that the part of it forming the first six chapters of co 
mentary in the present Work is but a fragment. It would not 
difficult task to propose an arrangement of the text different fn 
any which J have yet seen ; but such an undertaking would n 
be interesting out of China. My object here is simply to men 
the Chinese scholars who have rendered themselves famous or 
torious in their own country, by what they have done in this \yvi 
The first was Ch'ingHaou, a native of Loh-yang in Ho-nan provin 
in the 11th century.* His designation was Pih-shun, but since 
death he has been known chiefly by the style of Ming.taou,^ whii 
we may render the Wise-in-doctrine. The eulogies heaped on hi 
by Choo He and others are extravagant, and he is placed iram 
ately after Mencius in the list of great scholars. Doubtless he 
a man of vast literary acquirements. The greatest change which 
introduced into Tlie Great Learning, was to read si7i^ for te'm/ 
the commencement, making the second object proposed in the tr 
tise to be the renovation of the people, instead of loving them. T 
alteration and his various transpositions of the text are found i 
Maou Se-ho's treatise on " The attested text of The Great Learning.' 

Hardly less illustrious than Ch'ing Haou was his younger brothi 
Ch*ing E, known by the style of Ching-shuh,^ and since his deal 
by that of E-ch'uen.^^ He followed Haou in the adoption of the 
ing " to renovate^'' instead of " to love" But he transposed the t 
differently, more akin to the arrangement afterwards made bv Oh 
He, suggesting also that there were some superfluous sentences in tl 
old text which might conveniently be erased. The Work, as p 
posed to be read by him, will be found in the volume of Maou j 
referred to. i 

We come to the name of Choo He who entered into the labours 
the brothers Ch'ing, the younger of whom he styles his Master, i 
his introductory note to The Great Learning. His arrangement 




24] 




HISTORY OF THE TEXT. [prolbgomewa. 

St is that now current in all the editions of the Four Books, 
had nearly displaced the ancient text altogether. The sanc- 
f Imperial approval was given to it during the Yuen and Ming 
ties. In the editions of the five king published by them, only 
ames of The Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learmng 
preserved. No text of these Books was given, and Se-ho tells 
\t in the reign of Kea-tsing,^^ the most flourishing period of the 
dynasty (a.d. 1522-1566), when Wang Wan-shing,^^ published 
jT of The Great Learning, taken from the T*ang edition of the 
ien King^ all the officers and scholars looked at one another in 
ishment, and were inclined to suppose that the Work was a 
•y. Besides adopting the reading of sin for tsHn from the 
g, and modifying their arrangements of the text, Choo He 
other innovations. He first divided the whole into one chap- 
' Classical text, which he assigned to Confucius, and ten chapters 
mmentary, which he assigned to the disciple TsSng. Previous 
n, the whole had been published, indeed, without any specifi- 
i of chapters and paragra])hs. He undertook, moreover, to 
y one whole chapter, which he supposed, after his master 
g, to be missing. 

ice the time of Choo He, many scholars have exercised their 
n The Great Learning. The Work of Maou Se-ho contains four 
gements of the text, proposed respectively by the scholars Wang 
hae,^^ Ke P'ang-san,^'* Kaou King-yih,^^ and Ko Hoo-chen.^^ 
jurious student may examine them there. 
ider the present dynasty, the tendency has been to depreciate 
abours of Choo He. The integrity of the text of Ch^ing 
n is zealously maintained, and the simpler method of interpreta- 
jmployed by him is advocated in preference to the more refined 
ngenious schemes of the Sung scholars. I have referred several 
\ in the notes to a Work published a few years ago, under the 
of " The Old Text of the sacred King^ witli Commentary and 
issions, by Lo Chung-fan of Nan-hae."^^ I knew the man seven- 
years ago. He was a fine scholar, and had taken the second 
«, or that of KeU'jin. He applied to me in 1843 for Christian 
ism, and offended by my hesitancy went and enrolled himself 



. 25] 




FBOLBOOMBKA..] 



THK GREAT LEARNING. 



[en. 



among the disciples of another Missionary. He soon, however^ 
withdrew into seclusion, and spent the last years of his life in literal 
studies. His family have published the work on The Great Learning 
and one or two others. He most vehemently impugns nearly evei 
judgment of Choo He, but in his own exhibitions of the meaning 
blends many ideas of the Supreme Being and of the condition 
human nature, which he had learned firom the Christian Scripti 



SECTION II. 



OF THE AUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OP THE TEXT INTO CLASSICi 

TEXT AND COMMENTARY. 

1. The authorship of The Great Learning is a very doubtful point 
and one on which it does not appear possible to come to a decide 
conclusion. Choo He, as I have stated in the last section, detetj 
mined that so much of it was king^ or Classic, being the very won 
of Confucius, and that all the rest was chuen^ or Commentarj'', beii 
the views of Tsang Sin upon the sage's words, recorded by his 
ciples. Thus, he does not expressly attribute the composition 
the Treatise to Tsang, as he is generally supposed to do. What he 
says, however, as it is destitute of external support, is contrary also 
to the internal evidence. The 4th chapter of commentary com- 
mences with " The Master said." Surely, if there were anythingj 
more, directly from Confucius, there would be an intimation of it 
in the same way. Or, if we may allow that short sajungs of Coi 
fucius might be interwoven with tlie Work, as in the 15th paragra{ 
of the 10th chapter, without referring them expressly to him, it ^ 
too much to ask us to receive the long chapter at the beginning 
being from him. With regard to the Work having come from th^ 
disciples of Tsang Sin, recording their master's views, the paragrapi 
in chapter 6th, commencing with '' The disciple Tsang said," seems t( 
be conclusive against that hypothesis. So much we may be sure 
Tsang's, and no more. Both of Choo He's judgments must be 
aside. We cannot admit either the distinction of the contents int^ 
Classical text and Commentary, or that the Work was the produtr 
tion of TfeSng's disciples. 

26] 



ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [pholtoohbka. 

hen was the author ? An ancient tradition attributes it 
eih, the grandson of Confucius. In a notice published, 
of their preparation, about the stone slabs of Wei, the 
atement by Kea Kwei, a noted scholar of the 1st century 
-" When K'ung Keih was living, and in straits, in Sung, 
1 lest the lessons of the former sages should become 
i the principles of the ancient emperors and kings fall 
nd, he therefore made The Great Learning as the warp 
d The Doctrine of the Mean, as the woof."^ This would 
[ore, to have been the opinion of that early time, and I 
» only difficulty in admitting it is that no mention is 
3y Ch'ing Heuen. There certainly is that agreement be- 
wo treatises, which makes their common authorship not 
ely. 

gh we cannot positively assign the authorship of The 
ning, there can be no hesitation in receiving it as a 
>nument of the Confucian school. Tliere are not many 
from the sage himself, but it is a faithful reflection of 
gs, written by some of his followers, not far removed 
y lapse of time. It must synchronize pretty nearly with 
s, and may be safely referred to the fifth century before 

SECTION III. 

ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. 

•'orth of The Great Learning has been celebrated in most 
t terms by many Chinese writers, and there liave been 
;vho have not yielded to them in their estimation of it. 
ti the " Argument Philosophique," prefixed to his trans- 
8 Work, says : — " It is evident that the aim of the Chinese 
• is to exhibit the duties of political government as those 
acting of self, and of the practice of virtue by all men. 
,t he had a higher mission than that with which the 
1 of ancient and modern philosophers have contented 



27] 



rBOLEOOMKKA.] THE GKEAT LEABKTNG. [cH.a 

themselves ; and his immense love for the happiness of humanitr, 
which dominated over all his other sentiments, has made of hii 
philosophy a system of social perfection ating, which, we venture to 
Bay, has never been equalled." 

Very different is the judgment passed upon the treatise by i 
writer in the Chinese Repository : — " The Ta H'eo is a short politico^ 
moral discourse. Ta Hed^ or ' Superior Learning,' is at the same 
time both the name and the subject of the discourse ; it is the suw 
mum boman of the Chinese. In opening this Book, compiled bv 
disciple of Confucius, and containing his doctrines, we might expec 
to find a Work like Cicero's De Officiis; but we find a very differem 
production, consisting of a few commonplace rules for the mai 
tenance of a good government."^ 

My readers will perhaps think, after reading the present section^ 
that the truth lies between these two representations, 

2. I believe that the Book should be styled T^ae Heo^ and n 
Ta HeOj and that it was so named as setting forth the higher an 
more extensive principles of moral science, which come into use an 
manifestation in the conduct of government When Choo He ende 
vours to make the title mean — "The principles of Learning, whi 
were taught in the higher schools of antiquity," and tells us how 
the age of 15, all the sons of the emperor, with the legitimate sons 
the nobles, and high officers, down to the more promising scions 
the common people, all entered these seminaries, and were taught 
difficult lessons here inculcated, we pity the ancient youth of Chin 
Such " strong meat " is not adapted for the nourishment of youtb 
minds. But the evidence adduced for the existence of such edu 
tional institutions in ancient times is unsatisfactory, and from tb 
older interpretation of the title we advance more easily to contem- 
plate the object and method of the Work. 

3. The object is stated definitely enough in the opening paragraph 
— "What The Great Learning teaches, is — to illustrate illustrio 
virtue ; to love the people ; and to rest in the highest excellence. 
The political aim of the writer is here at once evident. He has 
fore him on one side, the people^ the masses of the empire, and ovei 
against them are those whose work and duty, delegated by Heave 

1 Chinese Repository, vol. iii. p. 08. 2 ^ ^, not -^ ^. See the note on the title 
the Work, p. 219. 

28] 



I 



ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [pbolbgokbka- 

ern them, culminating, as a class, in " the son of Heaven,"3 
5 maii,"^ the emperor. From the 4th and 5th paragraphs, 
lat if the lessons of the treatise be learned and carried into 
the result will be that " illustrious virtue will be illustrated 
)ut the empire," which will be brought, through all its 
ind breadth, to a condition of happy tranquillity. This 
certainly both grand and good ; and if a reasonable and 
2thod to secure it were proposed in the Work, language 
ardly supply terms adequate to express its value, 
t the above account of the object of The Great Learning 

to the conclusion that the student of it should be an 
What interest can an ordinary man have in it? It is 

in the clouds, far beyond his reach. This is a serious 
i to it, and quite unfits it for a place in schools, such as 
) contends it once had. Intelligent Chinese, whose minds 
lewhat quickened by Christianity, have spoken to me of 
ct, and complained of the difficulty they felt in making the 
)ractical directory for their conduct. " It is so vague and 
as the observation of one man. The writer, however, has 
[ue provision for the general application of his instructions, 
us that, from the emperor down to the mass of the people, all 
usider the cultivation of the person to be the root, that is, 
thing to be attended to.6 As in his method, moreover, he 
from the cultivation of the person to the tranquillization of 
pire, through the intermediate steps of the regulation of 
ly, and the government of the State,6 there is room for set- 
th principles that parents and rulers generally may find 
for their guidance. 

e method which is laid down for the attainment of the 
ject proposed, consists of seven steps : — ^the investigation of 
the completion of knowledge ; the sincerity of the thoughts ; 
[fying of the heart ; the cultivation of the person ; the regu- 
i the family ; and the government of the State. These form 
s of a climax, the end of which is the empire tranquillized. 
p calls the paragraphs where they occur instances of the 
3r abridged syllogism. But they belong to rhetoric^ and not 

Cl. Text, par. 6, 2. 4 — ■ A , Comm. ix. 8. 5 CI. Text, par. 6. 6 CI. Text, parr. 4, 5. 
29] 



rBOLsaoxsirA.] THE GREAT LEARNING. [mum 

6. In offering some observations on these steps, and the ym\et\ 
treatment of them, it will be well to separate them into th 
preceding the cultivation of the person, and those following it; am 
to deal with the latter first. — Let us suppose that the cultivation 
the person is all attained, every discordant mental element havi 
been subdued and removed. It is assumed that the regulation 
the family will necessarily flow from this. Two short paragrapi 

^ are all that are given to the illustration of the point, and they 
vague generalities on the subject of men's being led astray by thei 
feelings and affections. 

The family being regulated, there will result from it the govera^ 
ment of the State. First, the virtues taught in the family have ihm 
correspondencies in the wider sphere. Filial piety will appear m 

" loyalty. Fraternal submission will be seen in respect and obedience* 
to elders and superiors. Kindness is capable of universal application. 
Second, " From the loving example of one family, a whole State 
becomes loving, and from its courtesies the whole State becomes 
courteous. "7 Seven paragraphs suffice to illustrate these statementa^ 
and short as they are, the writer goes back to the topic of self- 
cultivation, returning from the family to the individual. 

The State being governed, the whole empire wiU become peaceful 
and happy. There is even less of connection, however, in the treats 
ment of this theme, between the premiss and the conclusion, than in 
the two previous chapters. Nothing is said about the relation between 
the whole empire, and its component States, or any one of them. 
It is said at once, " What is meant by * The making the whole em- 
pire peaceful and happy depends on the government of the State, • 
is this.— When the sovereign behaves to his aged, bs the aged should 
be behaved to, the people become filial ; when the sovereign behave* 
to his elders, as elders should be behaved to, the people learn bro- 
therly submission ; when the sovereign treats compassionately tw 
young and helpless, the people do the same."8 This is nothing bul 
a repetition of the preceding chapter, instead of that chapter's bei^! 
made a step from which to go on to the splendid consummation ^ 

; the good government of the whole empire. 

The words which I have quoted are followed by a very striki^ 
enunciation of the golden rule in its negative form, and under t* 

7 See Comm. iz. 3. 8 See Comm. x. I. 

30] 



m.] ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. (;pBOLEooiiiEKA. 

le of tlie measuring square^ and all the lessons of the chapter are 
nected more or less closely with that. The application of this 
iciple by a ruler, whose heart is in the first place in loving 
ipathy with the people, will guide him in all the exactions which 
lays upon them, and in the selection of ministers, in such a way that 
will secure the afi^^ctions of his subjects, and his throne will be 
ablished, for " by gaining the people, the kingdom is gained, and, by 
ling the people, the kingdom is lost."^ There are in this part of the 
eatise many valuable sentiments, and counsels for all in authority 
m others. The objection to it is, that, as ' the last step of the 
imax, it does not rise upon all the others with the accumulated 
►Tce of their conclusions, but introduces us to new principles of 
ction, and a new line of argument. Cut ofi^ the commencement of 
le first paragraph which connects it with the preceding chapters, 
Eld it would form a brief but admirable treatise by itself on the 
rt of government. 

This brief review of the writer s treatment of the concluding steps 
f his method will satisfy the reader that the execution is not equal 
a the design ; and, moreover, underneath all the reasoning, and 
lore especially apparent in the 8th and 9th chapters of commentary 
according to the ordinary arrangement of the work), there lies the 
^sumption that example^ i^aU but Qinnipotent. We find this prin- ► 
aple pervading all the Confucian philosophy. And doubtless it is a 
*uth,most important in education and government, that the influence 
rf example is very great. I believe, and will insist upon it here- 
after in these prolegomena, that we have come to overlook this 
^Wentin our conduct of administration. It will be well if the 
iJtudyof the Chinese Classics should call attention to it. Yet in 
^'Aem the subject is pushed to an extreme, and represented in an 
^extravagant manner. Proceeding from the view of human nature 
ptiiat it is entirely good, and led astray only by influences from with- 
\^\ the sage of China and his followers attribute to personal exam-' 
|iPk and to instruction a power which we do not find that they 
^ actually possess. 

7- The steps which precede the cultivation of the person are 

more briefly dealt with than tliose which we have just considered. 

"The cultivation of the person results from the rectifying the heart 

9 Comm. x. 5. 

31] 



FROLEGOMENA.] 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



fCB. 



or mincl."^^ True, but in The Great Learning very inadequate! 
set forth. 

" The rectifying of the mind is realized when the thoughts ar 
made sincere."^^ And the thoughts are sincere, when no self-decej 
tion is allowed, and we move without effort to what i& right and wron{ 
" as we love what is beautiful, and as we hate a bad smell."^^ Hoi 
are we to attain to this state ? Here the Chinese moralist fails 
According to Choo He's arrangement of the Treatise, there is onlj 
one sentence from which we can frame a reply to the above questioi 
" Therefore," it is said, " the superior man must be watchful ovii 
^ himself when he is alone."^^ Following Choo's 6th chapter of coi 
mentaiy, and forming, we may say, part of it, we have in the old 
rangement of The Great Learning all the passages which he h 
distributed so as to form the previous five chapters. But even froi 
the examination of them, we do not obtain the information whi< 
we desire on this momentous inquiry. 

8. Indeed, the more I study the Work, the more satisfied I beconw 
that from the conclusion of what is now called the chapter 
Classical text to the sixth chapter of Commentary, we have only 
few fragments, which it is of no use trpng to arrange, so as fairlj 
to exhibit the plan of the author. According to his method, th( 
chapter on the connection between making the thoughts sincere an( 
so rectifying the mental nature, should be preceded by one on the 
completion of knowledge as the means of making the thought 
. sincere, and that again by one on the completion of knowledge bj 
the investigation of things, or whatever else the phrase kih u 
may mean. I am less concerned for the loss and injury which tl 
part of the Work has suffered, because the subject of the connectioi 
between intelligence and virtue is very fully exhibited in The Doctrin^j 
of the Mean, and will come under my notice in the review of thi 
Treatise. The manner in which Choo He has endeavoured to supplj 
the blank about the perfecting of knowledge by the investigation 
things is too extravagant. " The Learning for Adults," he says, ^' 
the outset of its lessons, instructs the learner, in regard to all thin{ 
in the world, to proceed from what knowledge he has of their prii 
ciples, and pursue his investigation of them, till he reaches thftj 
extreme point. After exerting himself for a long time, he >Yill 



10 Ck)mm. vii. 1. 11 Comm. Ck tL 12 Comm. vL 1. 1^ Coiuni» tL 2. 

32] 



r. iilJ its scope AND VALUE. [frolbooubiia. 

ideulj find himself possessed of a wide and far-reaching penetra- 
•n. Then, the qualities of nil things, whether external or internal, 
e subtle or the coarse, will be apprehended, and the mind, in its 
tire substance and its relations to things, will be perfectly intelli- 
iiiL This is called the investigation of things. This is called the 
drfection of knowledge."^* And knowledge must be thus perfected 
efore we can achieve the sincerity of our thoughts, and the rectifying 
four hearts ! Verily this would be learning not for adults only, but 
ven Methuselahs would not be able to compass it. Yet for centuries 
kis has been accepted as the orthodox exposition of the Classic. 
*o Chung-fan does not express himself too strongly when he says 
liat such language is altogether incoherent. The author would 
Illy be " imposing on himself and others." 

9. The orthodox doctrine of China concerning the connection 
«tween intelligence and virtue is most seriously erroneous, but I 
rill not lay to the charge of the author of The Great Learning the 
rild representations of the commentator of the twelfth century, nor 
ced I make here any remarks on what the doctrine really is. After 
be exhibition which I have given, my readers will probably conclude 
riat the Work before us is far from developing, as Pauthier asserts, 

a system of social perfectionating which has never been equalled." 

10. The Treatise has undoubtedly great merits, but they are not 
o be sought in the severity of its logical processes, or the large- 
linded prosecution of any course of thought. We shall find them 
a the announcement of certain seminal principles, which, if recog- 
nized hi government and the regulation of conduct, would conduce 
jreatly to the happiness and virtue of mankind. I will conclude 
hese observations by specifying four such principles. 

First, The writer conceives nobly of the object of government, 
hat it is to make its subjects happy and good. This may not be a 
efficient account of that object, but it is much to have it so clearly 
^id down to ** all kings and governors," that they are to love the 
^ple, ruling not for their own gratification, but for the good of 
Hose over whom they are exalted by Heaven. Very important also is 
He statement that rulers have no divine right but what springs from 
be discharge of their duty. "The decree docs not always rest 

U Sappl. to Comm. Ch. v. 

33] 



I 



^ 



pBOLsooxxHA.] fHB- GREAT tEARKIKO. [c 

on them. Goodness obtains it, and the want of goodness I 
it."i5 

Second, The insisting on personal excellence in all who have autl 
ty in the family, the State, and the empire, is a great moral 
social principle. The influence of such personal excellence maj 
overstated, but by the requirement of its cultivation the writer 
served well of his country. 

Third, Still more important than the requirement of such t: 
lence, is the principle that it must be rooted in the state of the h 
and be the natural outgrowth of internal sincerity. "As a 
thinketh in his heart, so is he." This is the teaching alike of i 
mon and the author of The Great Learning. 

Fourth, I mention last the striking exhibition which we hai 
the golden rule, though only in its negative form. " What a 
dislikes in his superiors, let him not display in the treatment o 
inferiors ; what he dislikes in inferiors, let him not display ir 
service of his superiors ; what he dislikes in those who are b^ 
him, let him not therewith precede those who are behind I 
what he dislikes in those who are behind him, let him not there 
follow those who are before him ; what he dislikes to receive or 
right, let him not bestow on the left ; what he dislikes to receiv 
the left, let him not bestow on the right : — this is what is cailec 
principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate < 
conduct."^^ 

The Work which contains those principles cannot be tho 
meanly of. They are "commonplace," as the writer in the Chi 
Repository calls them, but they are at the same time eternal veri 

15 Comm. z. 11. 16 Coinm. x. 2. 



^ ^A^^^^^V^*^ ^^^^ ^^^i^*0^i^m^^ ^ i'm0^^0^ 



34] 



!▼•] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEiVK. [pboleoomeka. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 

i 

* SECTION I. 

^ ITS PLACE IN THE LE KE, AND ITS PUBLICATION SEPARATELY. 

1. The Doctrine of the Mean was one of the treatises w hich came 
3 light in connection with the labours of Lew Heang, and its place 
i the Slst Book in the Le Ke was finally determined by Ma Yung 
bd Ch'ing Heuen. 

2. But while it was thus made to form a part of the great collcc- 
on of Works on Ceremonies, it maintained a separate footing of its 
wn. In Lew Hin's catalogue of the Classical Works, we find " Two 
'^ien of Observations on the Chuns Yung."^ In the Records of the 
Ifnasty of Suy (a.d. 589-617), in the chapter on the History of 
iterature,^ there are mentioned three Works on the Chung Yung; 
"the first called " The Record of the Chung Yung," in two keuen^ 
;*ribut«d to Tae Yung, a scholar who flourished about the middle 
rthe 5th century ; the second, " A Paraphrase and Commentary on 
^ Chung Yung," attributed to the emperor Woo (a.d. 502-541)) 
f the Leang dynasty, in one keuen, and the third, " A Private Re- 
^rd. Determining the Meaning of the Chung Yung," in five keiiefiy 
ke author, or supposed author, of which is not mentioned.^ 

It thus appears, that the Chung Yung had been published and cora- 
Lented on separately, long before the time of the Sung dynasty. 
lie scholars of that, however, devoted special attention to it, the 
•^y being led by the famous Chow Leen-k'e.* He was followed by 
ke two brothers Ch*ing, but neither of them published upon it. At 
ftt came Choo He, who produced his Work called " The Chung 






35] 




^ 



FHOLEGOMENA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN* [ca. 

Yung, in Chapters and Sentences,"** which was made the text bo 
of the Classic at the literary examinations, by the fourth Em\m 
of the Yuen dynasty (a.d. 1312-1320), and from that time t 
name merely of the Treatise was retained in editions of the Le I 
Neither text nor ancient commentary was given. 

Under the present dynasty it is not so. In the superb edit 
of " The Five Kinff " edited by a numerous committee of schol 
towards the end of K^ang He's reign, the Chung Yung is publisl 
in two parts, the ancient commentaries from " The Thirteen Ki\ 
being given side by side with those of Choo He. 

SECTION II. 

ITS AUTHOR ; AND SOME ACCOUNT OF HIM. 

1. The composition of the Chung Yung is attributed to K* 
Keih, the grandson of Confucius. Chinese inquirers and critics 
agreed on this point, and apparently on sufficient grounds. Tl 
is indeed no internal evidence in the Work to lead us to such a< 
elusion. Among the many quotations of Confucius' words and i 
rences to him, we might have expected to find some indication I 
the sage was the grandfatlier of the author, but nothing of the i 
is given. The external evidence, however, or that from the t( 
mony of authorities, is very strong. In Sze-ma Ts'een's Histor 
Records, published B.C. 103, it is expressly said that " Tsze-szem 
the Chung Yung." And we have a still stronger proof, a cent 
earlier, from Tsze-sze s own descendant, K'ung Foo, whose wc 
are, " Tsze-sze compiled the Chung Yung in 49 ^;%/i."^ We n 
therefore, accept the received account without hesitation. 

2. As Keih, spoken of chiefly by his designation of Tsze-sze, t 
occupies a distinguished place in the classical literature of Chiai 



^^B i^ ^ 0'-«-l& !£■ pg + -b-^^ iM: ^- 2 ™»' 

^(^ (^fli mfr) ^^^ ^^^^^ descendant of Confucius, who liid several books in the wall of his 1 
on the issuing of the imi)crial edict for their burning. He was a writer himself, and his Wor 
referred to under the title of J^ ^& --?'. I have not seen thew, but the sutement 

•bore is found in tlie f^ # ^ ^ f^- Wt. f:|l ^-^ Wi'f'^''^^ 

3G] 




ml] account of the author, [pkolkqomeka, 

y not be out of place to bring together here a few notices of him 
;hered from reliable sources. 

He was the son of Le, whose death took place B.C. 482, four years 
fore that of the sage, his father. I have not found it recorded in 
iiat year he was born. Sze-ina Ts^een says he died at the age of 
L But this is evidently wrong, for we learn from Mencius that 
cwas high in favour with the duke Muh of Loo,^ w^hose accession 
athat principality dates in B.C. 408, seventy years after the death 
i Confucius. In the " Plates and Notices of the Worthies, sacrificed 
) in the Sage's Temples,"* it is supposed that the 62 in the Historical 
Records should be 82.^ It is maintained by others that Tsze-sze's 
fe was protracted beyond 100 years.^ This variety of opinions 
niply shows that the point cannot be positively determined. To 
le it seems that the conjecture in the Sacrificial Canon must be 
rettv near the truth.^ 

During the years of his boyhood, then, Tsze-sze must have been 
ith his grandfather, and received his instructions. It is related, 
iat one day, when he was alone with the sage, and heard him 
ighing, he went up to him, and, bowing twice, inquired the reason 
t his grief. " Is it," said he, " because you think that your descen- 
ants, through not cultivating themselves, will be unworthy of you? 
>r is it that, in your admiration of the ways of Yaou and Shun, you 
re vexed that you fall short of them ? " " Child," replied Confucius, 
' how is it that you know my thoughts?" "I have often," said 
'sze-sze, " heard from you the lesson, that when the father has gather- 
ed and prepared the firewood, if the son cannot carry the bundle, he 
■ to be pronounced degenerate and unworthy. The remark comes 
ftquently into my thoughts, and fills me with great apprehensions." 
fhe sage was delighted. He smiled and said, " Now, indeed, shall 



^ ^. 82 anJ 62 may more easily be confounded, as written in Cliinese than with the Roman 

krures. 6 See the DQ ^ :^ ^, on the preface to the Chung Yung,— >£E'5' ^ ^S^- 

^ himself was bom in Confucius' 2l8t year, and if Tszc-sze had been born in Le's 2l8t yetir, he 
^ust have been 103 at the time of duke Muh's accession. But the tradition is, that Tsze-sze was 
^popilof Ts^ng Sin who was born b.c. 504. We must place his birth therefore considerably 
^ter, and suppose him to have been quite young when his father died. I was talking once about 
^question with a Chinese friend, who observed : — " Le was 60 when he died, and his wife married 
{[|Uft into a family of Wei. We can hardly think, therefore, that she was any thing like that 
ip. Le could not have married so soon as his father did. Perhaps he was about 40 when Eeih 
^bom." 

37] 



•> 



PBOUBOOMEWA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [cn.i 

I be without anxiety ! My undertakings will not come to nougli 
Tliey will be carried on and flourish."® 

After the death of Confucius, Keih became a pupil, it is said, of tl 
philosopher TsJlng. But he received his instructions with discriu 
nation, and in one instance which is recorded in the Le Ke, t 
pupil suddenly took the place of the master. We there read : 
" Tsang said to Tsze-sze, * Keih, when I was engaged in mourning! 
my parents, neither congee nor water entered my mouth for sev 
days.' Tsze-sze answered, * In ordering their rules of propriety, 
was the design of the ancient kings that those who would go beyc 
them should stoop and keep by them, and that those who coi 
hardly reach them should stand on tiptoe to do so. Thus it is tl 
the superior man, in mourning for his parents, when he has b 
three days without water or congee, takes a staff to enable himi 
to rise."9 

While he thus condemned the severe discipline of Tsang, Tj 
8ze appears in various incidents which are related of him, to h 
been himself more than sufficiently ascetic. As he was living 
great poverty, a friend supplied him with grain, which he reac 
received. Another friend was emboldened by this to send him a I 
tie of wine, but he declined to receive it. " You receive your c 
from other people," urged the donor, "and why should you decl 
my gift, which is of less value ? You can assign no ground in : 
son for it, and if you wish to show your independence, you sho 
do so completely." " I am so poor," was the reply, " as to be in wi 
and being afraid lest I should die and the sacrifices not be off€ 
to my ancestors, I accept the grain as an alms. But the wine 
the dried flesh which you offer to me are the appliances of a fe 
For a poor man to be feasting is certainly unreasonable. ThL 
the ground of my refusing your gift. I have no thought of ass 
ing my independence."^^ 

To the same effect is the account of Tsze-sze, which we have fi 
Lew Heang. That scholar relates : — " When Keih was living in \ 
he wore a tattered coat, without any lining, and in 30 days had c 
9 meals. T'een Tsze-fang having heard of his distress, sent a r 
senger to him with a coat of fox-fur, and being afraid that he mi 

8 See the DQ s^ ^S B&i in the place just quoted from. For the incident we are ind 
to E'ung Foo \ see note 2, 9. Le Ke, II. Ft. I. ii. 7. 10, H See the ^ ^ ^ ^, as a 

38] 



fccr. uj ACCOUNT OF FTS AUTHOR. [prolbgomeka, 

lot receive it, he added the message, — '^ When I borrow from a man, 
I forget it ; when I give a thing, I part with it freely as if I threw it 
Bway,' Tsze-sze declined the gift thus offered, and when Tsze-fang 
Baid, *I have, and you have not; why will you not take it?' he 
t^plied, * You give away so rashly, as if you were casting your things 
into a ditch. Poor as I am, I cannot think of my body as a ditch, 
and do not presume to accept your gift."^^ 

Tsze-sze's mother married again, after Le's death, into a family of 
Wei. But this circumstance, which is not at all creditable in Chinese 
estimation, did not alienate his aiFections from her. He was in Loo 
vhen he heard of her death, and proceeded to weep in the temple of 
lis family. A disciple came to him and said, " Your mother married 
igain into the family of the Shoo, and do you weep for her in the 
emple of the K'ung? " " I am wrong," said Tsze-sze, " I am wrong;'* 
,nd with these words he went to weep elsewhere.^* 

In his own married relation he does not seem to have been happy, 
nd for some cause, which has not been transmitted to us, he divorced 
is wife, following in this, it would appear, the example of Confucius. 
>n her death, her son, Tsze-shang,^^ did not undertake any mourn- 
\g for her. Tsze-sze's disciples were surprised and questioned him. 
Did not your father," they asked, " mourn for his mother who 
ad been divorced?" "Yes," was the reply. "Then why do you 
ot cause Pih^* to mourn for his mother?" Tsze-sze answered, "My 
tther failed in nothing to pursue the proper path. His observances 
I creased or decreased as the case required. But I cannot attain to 
lis. While she was my Avife, she was Pih's mother ; when she 
^ased to be my wife, she ceased to be Pih's mother." The custom 
f the K'ung family not to mourn for a mother who had left it 
erself, or been divorced, took its rise from Tsze-sze. ^^ 

These few notices of K*ung Keih in his more private relations 
ring him before us as a man of strong feeling and strong will, in- 
ependent, and with a tendency to asceticism in his habits. 

As a public character, we find him at the ducal courts of Wei, 
ung, Loo, and Pe, and at each of them held in high esteem by the 

12 See the Le Ke, IL Pt. II. uL 15. J^ ^ ^ "^ ^ miat be understood u I have done 
iQiTe, and not with Cli'ing Heuen, — " Your mother was born a Miss Slioo." 18 -^ \\y — this 
u the dciiignatiun of Tsze-sze*8 sou. 14 ^ ,— tliifl W4a Tszc-shang'a name. l& See the Le Ke, 

39] 



rBOLBGOMEKA.] THE DOCTUINE OF THE ME AS. [ch-it. 

rulers. To Wei he was carried probably by the fact of his motber 
having married into that State. We are told that the prince of Wei 
received him with great distinction and lodged him honourably. 
On one occasion he said to him, " An officer of the State of Loo, 
you have not despised this small and narrow Wei, but have bent 
your steps hither to comfort and preserve it ; — vouchsafe to confer 
your benefits upon me." Tsze-sze replied, "If I should wish to 
requite your princely favour Avith money and silks, your treasuries 
are already full of them, and I am poor. If I should wish to requite 
it with good words, I am afraid that w^hat I should say Avould not 
suit your ideas, so that I should speak in vain, and not be listerjed 
to. The only way in -which I can requite it, is by recommending 
to your notice men of worth." The duke said, " Men of worth is 
exactly what I desire." "Nay," said Keih, "you are not able to 
appreciate them." "Nevertheless," was the reply, "I should like to 
hear whom you consider deserving that name." Tsze-sze replied, 
" Do you wish to select your officers for the name they may have, 
or for their reality ?" " For their reality, certainly," said the duke. 
His guest then said, " In the eastern borders of your State, there is 
one Le Yin, who is a man of real worth." " What were his grand- 
father and father ? " asked the duke. " They were husbandmen," 
was the reply, on which the duke broke into a loud laugh, saying, 
" I do not like husbandry. The son of a husbandman cannot be fit 
for me to employ. I do not put into office all the cadets of those 
families even in which office is hereditary." Tsze-sze observed, ''I 
mention Le Yin because of his abilities ; what has the fact of his 
forefathers being husbandmen to do with the case? And moreover, 
the duke of Chow was a great sage, and K^ang-shuh w^as a great 
worthy. Yet if you examine their beginnings, you will find that 
from the business of husbandry they came forth to found their 
States. I did certainly have my doubts that in the selection of your 
officers you did not have regard to their real character and capacitv." 
With this the conversation ended. The duke was silent.^** 

Tsze-sze was naturally led to K'ung, as the Sung family originally 
sprang from that principality. One account, quoted in " The Four 



ii 



f^ 



iGSeothe^j^^,:^ — ■g'-.^L^HiBS^- 



ncT. n.] ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOB, IraousacausttA. 

Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs and Illustrations,"^^ 
says that he went thither in his 16th year, and having foiled an 
officer of the State, named Yo S6, in a conversation on the Shoo- 
king, his opponent Avas so irritated at the disgrace put on him by a 
youth, that he listened to the advice of evil counsellors, and made an 
attack on him to put him to death. The duke of Sung, hearing the 
tumult, hurried to the rescue, and when Keih found himself in safety, 
he said, " When king W&n was imprisoned in Yew-le, he made the 
Yih of Chow. My grandfather made the Ch*un Ts'ew after he had 
been in danger in Ch4n and Ts^ae. Shall I not make something 
when rescued from such a risk in Sung ? " Upon this he made the 
Chung Yung in 49 jp^een. 

According to this account, the Chung Yung was the work of Tsze- 
Bze's early manhood, and the tradition has obtained a wonderful 
prevalence. The notice in " The Sacrificial Canon " says, on the 
contrary, that it was the work of his old age, when he had finally 
settled in Loo, which is much more likely. ^^ 

Of Tsze-sze in Pe, which could hardly be said to be out of Loo, 
we have only one short notice, — in Mencius, V. Pt. II. iii. 3, where 
the duke Hwuy of Pe is introduced as saying, ^' I treat Tsze-sze as 
ny master." 

We have fuller accounts of him in Loo where he spent all the 
atter years of his life, instructing his disciples to the number of 
everal hundred, ^^ and held in great reverence by the duke Muh. 
rhe duke indeed wanted to raise him to the highest office, but he 
leclined this, and would only occupy the position of a " guide, philoso- 
pher, and friend." Of the attention which he demanded, however, 
ristances Avill be found in Mencius, II. Pt. II. xi. 3 ; V. Pt. II. vi. 5, and 
ii. 3. In his intercourse with the duke he spoke the truth to him 
fearlessly. In the " Cyclopaedia of Surnames, "^^ I find the following 
»nversations, but I cannot tell from "what source they are extracted 
II to that Work. — " One day, the duke said to Tsze-sze, * The officer 





17 Tliis is the Work fo often referred to at the p[|| ^ ^pS* ^^^ ^"^^ ^'^^® ^^^ ^[9 
1^ ^& §?• '^^^ paMoge here translated from it will be foand in the place several times re- 

urred to in this section. 18 The author of the ^ ^ tfj^ ^h ^ adopts the view that tlie 
^ork was composed in Sang. Some have advocated this from ch. xxviii. 5, compared with Ana. 
U. ix-, "it being proper," they say, " that Taze-sze, writing in Sung, should not depreciate it as 
>mfiicias had done, out of it ! " 19 Sec in the ' Sacrificial Canon/ on Tsze-sze. 20 This 

• the Work referred to in note Ih 

41] 



F»otEOOMMfA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [cn-W. 

Heen told me tliat you do good without wisliing for any praise from 
men; — is it so?' Tsze-sze replied, 'No, that is not ray feeling. 
When I cultivate what is good, I wish men to know it, for wheu 
they know it and praise me, 1 feel encouraged to be more zealous in 
the cultivation. This is what 1 desire, and am not able to obtain. 
If I cultivate what is good, and men do not know it, it is likely that 
in their ignorance they will speak evil of me. So by my good-doing 
1 only come to be evil spoken of. This is what I do not desire, but 
am not able to avoid. In the case of a man, w^ho gets up at cock- 
crowing to practise what is good, and continues sedulous in the 
endeavour till midnight, and says at the same time that he docs 
not wish men to know it, lest they should praise him, I must say of 
such a man, that if he be not deceitful he is stupid.' " 

Another day, the duke asked Tsze-sze saying, " Can my State he 
made to flourish." " It may," was the reply. " And how ?" Tsze- 
sze said, " prince, if you and your ministers will only strive to 
realize the government of the duke of Chow and of Pih-k'in ; practis- 
ing their transforming principles, sending forth wide the favours of 
your ducal house, and not letting advantages flow in private chan- 
nels ; — ^if you will thus conciliate the afl^ections of the people, and 
at the same time cultivate friendly relations with neighbourmg 
States, your kingdom will soon begin to flourish." 

On one occasion, the duke asked whether it had been the custom 
of old for ministers to go into mourning for a prince whose service 
and State they had left. Tsze-sze replied to him, " Of old, princes 
advanced their ministers to office according to propriety, and diir 
missed them in the same way, and hence there was that rule. But 
now-a-days, princes bring their ministers forward as if they were going 
to take them on their knees, and send them away as if they would 
cast them into an abyss. If they do not treat them as their greatest 
enemies, it is well. — How can you expect the ancient practice to be 
observed in such circumstances?"-^ 

These instances may suffice to illustrate the character of Tsze-sze, 
as it was displayed in his intercourse with the princes of his time. 
We see the same independence which he affected in private life, and 
a dignity not unbecoming the grandson of Confucius. But \xe miss 
the reach of thought and capacity for administration which belonged 

21 This conversation is given in the Le Kc, II. VU II. ii. 1. 

42] 



«KrT.ni.] ITS rNTEGRITT. [proleoomkka. 

to the Sage. It is with him, however, as a thinker and writer tliat 
we have to do, and his rank in that capacity will appear from the 
examination of the Chung Yung in the section that follows. His 
place in the temples of the Sage has been that of one of his four 
assessors, since the year 1267. He ranks with Yen Hwuy, Tsarjg 
Sin, and Mencius, and bears the title of "The Philosopher Tsze-sze, 
Transmitter of the Saire."^^ 



22iiEil^.®^. 



SECTION III. 

ITS INTEGKITY. 

1. In the testimony of K'ung Foo, which has been adduced to 
prove the authorship of the Chung Yung, it is said that the Work 
consisted originally of 49 j^^ehi. From this statement it is argued by 
some, that the arrangement of it in 33 chapters, which originated 
with Choo He, is wrong ;^ but this does not affect the question of 
integrity, and the character p^e'dfi is so vague and indefinite, that we 
cannot affirm that K'ung Foo meant to tell us by it that Tsze-sze 
himself divided his Treatise into so many paragraphs or chapters. 

It is on the entry in Lew Hin's catalogue, quoted Section 1, — 
^^Two jj^cen of observations on the Chung Yung," that the integrity 
of the present Work is called in question. Yen Sze-koo, of the 
T'ang dynasty, Inis a note on that entry to the effect: — ''There is 
now the Chung Yung in the Le Ke in one p'een. But that is not 
the original Treatise here mentioned, but only a branch from it."3 
Wang Wei, a writer of the Ming dynasty, says: — "Anciently, the 
Chung Yung consisted of two i)^een^ as appears from the History of 
Literature of the Han dynasty, but in the Le Ke we hav^e only one 
p'ee7i^ which Choo He, when he made his ' Chapters and Sentences,' 
di\ided into 33 chapters. The old Work in two j>'6%>i is not to be 
met with now."^ 




43] 




ntouMOMfiVA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [cb.i 

These views are based on a misinterpretation of the entry m thr 
Catalogue. It does not speak of two p^een of the* Cliung Yung, bui 
of twop^een of Observations thereon. The Great Learning carries on iti 
front the evidence of being incomplete, but the student will not easily 
believe that the Doctrine of the Mean is so. I see no reason for calling 
its integrity in question, and no necessity therefore to recur to the Ji^ 
ingenious device employed in the edition of the five kifig published 
by the imperial authority of K'ang He, to get over the difficulty* 
which Wang Wei supposes. It there appears in two p^een^ of which^ 
we have the following account from the author of " Supplement^' 
Remarks upon the Four Books : " — " The proper course now is to 
consider the first 20 chapters in Choo He's arrangement as making 
up the &vstp^eeny and the remaining 13 as forming the second, lu 
this way we retain the old form of the Treatise, and do not come 
into collision with the views of Choo. For this suggestion we are 
indebted to Loo Wang-chae" (an author of the Sung dynasty).* 

4 Seethe^ §^^|j^. art. Pjl 



T3' 



itti 



-'-IS 




SECTION IV. 



ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. 



1. The Doctrine of the Mean is a work not easy to understand. 
*'It first," says the philosopher Ch'ing, "speaks of one principle; it 
next spreads this out and embraces all things ; finally, it returns and 
gathers them up under the one principle. Unroll it, and it fills the 
universe ; roll it up, and it retires and lies hid in secrecy."^ There 
is this advantage, however, to the student of it, that, more than 
most other Chinese Treatises, it has a beginning, a middle, and an 
end. The first chapter stands to all that follows in the character of j 
a text, containing several propositions of which we have the expan- 
sion or development. If that development were satisfactory, we 
should be able to bring our own minds en rapport with that of the 
author. Unfortunately it is not so. As a writer he belongs to the 
intuitional school more than to the logical. This is well put in the 
*' Continuation of the General Examination of Literary Monuments 
and Learned Men," — " The philosopher Tsang reached his conclu- 
Bions by following in the train of things, watching and examining; 

1 Sec the Introductory note, pp. 240, 247. 

44] 



6. 



IT,] ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [raotBocwEKA.- 

sreas Tsze-sxe proceeds directly and reaches to Heavenly virtue. 
^ was a mysterious power of discernment, approaching to that of 
D H\vuy."2 We must take the Book and the author, however, as 
have them, and get to their meaning, if we can, by assiduous 
wnination and reflection. 

i, " Man has received his nature from Heaven. Conduct in accord- 
» with that nature constitutes what is right and true, — is a pur- 
ng of the proper path. The cultivation or regulation of that 
th is what is called instruction.^^ It is with these axioms that the 
eatise commences, and from such an introduction we might expect 
it the writer Avould go on to unfold the various principles of duty, 
Pived from an analysis of man's moral constitution. 
Confining himself, however, to the second axiom, he proceeds to 
J that " the path may not for an instant be left, and that the supe- 
r man is cautious and careful in reference to what he does not see, 
1 fearful and apprehensive in reference to what he does not hear. 
BPe is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more 
nifest than what is minute, and therefore the superior man is 
;chful over his aloneness.^^ This is not all very plain. Compar- 
it with the 6th chapter of Commentary in the Great Learning, 
jeems to inculcate what is there called " making the thoughts 
:ere." The passage contains an admonition about equivalent to 
t of Solomon, — " Keep thy heart with all diligence, for out of it 
the issues of life." 

'he next paragraph seems to speak of the nature and the path un- 
other names. " While there are no movements of pleasure, anger, 
row, or joy, we have what may be called the state of equilibrium. 
en those feelings have been moved, and they all act in the due 
ree, we have what may be called the state of harmony. This 
ilibrium is the great root of the world and this harmony is its 
versal path." What is here called " the state of equilibrium," 
he same as the nature given by Heaven, considered absolutely in 
If, without deflection or inclination. This nature acted on from 
,hout, and responding with the various emotions, so as always " to 
"3 the mark with entire correctness, produces the state of harmony, 




s« *^ ^ ^ 11^ M #' B^- ^--i^-' *^- ir Jg.--^ ^ # ;^ ^ 

'45] 




HrfOLBGOMEiCA.] THK DOCTUINE OF THE MEAN. [caii 

and such liarmonious response is the path along which all humat 
activities should proceed. 

Finally, " Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in 
perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven ani 
earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish." Here we pa.« 
into the sphere of mystery and mysticism. The language, according 
to Choo He, " describes the meritorious achievements and transform* 
ing influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest extent." From 
the path of duty, where we tread on solid ground, the Avriter sud- 
denly raises us aloft on Avings of air, and will carry us we know not 
where, and to we know not what. 

3. The paragraphs thus presented, and which constitute Choo He's 
first chapter, contain the sum of the whole Work. This is acknow- 
ledged by all ; — by the critics who disown Choo He's interpretatiow 
of it, as freely as by him.* Revolving them in my own mind oftea 
and long, I collect from them the following as the ideits of tlie 
author ; — 1st, Man has received from Heaven a moral nature by 
which he is constituted a law to himself; 2d, Over this nature raaa 
requires to exercise a jealous watchfulness ; and 3d, As he possesses itf 
absolutely and relatively, in perfection, or attains to such possession 
of it, he becomes invested with the highest dignity and power, and 
may say to himself — " I am a god ; yea, I sit in the seat of God." I 
will not say here that there is blasphemy in the last of these ideas ; 
but do we not have in them the same combination which we fount 
in The Great Learning, — a combination of the ordinary and tb 
extraordinary, the plain and the vague, which is very perplexing t( 
the mind, and renders the Book unfit for the purposes of menta 
and moral discipline? 

And here I may inquire whether we do right in calling the Treatii 
by any of the names which foreigners have hitherto used for it ? I 
the note on the title, pp. 246, 247, I have entered a little into thi 
question. The Work is not at all what a reader must expect to fin 
in what he supposes to be a treatise on " The Golden Medium," " Th 
Invariable Mean," or " The Doctrine of the Mean." Those names ar 
descriptive only of a portion of it. Where the phrase Chung Ym\ 

4 Compare Choo He's language in his concluding note to the Ist chapter:—;^ ff ^jr HJ 
-- M ^ fi ^» ^''^ ^^*o^ Sc.ho-8, in his Ffl j^ 1^ ^ — , p. 11 :-](:{^ 

4G] 




tr.] ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [prolbgomejia. 

ITS in tlie quotations from Confucius, in nearly every chapter 
[n the 2d to the 1 1th, we do well to translate it by •' the course of 
\ Mean," or some similar terms ; but the conception of it in Tsze- 
's mind was of a different kind, as the preceding analysis of the 
st chapter sufficiently shows. 

4. I may return to this point of the proper title for the Work 
lain, but in the mean time we must proceed with the analysis of it. 
•The ten chapters from the 2d to the 11th constitute the second part, 
td in tliem Tsze-sze quotes the words of Confucius, "for the pur- 
se," according to Choo He, " of illustrating the meaning of the first 
apter." Yt»t, as I have just intimated, they do not to my mind do 
is. Confucius bewails the rarity of the practice of the Mean, and 
iphiciiUy sets forth the difficulty of it. " The empire, with its 
npoiient States and families, may be ruled ; dignities and emolu- 
nts may be declined ; naked weapons may be trampled under 
»t; but the course of the Mean can not be attained to.'*6 " The 
)\ving go beyond it, and the stupid do not come up to it."^ Yet 
le have attained to it. Shun did so, humble and ever learning 
n people far inferior to himself;^ and Yen Hwuy did so, holding 
whatever good he got hold of, and never letting it go ?^ Tsze- 
thought the Mean could be taken by storm, but Confucius taught 
better.^ And in fine, it is only the sage who can fully exemplify 
Mean.^<> 

II these citations do not throw any light on the ideas presented 
he first chapter. On the contrary they interrupt the train of 
ght. Instead of showing us how virtue, or the path of duty is in 
rdance with our Heaven-«^ven nature, they lead us to think of 
a mean between two extremes. Each extreme may be a viola- 
of the law of our natupe, but that is not made to appear. Con- 
is' sayings would be in place in illustrating the doctrine of the 
patetics, " which placed all virtue in a medium between oppo- 
vices. "^^ Here in the Chung Yung of Tsze-sze I have always felt 
1 to be out of place. 

In the 12th chapter Tsze-sze sj)eaks again himself, and we 

i at once to know the voice. He begins by saying that "the 

of the superior man reaches far and wide, and yet is secret," 

h. ix. 6 Ch. iT. 7 Ch. iv. 8 Ch. vui. 9 Ch. x. 10 Ch. xi. 11 Ency- 
Ua Britaimico, PrelimiDary DiascrtutiuuSj p. 318, latest cditioa 

47] 



( 



^BOLBooMEKA.] . THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [ct 

by which he means to tell us that the path of duty is to be pursu 
everywhere and at all times, while yet the secret spring and rule 
it is near at hand, in the Heaven-conferred nature, the individii 
consciousness, with which no stranger can intermeddle. Choo B 
as will be seen in the notes, gives a different interpretation 
the utterance. But the view which I have adopted is maintaini 
convincingly by Maou Se-ho in the second part of his " Observatio 
on the Chung Yung." With this chapter commences the third p 
of the Work, which embraces also the eight chapters which follow. " 
is designed," says Choo He, " to illustrate what is said in the fi 
chapter that " the path may not be left." But more than that ( 
sentence finds its illustration here. Tsze-sze had reference in it J 
to what he had said — " The superior man does not wait till he i 
things to be cautious, nor till he hears things to be apprehena 
There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing n 
manifest than what is minute. Therefore, the superior man is wa 
ful over himself when he is alone." 

It is in this portion of the Chung Yung that we find a good < 
of moral instruction which is really valuable. Most of it consist 
sayings of Confucius, but the sentiments of Tsze-sze himself in 
own language are interspersed with them. Tiie sage of China 
no higher utterances than those which are given in the ISth chap 
— "The path is not far from man. When men try to pursi 
course Avhich is far from the common indications of consciousr 
this course cannot be considered the path. In the Book of Po( 
it is said — 

* In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing an axe-handle, 
The pattern is not far oif.' 

We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other, and yet if we I 
askance from the one to the other, we may consider them as ap 
Therefore, the superior man governs men according to their nat 
with what is proper to them ; and as soon as they change wha 
wrong, he stops. When one cultivates to the utmost the rm 
principles of his nature, and exercises them on the principle of i 
procity, he is not far from the path. What you do not like av 
done to yourself, do not do to others. 

" In the way of the superior man there are four things, to n 
of Avhich have I as yet attained. — ^To serve my father as I wo 

48] 



«.iv.] ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [pbolegohena. 

quire my son to serve me : to this I have not attained ; to serve my 
tier brother as I would require my younger brother to serve me : 
• this I have not attained ; to serve my prince as I would require my 
iTiister to serve me : to this I have not attained ; to set the example 
i behaving to a friend as I would require him to behave to me: to 
lis I have not attained. Earnest in practising the ordinary virtues* 
nd careful in speaking about them ; if in his practice he has anything 
lefective, the superior man dares not but exert himself, and if in 
lis words he has any excess, he dares not allow himself such license, 
thus his words have respect to his actions, and his actions have re- 
pect to his words ; — ^is it not just an entire sincerity which marks the 
uperior man ? " 

We have here the golden rule in its negative form expressly pro- 
}unded: — "What you do not like when done to yourself, do not 
) to others/^ But in the paragraph which follows we have the 
le virtually in its positive form. Confucius recognizes the duty of 
king the initiative, — of behaving himself to others in the first in- 
ince as he would that they should behave to him. There is a cer- 
in narrowness, indeed, in that the sphere of its operations seems to 

confined to the relations of society, wliich are spoken of more at 
rge ill the 20th chapter, but let us not grudge the tribute of our 
irm approbation to the sentiments. 

This chapter is followed by two from Tsze-sze, to the effect that 
e superior man does what is proper in every change of his 
;uation, always finding his rule in himself; and that in his prac. 
le there is an orderly advance from step to step, — from what is 
ar to what is remote. Then follow five chapters from Confucius : 
•the first, on the operation and influence of spiritual beings, to show 
ihe manifestness of what is minute, and the irrepressibleness of 
icerity ;" the second, on the filial piety of Shun, and how it was 
warded by Heaven with the empire, with enduring fume, and with 
ng life; the third and fourth, on the kings Wan and Woo, and the 
ike of Chow, celebrating them for their filial piety and other asso- 
ite virtues; and the fifth, on the subject of government. These chap- 
rs are interesting enough in themselves, but when I go back from 
em, and examine whether I have from them any better understanding 

the paragraphs in the first chapter which they are said to illustrate, 
do not find that I have. Three of them, the 17th, 18th, and 19 th, 

49] 



r 



PBOLTCOMBNA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [at it. 

would be more in place in the Classic of Filial Piety than here 
in the Chung Yung. The meaning of the 16th is shadowy and un- 
defined. After all the study which I have directed to it, there are 
some points in reference to which I have still doubts and difficulties. 
The 20th chapter which concludes the third portion of the Work 
contains a full exposition of Confucius' views on government, though 
professedly descriptive only of that of the kings Wan and Woo. 
Along with lessons proper for a ruler there are many also of universal 
application, but the mingling of them perplexes the mind. It tells 
us of "the five duties of universal application," — those between 
sovereign and minister, husband and wife, father and son, elder and 
younger brother, and friends; of "the three virtues by which those 
duties are carried into eff^ect," namely, knowledge, benevolence, and 
energy ; and of " the one thing, by which those virtues are practised," 
which is singleness or sinceritv.^^ It sets forth in detail the "nine 
standard rules for the administration of government," which are "the 
cultivation by the ruler of his own character ; the honouring men 
of virtue and talents; affection to his relatives; respect towards the 
great ministers ; kind and considerate treatment of the whole body of 
officers ; cherishing the mass of the people as children ; encouraging 
all classes of artizans ; indulgent treatment of men from a distance; 
and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the States."^^ There are 
these and other equally interesting topics in this chapter ; but^ as 
they are in the Work, they distract the mind, instead of making the 
author's great object more clear to it, and I will not say more upon 
them here. 

6. Doubtless it was the mention of " singleness," or " sincerity," 
in the 20th chapter, which made Tsze-sze introduce it into this 
Treatise, for from those terms he is able to go on to develope what 
lie intended in saying that " if the states of Equilibrium and Har- 
mony exist in perfection, a happy order will prevail throughout 
lieaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish." It 
is here, that now we are astonished at the audacity of the writers 
assertions, and now lost in vain endeavours to ascertain his meaning 
I have quoted the words of Confucius that it is " singleness," by 
which the three virtues of knowledge, benevolence, and energy are 
able to carry into practice the duties of universal obligation. He 

10 Par. 8. U Far. 12. 
50] 



I 

f^ Mcx.iv.] ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [peolboombka. 

£ jays also that it is tins same "singleness" by which " the nine standard 
f rales of government" can be eiFectively carried out.^^ This "sin- 
^ gleness " is just a name for " the states of Equilibrium and Harmony 
^ existing in perfection." It denotes a [character absolutely and rela- 
tively good, wanting nothing in itself, and correct in all its out- 
goings. " Sincerity " is another term for the same thing, and in 
speaking about it, Confucius makes a distinction between sincerity 
absolute and sincerity acquired. The former is born with some, 
and practised by them without any effort ; the latter is attained by 
study and practised by strong endeavour.^^ The former is " the way 
of Heaven ;" the latter is " the way of men."i* " He who possesses 
sincerity," — absolutely, that is, — " is he who without effort hits what 
is right, and apprehends without the exercise of thought; — he 
is the sage who naturally and easily embodies the right way. He 
who attains to sincerity, is he who chooses what is good and firmly 
holds it fast. And to this attainment there are requisite the ex- 
tensive study of what is good, accurate inquiry about it, careful 
reflection on it, the clear discrimination of it, and the earnest 
practice of it."^^ In these passages Confucius unhesitatingly enun- 
ciates his belief that there are some men who are absolutely perfect, 
who come into the world as we may conceive the first man was^ 
when he was created by God "in His own image," full of knowledge 
and righteousness, and who grow up as we know that Christ did, 
" increasing in wisdom and in stature." He disclaimed being con- 
sidered to be such an one himself, ^^ but the sages of China were 
such. And moreover, others who are not so naturally may make 
themselves to become so. Some will have to put forth more effort 
and to contend with greater struggles, but the end will be the pos- 
session of the knowledge and the achievement of the practice. 

I need not say that these sentiments are contrary to the views of 
human nature which are presented in the Bible. The testimony 
of Revelation is that "there is not a just man upon earth that doeth 
good and sinneth not" " If we say that we have no sin," and in 
writing this term, I am thinking here not of sin against God, but, 
if we can conceive of it apart from that, of failures in regard to what 
ought to be in our regulation of ourselves, and in our behaviour to 
others ; — " if we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and 

12 Par. 15. 13 Par. 9. 14 Par. 18. 15 Parr. 18, 19. 16 Ana. VII. xix. 

51] 



MOLBGOMEHA.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [ch. 

the truth is not in us." This language is appropriate in the lips of tWl 
learned as well as in those of the ignorant, to the highest sage as to 
the lowest child of the soil. Neither the scriptures of God nor the 
experience of man know of individuals absolutely perfect. The^ 
other sentiment that men can make themselves perfect is equalljrti 
wide of the truth. Intelligence and goodness by no means stand to 
each other in the relation of cause and effect. The sayings of Ovid, 
" Video meliora proboque^ deteriora seqiior^^' '^ Nitimur in vetitim sem- 
per^ cupimusqiie negata,'' are a more correct expression of the facts 
of human consciousness and conduct than the high-flown phrases of 
Confucius. 

7. But Tsze-sze adopts the dicta of his grandfather without ques- 
tioning them, and gives them forth in his own style at the commence- 
ment of the fourth part of his Treatise. "When we have intelligence 
resulting from sincerity, this condition is to be ascribed to nature; 
when we have sincerity resulting from intelligence, this condition 
is to be ascribed to instruction. But given the sincerity, and there 
shall be the intelligence ; given the intelligence, and there shall be 
the sincerity." 

Tsze-sze does more than adopt the dicta of Confucius. He applies 
them in a way which the sage never did, and which he would pro- 
bably have shrunk from doing. The sincere, or perfect man of 
Confucius is he who satisfies completely all the requirements of duty 
in the various relations of Society, and in the exercise of govern- 
ment ; but the sincere man of Tsze-sze is a potency in the universe. 
^* Able to give its full development to his own nature, he can do the 
same to the nature of other men. Able to give its full development 
to the nature of other men, he can give their full development to 
the natures of animals and things. Able to give their full develop- 
ment to the natures of creatures and things, he can assist the trans- 
forming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth. Able tc 
assist the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth 
he may with Heaven and Earth form a ternion."^^ Such are the 
results of sincerity natural. The case below this — of sinceritj 
acquired, is as follows,—" The individual cultivates its shoots. Froir 
these he can attain to the possession of sincerity. This sinceritj 
becomes apparent. From being apparent, it becomes manifest 

17 Ch. xxi. 18 Ch. xxii. 
52] 



k • < 






I ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. [rsoUBOOMBHA. 

ig. When the skilful reader has explored it with delight 
lias apprehended it, he may carry it into practice all his life, 
11 find that it cannot be exhausted. "^2 

own opinion of it is much less favourable. The names by 
it has been called in translations of it have led to misconcep- 
■ its character. Were it styled " The states of Equilibrium and 
ny," we should be prepared to expect something strange and 
ly extravagant. Assuredly we should expect nothing more 
or extravagant than what we have. It begins sufficiently 
It the author has hardly enunciated his preliminary apothegms, 
e conducts into an obscurity where we can hardly grope our 
id when we emerge from that, it is to be bewildered by his 
IS but unsubstantial pictures of sagely perfection. He has 
ily contributed to nourish the pride of his countrymen. He 

I ted their sages above all that is called God or is worshipped, 
ght the masses of the people that with them they have need 
Lng from without. In the mean time it is antagonistic to 
mity. By-and-by, when Christianity has prevailed in China, 

II refer to it as a striking proof how their fathers by their 
knew neither God nor themselves 

22 The Introdactoiy note, p. 247. 



*^^^^t^^^^0^^^^0^^^0m^m0^^^0*0*0^0^^^^m0^^^0^t^0^^f^ 



55] 



wiOLEGOMEKA,] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. 



CHAPTER V. 

CONFUCIUS AND HIS LMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 

SECTION I. 

LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 

1. "And have you foreigners surnames as well?" This questi 
has often been put to me by Chinese. It marks the ignorance wlii 

belongs to the people of all that is external to the 

His ancestry. ^ "*^ . 

selves, .and the pride of antiquity which enters larg( 
as an element into their character. If such a pride could in any g 
be justified, we might allow it to the family of the K'uiig, t 
descendants of Confucius. In the reign of K'ang-he, tweiity-c 
centuries and a half after the death of the sage, they amounted 
eleven thousand males. But their ancestry is carried back throu 
a period of equal extent, and genealogical tables are common, 
which the descent of Confucius is traced down from Hwang-te, I 
inventor of the cycle, B.C. 2637.^ 

The more moderate writers, however, content themselves w 
exhibiting his ancestry back to the commencement of the Cli 
dynasty, B.C. 1121. Among the relatives of the tyrant Chow, 1 
last emperor of the Yin dynasty, was an elder brother, by a c( 
cubine, named K'e,^ who is celebrated by Confucius, Ana. xvjii. 
under the title of the viscount of Wei. Foreseeing the impend! 
ruin of their family, K'e withdrew from the court ; and subseque 
ly, he was invested by the emperor Shing, the second of the hoi 
of Chow, with the principality of Sung, which embraced the east* 
portion of the present province of Ho-nan, that he might there c< 
tinue the sacrifices to the emperors of Yin. K'e was followed 
duke of Sung hy a younger brother, in whose line the successi 

1 See Memoirei! concernant les Chinois, Tome XII, p. 447, et seq, Fatlier Amiot states, p. 
that he had seen the representative of tlie family, who succeeded to the dignity of ^jy ^ 

in the 9th year of K'cen-lung, x.i>, 1744. It is hardly necessary that I shouUl say here, tU( 

name Confucius is merely the Chinese characters ^fT -4^ -^ (K*uug Foo-tszc, 'Them* 

KHing ') latinized. 2 jgjr. 

5G] 



I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [prolboomeha. 

tinned. His great-grandson, the duke Min,3 was followed, B.C. 908, 
Et younger brother, leaving, however, two sons Fuh-foo Ho,* and 
ig-sze.^ Fuh Ho^ resigned his right to the dukedom in favour of 
tg-sze, who put his uncle to death in B.C. 893, and became master 
he State. He is known as the duke Le,'^ and to his elder brother 
3ngs the honour of having the sage among his descendants, 
["hree descents from Fuh Ho, we find Ching K*au-foo,^ who was 
istinguished officer under the dukes Tae, Woo, and Seuen^ (b.c. 
I — 728). He is still celebrated for his humility, and for his 
rary tastes. We have accounts of him as being in communi- 
Lon with the Grand-historiographer of the empire, and engaged 
•esearches about its ancient poetry, thus setting an example of one 
;he works to which Confucius gave himself. ^^ K*aou gave birth 
K*ung-foo Kea,^^ from whom the surname of K'ung took its rise. 
e generations had now elapsed since the dukedom was held in 
direct line of his ancestry, and it was according to the rule in 
h cases that the branch should cease its connection with the 
^1 stem, and merge among the people under a new surname, 
mg Kea was Master of the Horse in Sung, and an officer of well 
►wn loyalty and probity. Unfortunately for himself, he had a wife 
surpassing beauty, of whom the chief minister of the State, by 
ae Hwa Tuh,^^ happened on one occasion to get a glimpse. De- 
nined to possess her, he commenced a series of intrigues, which, 
led, B.C. 709, in the murder of Kea and the reigning duke Shang.^* 
the same time, Tub secured the person of the lady, and hastened 
liis palace with the prize, but on the way she had strangled her- 
' with her girdle. 

in enmity was thus commenced between the two families of K'ung 
I Hwa which the lapse of time did not obliterate, and the latter 
ng the more powerful of the two, Kea's great-grandson withdrew 
the State of Loo to avoid their persecution. There he was ap- 
nted commandant of the city of Fang,^* and is known in history 

^^' ^%1^1^' ^ M (^- 3^) ;1iE- 6 I drop here the ;^ (up.^ 
0, which seeniB to have been used in those times in a manner equivalent to our Mr. 7 
8 j]^ 4y 1^ » ^ ^ '"^d in the same way as ^ ; see note 6. 9 ^, ^, 
^. 10. ^5ee the :^ gS:, and ]^ ^ 1^ j^ ; quoted in Keang Yung's (X ^) Life 
Wndiu, which forms a part of the ^ ^ |^ :^. ^^ ^ ^ ^- ^^ ^ ^• 

57] 





PBOLEGOMENA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIILES. [ 

by the name of Fang-shuh.^^ Fiing-shuh gave birth to Pih-hea,^^ 
from hhn came Shuh-leang Heih,^'' the father of Confucius. I 
appears in the history of the times as a soldier of great prowess 
daring bravery. In the year B.C. 5(j2, when serving at the sle;ji 
a phice called Peih-yang,^^ a party of the assailants made their wa; 
at a gate which had purposel}' been left open, and no sooner weret 
inside than the portcullis Avas dropped. Heih was just entering, i 
catching the massive structure with both his hands, he graduj 
by dint of main strength raised it and held it up, till his friends I 
made their escape. 

Thus much on the ancestry of the sage. Doubtless he co 
trace his descent in the way Avhich has been indicated up t^) 
imperial house of Yin, nor was there one among liis ancestors d 
ino: the rule of Chow to whom he could not refer with satisfacti 
They had been ministers and soldiers of Suiig and Loo, allmei 
worth, and in Ching K'aou, both for his humility and liter 
researches, Confucius might have special comi)lacency, 

2. Confucius was the child of Shuh-lean<]j Heih's old a^re. 
soldier had married in early life, but his wife brought him < 

daughters, — to the number of nine, and no 

From his birth to his ,^ i • i i i i iiiw 

first public empioymeuta. i>y a concubinc he had a son, named Man: 

and also rih-ne,^ wlio proved a cripple, so 
when he was over seventy years, Heih sought a second wife in 
Yen family,^ from which came subse(piently Yen Hwuy, the fa^ 
ite disciple of his son. There Avere three daughters in the fa 
the youngest being named Ching-tsae.^ Their father said to 1 
" Here is the commandant of Tsow. His father and grandf 
were onl}^ scholars, but his ancestors before them were descen 
of the sage emperors. He is a man ten feet high,* and of exi 
dinary prowess, and I am very desirous of his alliance. Though 
old and austere, vou need have no misorivin^ijs about him. Whi 

' •/ O CD 

you three will be his wife?" The two elder daughters were s 
but Ching-tsae said, "Why do you ask us, father? It is for }' 
determine." "Very well," said her father in reply, "you will 





See, on the kngth of the ancient foot, Ana. Vill. vi., but the point needs a mure sifting in 
tion than it has yet received. 

58] 



ct. I.] LIFE OF COKFUCIUS. [prolegomena. 

!hing-tsne, accordingh', became Heih's wife, and in due time gave 
irth to Confucius, who received the name of K'ew, and was subse- 
tieiitly styled Chung-ne.^ The event happened on the 21st day 
f the 10th month of the 21st year of the dulce Seang, of Loo, being 
he 20th year of the emperor Ling, B.C. 551. The birth-place was 
n the district of Tsow, of which Heih was the governor. It was 
fomewhere within the limits of the present department of Yen-chow 
n Shan-tung, but the honour of being the exact spot is claimed for 
:wo places in two different districts of the department. 

The notices which we have of Confucius' early years are very 
wanty. When he was in his third year his father died. It is related of 

^ 'rt W5» H^ iR' fln- '^^ legends say that Chin^-tsae, fearinj^ lest she should not have a 
*^n, in consequence of her husband's age, privately ascended the Xe-k'ew hill to pray for tlie boon, 
^d that when she had obtained it, she coniniomorated the fact in the names — K*ew and Oiunp-ne. 
*Ut the cripple, Mang-p*e, had previously been styled l*ih-ne. There was some reason, pi-evious 
* Confucius' birth, for using the term ne in the family. As might be expected, the birth of the 
^is surroundcil with many prodigious occurrences. One account is, that the husband «and wife 
'^.ved tojrethcr for a son in a dcU of mount Ne. As Ching-tsae went up the hill, the leaves of 
^ trees and plants all erected themselves, and bent downwards on her return. That night she 
f^anit the fihick Te appeared, and said to her, 'You shall have a son, a sage, and you must bring 
ini forth in a hollow mulberry tree/ One day during her pregnancy, she fell into a dreamy 
Ate. and saw five old men in the hall, who called themselves the essences of the five planets, and 
d an aniual which looked like a small cow with (me horn, and was covered witli scales like a 
ragon. This creature knelt before Ching-tsae, and cast forth from its mouth a slip of gem, on 
hich was tlie inscription, — *The son of the essence of water shall succeed to the withering 
how, and be a throneless king.* Ching-tsae tied a piece of embroidered ribbon about its horn, 
id the TisioD disappeared. When Heih was told of it, he said, 'The creature mu^t be tlie K'e- 
l' As her time drew near, Ching-tsae asked her husband if there was any place in the neigh- 
arhood called *The hollow mulberry tree.* He told her there was a dry cave in the south 
1, which went by that name. Then she said, 'I will go and be confined there.' Her husband 
s surprised, but when made acquainted with her former dream, he made the necessary arrange- 
ots. On the night when tlie child was born, two dragons came and kept watch on the left 
1 right of the hill, and two spirit-ladies appeared in the air, pouring out fragrant odour^, as if 
bathe Ching-tsae ; and as soon as the birth took place, a spring of clear warm water bubbled up 
m the floor of the cave, which dried up again when the child had been washed in it. The child 
I of an extraordinary appearance ; with a mouth like the sea, ox lips, a dragon's back, &c., &c. 
the top of his head was a remarkable formation, in consequence of which he was named K*ew, &c. 
; the £\\ ^H ^^, Bk. Ixxviii. — Sze-ma Ts'een seems to make Confucius to have been illc- 

imatc, saying that Heih and Miss Yen cohabited in the wilderness (^» 'a ^* Keang Yung 
's that the phrase has reference simply to the disparity of tlieir ages. 

5 Sze-nia Ts'een says tliat Confucius was born in the 22d year of duke Seang, n.c. 550. He is 
lowed by Choo He in the short sketch of Confucius' life prefixed to the Lun Yu, and by * The 
inals of the Empire* (BS >H^ J^ ^P ^0* P^i^^^shed with imperial sanction in the reign of 
a-king. (To this latter work I have generally referred for my dates.) The year assigned ia 
5 text above rests on the authority of Kuh-leang and Kuug-yang, the two commentators on 
5 TiHm Ts'ew. With regard to the month, liowever, the 10th is that assigned by lvuh<leang, 
He Kung-yang names the 11th. 7 Tsow is written MJ, |K[j, Mf, and MJ. 

59] 



( 



PBOLiooKSirA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIFX.ES. [cB.iki 

him, that as a boy he used to play at the arrangement of sacrificial 
vessels, and at postures of ceremony. Of his schooling we have do 
reliable account. There is a legend, indeed, that at seven he wenttd 
school to Gan P*ing-chung,® but it must be rejected as P4ng-chuDg 
belonged to the State of Ts'e. He tells us himself that at fifteen he 
bent his mind to learning ;^ but the condition of the family was one 
of poverty. At a subsequent period, when people were astonished 
at the variety of his knowledge, he explained it by saying " When 
I was young, my condition wtvs low, and therefore I acquired my 
ability in many things ; but they were mean matters."^^ 

When he was nineteen, he married a lady from the State of Sang, 
of the Keen-kwan family, ^^ and in the following year his son Le wa« 
born. On the occasion of this event, the duke Ch^aou sent him ^ 
present of a couple of carp. It was to signify his sense of his prince's 
favour, that he called his son Le {The Carp)^ and afterwards gave 
him the designation of Pih-yu^^ (Fish Primus). No mention is made 
of the birth of any other children, though we know, from Ana. V. l, 
that he had at least one daughter. The fact of the duke of Loo's 
sending him a gift on the occasion of Le s birth, shows that he was 
not unknown, but was already commanding public attention and 
the respect of the great. 

It was about this time, probably in the year after his marriage, 
that Confucius took his first public employment, as keeper of the 
stores of grain, ^3 and in the following year he was put in charge of 
the public fields and lands. ^* Mencius adduces these employments 
in illustration of his doctrine that the superior man may at times tate 
office on account of his poverty, but must confine himself in such s 
case to places of small emolument, and aim at nothing but the db 
charge of their humble duties. According to him, Confucius tf 
keeper of stores, said, " My calculations must all be right : — ^that i^ 
all I have to care about;" and when in charge of the public fields, 
he said, "Tlie oxen and sheep must be fat and strong and superior: 
— that is all I have to care about. "^^ It does not appear wheth« 



8 ^ 2|S: >fp}t. 9 Ana. H. ir. 10 Ana. IX. vi. " ^ ^ ^ 7f ^ ^ 

12 ^ g m, fjfp ^ >f 1^ ^ . 18 ^ ^ ^. This is Mencius* account. Sse-nu 

Ts'een says 1^ ^ ^ ^ ^, but his subsequent words j^ -g 2EL show that the offio 

was the same. 14 Mencius caUs this office ^^ ffl , whUe Sze-ma Ta'een says "iS ^ fl^^ 

16 Mencius, V. Pt. H. t. 4. 

60] 



M.] LIPE OV CONFUCIUS. [pbolbooxsiia. 

ese oifices were held by Confucius in the direct employment of the 
ate, or as a dependent of the Ke family in whose jurisdiction he 
red. The present of the carp from the duke may incline us to 
ippose the former. 

3. In his twenty-second year, Confucius commenced his labours as 
public teacher, and his house became a resort for young and 
iquiring spirits, who wished to learn the doctrines of antiquity. 

However small the fee his pupils were able to 
Sr,rrSrf The afford, he never refused his instructions.! All 
**5£52™°^^* that he required, was an ardent desire for 

improvement, and some degree of capacity. 
I do not open up the truth," he said, " to one who is not eager to 
et knowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious to explain 
imself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, 
ad he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my 

S80n."2 

His mother died in the year B.C. 528, and he resolved that her 
^y should lie in the same grave with that of his father, and that 
fceir common resting place should be in Fang, the first home of the 
.*nng in Loo. But here a difficulty presented itself. His father's 
>ffin had been for twenty years, where it had first been deposited, 
ff the road of The Five Fathers^ in the vicinity of Tsow : — would it 
s right in him to move it ? He was relieved from this perplexity 
y an old woman of the neighbourhood, who told him that the 
^ffin had only just been put into the ground, as a temporary ar- 
ftogement, and not regularly buried. On learning this, he carried 
18 purpose into execution. Both coffins were conveyed to Fang, 
fid put in the ground together, with no intervening space between 
kem, as was the custom in some States. And now came a new 
erplexity. He said to himself, "In old times, they had graves, 
at raised no tumulus over them. But I am a man, who belongs 
[ually to the north and the south, the east and the west. I must 
ive something by which I can remember the place." Accordingly 

raised a mound, four feet high, over the grave, and returned 
me, leaving a party of his disciples to see everything properly 
mpleted. In the mean time there came on a heavy storm of rain, 
d it was a considerable time before the disciples joined him. 

1 Ana. Vn. TU. 2 Ana. VII. viii. 

61] 






PROLEGOMENA.] CONFUCIUS AND flIS DISCIPLES. [ctu^ 

*' What makes you SO late?" he asked, "The grave in Fang feBj 
down," they said. He made no reply, and they repeated theig 
answer three times, when he burst into tears, and said, "Ah! tbej 
did not make their graves so in antiquity."^ 

Confucius mourned for his mother the regular period of tlir 
years, — three years nominally, but in fact only twenty-seven nioiitli& 
Five days after the mourning was expired, he played on his \\M 
but could not sing. It required other five days before he could- 
accompany an instrument with his voice.* 

Some writei's have represented Confucius as teaching his disciples;: 
important lessons from the manner in which he buried his raotber^j 
and having a design to correct irregularities in the ordinaiy funeral 
ceremonies of the time. These things are altogether "witboufc 
book." We simply have a dutiful son paying the last tribute of 
affection to a good parent. In one point he departs from the ancient 
practice, raising a mound over the grave, and when the fresh earth 
gives way from a sudden rain, he is moved to tears, and seems tft 
regret his innovation. This sets Confucius vividly before us,— ft: 
man of the past as much as of the present, whose own natural feeling* 
were liable to be hampered in their development by the 'traditions 
of antiquity which he considered sacred. It is important, however 
to observe the reason which he gave for rearing the mound. He 
had in it a presentiment of much of his future course. He was ''» 
man of the north, the south, the east, and the west." He mightr 
not confine himself to any one State. He would travel, and his way 
might be directed to some " wise ruler," whom his counsels would 
conduct to a benevolent sway that would break forth on every side 
till it transformed the empire. 

4. When the mourning for his mother was over, Confucius re- 
mained in Loo, but in what special capacity we do not know. Pro- 

babl}^ he continued to encourage the resort of 
m^ 'orchoT'and'V'^^^^^^^ inquirers to whom he communicated instnic- 



court 
to Lo 
B.C. 52G— 617. 



*°''^- tion, and pursued his own researches into 



the history, literature, and institutions of the 
empire. In the year B.C. 524, the chief of the small State of T'an,^ 

3 Le Ke, 11. Pt. I. i. 10 ; Pt. IT. iii. 30 ; Pt. I. i. 6. See also the discussioD of those passages iJ 
Keang Yung's *Life of Confucius.* 4 Le Ke, 11. Pt. I. i. 22. 

1 See the Ts'un Ts'ew, under the 7th year of duke Ch*aou.— ^, I^P "7* ^ IB* 

62] 



f.l.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [proleoomeka. 

ide liis appearance at the court of Loo, and discoursed in a won- 
rful manner, at a feast given to him by the duke, about the names 
lich the most ancient sovereigns, from Hwang-te downwards, gave 
their ministers. The sacrifices to the emperor Shaou-haou, the 
xt ill descent from Hwang-te, were maintained in T'an, so that 
e chief fancied that he knew all about the abstruse subject on 
lich he discoursed. Confucius, hearing about the matter, Avaited 
I the visitor, and learned from him all that he had to communi- 
te.2 

1o the year B.C. 523, when Confucius was twenty-nine years old, 
referred his studying music under a famous master of the name of 
ang.^ He was approaching his 30th year when, as he tells us, "he 
>o<l"* firm, that is, in his convictions on the subjects of learning 
whicli he had bent his mind fifteen years before. Five years 
^re, however, were still to pass by, before the anticipation mention- 
in the conclusion of the last paragraph began to receive its 
Itilment,'^ though we may conclude from the way in which it was 
ought about that he was growing all the time in the estimation 
the thinking minds in his native State. 

In the 24th year of duke Ch'aou, B.C. 517, one of the principal 
iiisters of Loo, known by the name of Mang He, died. Seventeen 
ars before, he had painfully felt his ignorance of ceremonial obser- 
nees, and had made it his subsequent business to make himself 
rjuainted with them. On his deathbed, he addressed his chief 
icer, saying, " A knowledge of propriety is the stem of a man. 
ithout it he Inis no means of standing firm. I have heard that 
ere is one K'ung Kew, wlio is thoroughly versed in it. He is a 
scendant of Sages, and though the line of his family was extin- 
lished in Sung, among his ancestors there Avere Fuh-foo Ho, Avho 
signed the dukedom to his brotlier, and Ching K*aou-foo, Avho was 

2 Thii rests on the respectable autliority of Tso-k*ew Minjf's annotations on the Ts'un Ts'cw, 
it I must consider it apocryphal. The legtaul-writcrs have fashioned a journey to T'an. Tlie 
ightest butorical intimation becomes a text witli them, on wliich they enlarge to the glory of 
^la^e. Amiot has reproduced and expanded their romancing^, and others, such as Fauthier 
^iune, pp. 121-18.3) and Thornton ("History of China, vol. 1. pp. 151-215) have followed in his 
Ake. 3 gjjj ffl See the * Family Sayings,' ^ ^, art. ^|.| ^^ )^^ ; but the account 
tore given in not more credible tiian the chief of T'an's expositions. 4 Ana. II. iv. 

5 The journey to Chow is placed by Sze-ma Ts*een before Confuciu.s* holding of his first 
ficial employments, and Choo lie and most other writers follow him. It is a great error, and 
itcu Irum a miduuderstiindlng of the passage from the ^X j^ "/A upon the subject. 

63] 



PBOLBGOMBWA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [cur,^ 

distinguished for his humility. Tsang Heih has observed that if 
sage men of intelligent virtue do not attain to eminence, distinguish- 
ed men are sure to appear among their posterity. His words are 
now to be verified, I think, in K'ung K'ew. After my death, you 
must tell Ho-ke to go and study proprieties under him."^ In con-< 
sequence of this charge, Ho-ke,^ Mang He's son, who appears in the 
Analects under the name of Mang E,^ and a brother, or perhaps 
only a near relative, named Nan-kung King-shuh,^ became disciples 
of Confucius. Their wealth and standing in the State gave him a 
position which he had not had before, and he told King-shuh of a 
wish which he had to visit the court of Chow, and especially to 
confer on the subject of ceremonies and music with Laou Tan. King- 
shuh represented the matter to the duke Ch'aou, who put a carriage 
and a pair of horses at Confucius' disposal for the expedition. ^^ 

At this time the court of Chow was in the city of Lo,^^ in the 
present department of Ho-nan of the province of the same name. 
The reigning emperor is known by the title of King,^^ \y^i ^^^ g^yg. 

reignty was little more than nominal. The state of China was then 
analogous to that of one of the European kingdoms during the pre- 
valence of the feudal system. At the commencement of the dynasty, 
the various States of the empire had been assigned to the relatives 
and adherents of the reigning family. There were thirteen princi- 
palities of greater note, and a large number of smaller dependencies. 
During the vigorous youth of the dynasty, the emperor or lord 
paramount exercised an eflFective control over the various chiefs, but 
with the lapse of time there came weakness and decay. The chiefs- 
corresponding somewhat to the European dukes, earls, marquises, ba^ 
ons, &c., — quarreled and warred among themselves, and the stronger 
among them barely acknowledged their subjection to the emperor. 
A similar condition of things prevailed in each particular State. 
There there were hereditary ministerial families, who were contin- 
ually encroaching on the authority of their rulers, and the heads of 
those families again were frequently hard pressed by their inferior 
officers. Such was the state of China in Confucius' time. The 

'mt >^* ^^ -^^^ St ^^ maizes King-shuh accompany Confucius to Chow. It is difficult to 
understand this, if King-shuh were really a son of Mang lie who had died that year. 11 ift. 
12 ^ 3E ^^'^' SlS-*75). 

64] 



OCT. X.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS- [pbolbgombna. 

reader must have it clearly before hiin, if he would understand the 
position of the sage, and the reforms which, we shall find, it was 
subsequently his object to introduce. 

Arrived at Chow, he had no intercourse with the court or any of the 
principal ministers. He was there not as a politician, but an inquirer 
about the ceremonies and maxims of the founders of the dynasty, 
Laou Tan,^^ whom he had wished to see, the acknowledged founder 
of the Taouists, or Rationalistic sect which has inaintaiQed its ground 
in opposition to the followers of Confucius, was then a treasury- 
keeper. They met and freely interchanged their views, but no 
reliable account of their conversations has been preserved. In the 
5th Book of the Le Ke^ which is headed^ ^' The philosopher Tsang 
asked," Confucius refers four times to the views of Laou-tsze on 
certain points of funeral ceremonies, and in the "Family Sayings," 
Book XXIV., he tells Ke K'ang what he had heard from him about 
*' The Five Tes," but we may hope their conversation turned also on 
more important subjects. Sze-ma Ts'een, favourable to Laou-tsze, 
inake.s him lecture his visitor in the following style: — "Those whom 
yon talk about are dead, and their bones are mouldered to dust; 
only their words remain. When the superior man gets his time, he 
mounts aloft; but when the time is against him, he moves as if hi» 
ieet were entangled. 1 have heard that a good merchant, though 
lie has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if he were poor, and 
that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yet to outward 
seeming stupid Put away your proud air and many desires, your 
insinuating habit and wild will.^* These are of no advantage to 
you. This is all which I have to tell you." On the other hand, 
Confucius is made to say to his disciples, " I know how birds can 
iiy, how fishes can swim, and how animals can run. But the run- 
ner may be snared, the swimmer may be hooked, and the flyer may 
be shot by the arrow. But there is the dragon, I cannot tell how 
lie mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven. 
To-day I have seen Laou-tsze, and can only compare him to the 
dragon."^ 

13 According to Sze-tna TsHicn, Tjiit waM the pocthumout epithet of this individual, whoso 
«umame was Le (^p).. name Urh (B^)t and designation Pih-yang ('f A ^)- 1** ife ^[ 

^ y$ ^- ^^ ^^ *^^ ^ IE' ^y "^ ^ ^* *"^ compare Ihc remarlu attributed to 
I«auu-U2c in the account of the K'uu^ Iwuiily uuar the bcgiuuiug. 

[ 



rROLKOOMENA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [ca^. 

While at Lo, Confucius walked over the grounds set apart for 
the great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth ; inspected the pattern of 
the Hall of Light, built to give audience in to the princes of the 
empire; and examined all the arrangements of the ancestral 
temple and the court. From the whole he received a profound 
impression. "Now," said he with a sigh, " I know the sage wisdom 
of the duke of Chow, and how the house of Chow attained to the 
imperial sway/'^^ On the walls of the Hall of Light were paintings 
of the ancient sovereigns from Yaou and Shun downwards, their 
characters appearing in the representations of them, and words of 
praise or warning being appended. There was also a picture of the 
duke of Chow sitting with his infant nephew, the king Shing, upon 
his knees, to give audience to all the princes. Confucius surveyed 
the scene with silent delight, and then said to his followers, " Here 
you see how Chow became so great. As we use a glass to examine 
the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to under- 
stand the present. "^^ In the hall of the ancestral temple, there was 
a metal statue of a man with three clasps upon his mouth, and his 
back covered over with an enjoyable homily on the duty of keeping 
a watch upon the lips. Confucius turned to his disciples and sai<l, 
" Observe it, my children. These words are true, and commend 
themselves to our feelings."^® 

About music he made inquiries at Chiang Hwang, to whom the 
following remarks are attributed : — " I have observed about Chung- 
lie many marks of a sage. His has river eyes and a dragon forehead, 
— the very characteristics of Hwang-te. His arms are long, his 
back is like a tortoise, and he is nine feet six inches in height, — ^the 
very semblance of T'ang the Completer. When he speaks, he praises 
the ancient kings. He moves along the j)ath of humility and 
courtesy. He has heard of every subject, and retains with a strong 
memory. His knowledge of things seems inexhaustible. — Have we 
not in him the rising of a sage ?"^^ 

I have given these notices of Confucius at the court of Chow, 
more as being the only ones 1 could find, than because 1 put much 
faith in them. He did not remain there long, but returned the 
same year to Loo, and continued his work of teaching. His fame 

16, 17, 18 See the ^ ^> ^ Il» art. ^ ^]. 10 Quoted by Kcang Yung from *Tbfi 
Family Sayings.' 

GG] 



SKTT. I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [pnoLEooiiEXA. 

was greatly increased ; disciples came to him from different parts, 
till their number amounted to three thousand. Several of those 
who have come down to us as the most distinguished among his 
followers, however, were yet unboi-n, and the statement just given 
mav be considered as an exaor<Teration. We are not to conceive of 
the disciples as forming a community, and living togctlier. Parties 
of them may have done so. We shall find Confucius hereafter 
always moving amid a company of admiring pupils; but the greater 
number must have had their proper avocations and ways of Hying, 
and would only resort to the master, when they wished specially to 
ask his counsel or to leagn of him. 

5. In the year succeeding the return to Loo, that State fell into 
great confusion. There were three Families in it, all connected 
irregularly with the ducal house, who had long kept the rulers in a 

condition of dependency. They appear fre- 

m^r\o 1irti!e Sl^^^^^^^^ quently in the Analects as the Ke clan, the 
year. B.C. 516, 515. gl^^^jj^ ^ud the Maug ; and while Confucius 

freely spoke of their usurpations,! he was a sort of dependent of the 
Ke family, and appears in frequent comnmnication with members of 
all the three. In the year B.C. 516, the duke Ch^aou came to open 
hostilities with them, and being Avorsted, fled into Ts'e, tlie State 
adjoining Loo on the north. Thither Confucius also repaired, that 
he might avoid the prevailing disorder of his native State. Ts'e 
was then under the government of a duke, afterwards styled King,2 
who " had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on tlie day of 
his death the people did not praise him for a single virtue."^ His 
chief minister, however, was Gan Ying,* a man of considerable ability 
and worth. At his court the music of the ancient sa^e-emperor. 
Shun, originally brought to T'se from the State of Ts'in,^ was still 
preserved. 

According to the "Family Sayings," an incident occurred on the 
way to Ts e, which I may transfer to these pages as a good speci- 
men of the way in which Confucius turned occurring matters to 
account, in his intercourse with his disciples. As he Avas passing 
by the side of the T'ae mountain, there Avas a woman weeping and 
wailing by a grave. Confucius bent forward in his carriage, and 



L 



1 See Analects, m. i., ii., c/ a/. 2. ;^ ^. 8 Ana. XVI. xii. 4 ^ M. This 

is the same who was afterwards styled Si ^ "(rfl. 5 

G7] 







I 



WoleOombkaJ CONFUCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. tcH.t. 

after listening to her for^some time, sent Tsze-loo to ask the cause of 
her grief. " You weep, as if you had experienced sorrow upon 
sorrow," said Tsze-loo. The woman replied, " It is so. My hus- 
band's father was killed here by a tiger, and my husband also; and 
now my son has met the same fate." Confucius asked her why she did 
not remove from the place, and on her answering, "There is here bo 
oppressive government," he turned to his disciples, and said, "My 
children, remember this. Oppressive government is fiercer than » 
tiger. "^ 

As soon as he crossed the border from Loo, we are told he 
discovered from the gait and manners of a boy, whom he saw carrjing 
a pitcher, the influence of the sages music, and told the driver of hi* 
carriage to hurry on to the capital.^ Arrived there, he heard tV 
strain, and was so ravished with it, that for three months he m< 
not know the taste of flesh. "I did not think," he said, "thu 
music could have been made so excellent as this."® The duke Kin 
was pleased with the conferences which he had with him,^ an 
proposed to assign to him the town of Lin-k'ew, from the revenue 
of which he might derive a sufficient support ; but Confucius refuse 
- -- the gift, and said to his disciples, "A superior man will only recer 
reVard for services which he has done. I have given advice to t 
duke King, but he has not yet obeyed it, and now he would end< 
me with this place 1 Very far is he from understanding me."^^ 

On one occasion the duke asked about government, and receiv 
the characteristic reply, " There is government when the prince 
prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, a 
the son is son."^^ I say that the reply is characteristic. Once, wl 
Tsz-loo asked him what he would consider the first thing to be dc 
if entrusted with the government of a State, Confucius answer 
" What is necessary is to rectify names."^^ Xhe disciple thought i 

6 See the ^ ^, j& JJO, art. j£ |^ j^. I haire translated, howerer, from the Le 
II. Ft II. iii. 10, Trhcre the some incident is given, with some variations, and withcmt u 
trhen or where it occurred. 7 See the ^ >J^, 4SE -|^ ^, p. 18. 8 Ana. VH. 

9 Some of these are related in the Family Mayings ; — about the burning of the ancestral al 
of the emperor f m i ^^^ & one-footed bird wliich appeared hopping and flapping its wings in ' 
They are plainly fabulous, though quoted in proof of Confucius* sage wisdom. This refercnc 
them is more than enough. 10 ^ji^ ^-j ^ ^^, -^ ,2fc 11« ■^«- ^^ 

12 Ana. XIII. iii. 

G8] 



i 



*.^ '^ 



.1.1 LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [pRotiJcomwA. 

reply wide of the mark, but it was substantially the same with what 
he said to the duke King. There is a sufficient foundation in 
nature for government in the several relations of societ)^, and if 
1*^ those be maintained and developed according to their relative 
ytl aignificancy, it is sure to obtain. This was a first principle in the 
^Wi political ethics of Confucius. 

*^ ! Another day the duke got to a similar inquiry the reply that the 

art of government lay in an economical use of the revenues ; and 

being pleased, he resumed his purpose of retaining the philosopher in 

^^^ his State, and proposed to assign to him the fields of Ne-k'e. His 

^"1 chief minister Gan Ying dissuaded him from the purpose, saying, 

"Those scholars are impracticable, and cannot be imitated. They 

are haughty and conceited of their own views, so that they will not 

be content in inferior positions. They set a high value on all 

^ funeral ceremonies, give way to their grief, and will waste their 

t property on great burials, so that they would only be injurious to the 

* r common manners. This Mr K^ung has a thousand peculiarities. It 

^•- would take generations to exhaust all that he knows about the 

5^. ceremonies of going up and going down*. This is not the time to 

!^^ examine into his rules of propriety. If you, prince, wish to employ 

him to change the customs of Ts'e, you will not be making the 

_ people your primary consideration."^* 

I had rather believe that these were not the words of Gan Ying, 
^ but they must represent pretty correctly the sentiments of many 
of the statesmen of the time about Confucius. The duke of Ts'e 
got tired ere long of having such a monitor about him, and observ* 
ed, " I cannot treat him as I would the chief of the Ke family. I 
will treat him in a way between that accorded to the chief of the Ke, 
- and that given to the chief of the Mang family." Finally he said, " I 
am old ; I cannot use his doctrines."^* These observations were made 
directly to Confucius, or came to his hearing. ^^ It was not consis- 
tent with his self-respect to remain longer in Ts^e, and he returned 
to Loo.^^ 

6. Returned to Loo, he remained for the long period of about 

13 Sec the ^ gg, :fL -^ Iff; ^, p. 2. 14 Ana. XVIH. iii. 15 Sze-ma Ts'een 

makes the fint observation to have been addressed directly to Confucius. 16 According to 

the above account Confucius was only once, and for a portion of two years, in Ts'c. For the 
refutation of contrary accounts, sec Kcang Yung's Life of the sage. 

G9] 






PBOLEGOMBKA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLT5S. [cut. 

fifteen years without being engaged in any official employtnent. It 

was a time, indeed, of great disorder. The duke 
office in Lool* ^^^ ^^^ Ch'aou Continued a refugee in Ts'e, the govern- 
BX3. 515-501. j^g^|. being in the hands of the great Families, up 

to his death in B.C. 509, on which event the rightful heir was set 
aside, and another member of the ducal house, known to us by the 
title of Ting,^ substituted in his place. The ruling authority of the 
principality became thus still more enfeebled than it had been be- 
fore, and, on the other hand, the chiefs of the Ke, the Shuh, and the 
MSng, could hardly keep their ground against their own officers. 
Of those latter the two most conspicuous were Yang Hoo,^ called 
also Yang Ho,^ and Kung-shan Fuh-jaou.* At one time Ke Hwan, 
the most powerful of the chiefs, was kept a prisoner by Yang Hoo, 
and was obliged to make terms with him in order to secure his 
liberation. Confucius would give his countenance to none, as he 
disapproved of all, and he studiously kept aloof from them. Of how 
he comported himself among them we have a specimen in the inci- 
dent related in the Analects, xvii. i.-" Yang Ho wished to see Cob- 
fucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. On this, he sent a 
present of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho 
was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met 
him, however, on the way. ' Come, let me speak with you,' said the 
officer. * Can he be called benevolent, who keeps his jewel in hift 
bosom, and leaves his country to confusion ? * Confucius replied, 
* No.' * Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged i^^ 
public emplo)niient, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity ^* 
being so?' Confucius again said, *No.' The other added, 'Th^ 
days and months are passing away ; the years do not wait for us- 
Confucius said, ' Right ; I will go into office.' " Chinese writers d^ 
eloquent in their praises of the sage for the combination of proprietji 
complaisance, and firmness, which they see in his behaviour in ih^ 
matter. To myself there seems nothing remarkable in it but ^ 
somewhat questionable dexterity. But it was well for the fame (^ 
Confucius that his time was not occupied during those years witt 
official services. He turned them to better account, prosecuting hi^ 
researches into the poetry, history, ceremonies, and music of th^ 
empire. Many disciples continued to resort to him, and the legendai-j 

'^^ 2^J^- '^n *4^Ulf;^(^IE.a)- 

70] 



I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [pbolboomeka. 

ters tell us how he employed their services in digesting the results 
lis studies. I must repeat, however, that several of them, whose 
nes are most famous, such as Tsang Sin, were as yet children, and 
II Sun^ was not born till B.C. 500. 

To this period we must refer the almost single instance which 
have of the manner of Confucius intercourse with his son Le. 
lave you heard any lessons from your father diiferent from what 
1 have all heard ?" asked one of the disciples once of Le. " No," 
d Le. " He was standing alone once, when I was passing through 
i court below with hasty steps, and said to me, ' Have you read the 
les?' On my replying, *Not yet,' he added, * If you do not learn 
5 OJes, you will not be fit to converse with.' Another day, in the 
lie place and the same way, he said to me, * Have you read the 
les of Propriety?' On my replying, 'Not yet,' he added, ' If you 
not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot be establish- 
' 1 have heard only these two things from him." The disciple 
w delighted and observed, " I asked one thing, and I have got 
vee things. I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about 
e niles of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man 
aintauis a distant reserve towards his son "^ 
I can easilv believe that this distant reserve was the rule which 
onfucius followed generally in his treatment of his son. A stern 
guity is the quality which a father has to maintain upon his system, 
' is not to be without the element of kindness, but that must never 
5 beyond the line of propriety. There is too little room left for the 
lay and development of natural affection. 

The divorce of his wife must also have taken place during these 
sars, if it ever took place at all, which is a disputed point. The 
mous reader will find the question discussed in the notes on the 
«ond Book of the Le Ke. The evidence inclines, I think, against 
le supposition that Confucius did put his wife away. When she 
ed, at a period subsequent to the present, Le kept on weeping 
oud for her after the period for such a demonstration of grief had 
pired, when Confucius sent a niessngc to him that his sorrow must 
subdued, and the obedient son dried his tears.^ We are glad to 
ow that on one occasion — the death of his favourite disciple, Yen 

5 ^ ^, 6. Alia XVI. xiii. 7 Sec the Le Ke U. Pt L i. 27. 

71] 



{ 



T. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. ^ [PROLBGOMEHi. 

ing dropt on the road was not picked up. There was no fraudu- 
II t carving of vessels. Inner coffins were made four inches thick, 
id the outer ones five. Graves were made on the high grounds, 
> mounds being raised over them, and no trees planted about them. 
'^ithin twelve months, the princes of the States all about wished to 
nitate his style of administration.^ 

The duke Ting, sin-prised at what he saw, asked whether his rules 
)uld be employed to govern a whole State, and Confucius told him 
lat they might be applied to the whole empire. On this the duke 
ppointed him assistant-superintendent of Works,* in which capacity 
le surveyed the lands of the State, and made many improvements in 
igriculture. From this he was quickly made minister of Crime,* 
und the appointment was enough to put an end to crime. There 
iras no necessity to put the penal laws in execution. No offenders 
showed themselves.* 

These indiscriniinating eulogies are of little value. One inci- 
dent, related in the annotations of Tso-k^ew on the Ts*un Ts*ew,7 
:oi!nnends itself at once to our belief, as in harmony with Confucius' 
character. The chief of the Ke, pursuing with his enmity the duke 
Jli^aou, even after his death, had placed his grave apart from the 
jraves of his predecessors; and Confucius surrounded the ducal 
iemetery with a ditch so as to include the solitary resting-place, boldly 
-tiling the chief that he did it to hide his disloyalty.® But he signa- 
ized himself most of all, in B.C. 499, by his behaviour at an interview 
:)etween the dukes of Loo and Ts'e, at a place called Shih-k*e,^ and 
KeS-kuh,^^ in the present district of Lae-woo, in the department of 
t'ae-gan.^^ Confucius was present as master of ceremonies on the 
^art of Loo, and the meeting was professedly pacific. The two 
princes were to form a covenant of alliance. The principal officer 
^n the part of Ts*e, however, despising Confucius as " a man of 
-eremonies, without courage," had advised his sovereign to make 
^lie duke of Loo a prisoner, and for this purpose a band of the half- 
ravage original inhabitants of the place advanced with weapons to 
lie stage where the two dukes were met. Confucius understood 

3 ^ ^, Bk I, * W) ^- Tliii office, lioweyer, wag held by the chief of the Milng 
imiljr. We roust understand that Confuciu« wa« oiily an assistant to him, or perhaps acted for 

73] 



\ 



FROLEooMKyA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. {c 

the scheme, and said to the opposite party, " Our two princes 
met for a pacific object. For you to briii^j a baud of savage vass 
to disturb the meeting with their weapons, is not the Avay in wli 
Ts'e can expect to give law to the princes of the empire. Tl* 
barbarians have nothing to do with our Great Flowery land. So 
vassals may not interfere with our covenant. Weapons are out 
place at such a meeting. As before the spirits, such conduct 
unpropitious. In point of virtue, it is contrary to right. As betwc 
man and man, it is not polite." The duke of Ts'e ordered the d 
turbers off, but Confucius withdrew, carrying the duke of Loo wi 
him. The business proceeded, notwithstanding, and when the woi 
of the alliance were being read on the part of Ts'e, — " So be it 
Loo, if it contribute not 300 chariots of war to the help of Ti 
when its army goes across its borders," a messenger from Confuc 
added, — "And so be it to us, if we obey 3'our orders, unless \ 
return to us the fields on the south of the WSn." At the conclus 
of the ceremonies, the prince of Ts'e wanted to give a grand entertJ 
ment, but Confucius demonstrated that such a thing would bee 
trary to the established rules of propriety, his real object being 
keep his sovereign out of danger. In this way the two par 
separated, they of Ts'e filled with shame at being foiled and disgra 
by " the man of ceremonies," and the result was that the lauds 
Loo which had been appropriated by Ts'e were restored.^^ 

For two years more Confucius held the office of minister of Cri 
Some have supposed that he was further raised to the dignitj 
chief minister of the State,^^ but that was not the case. One instJ 
of the manner in which he executed liis functions is worth record 
When any matter came before him, he took the opinion of diffe: 
individuals uj)on it, and in giving judgment would say, ''I de 
according to the view of so and so." There was an approach to 
jury system in the plan, Confucius' object being to enlist gei 
sympathy, and carry the public judgment with him in his admiui 
lion of justice. A father having brought some charge against 
son, Confucius kept them both in prison for three months, wit 

12 This meeting at Keft-knh is related in Sze-nia Ts^n, the Family Sayings, and Kofa 
with many cx;iggonitioiis. I haTe followed j^ ^ ^, ^ '^ "f" ^- ^^ "^^ 1 

aays, Bk II., |L -^ ^ # "J ^' 1^ ^ ^- ^^"* ^''-^ '^*« ** M ^»'>' "> the s, 
an assistant of ceremonies, as at tlie meeting in Kcft-kuh, described al)uve. 

74] 



t] LITE OF CONFOCIUS. [prolegomkha, 

dng any difference in favour of the father, and then wished to 
niss them both. The head of the Ke was dissatisfied, and said, 
ou are playing with me, Sir minister of Crime. Formerly you 
1 me that in a State or a family filial duty was the first thing to 
insisted on. What hinders you now from putting to deatli this 
Blial son as an example to all the people?" Confucius with a 
h replied, " When superiors fail in their duty, and yet go to put 
ir hiferiors to death, it is not right This father has not taught 

son to be filial ; — to listen to his charge would be to slay the 
Itless. The manners of the a":e have been lon<i; in a sad condi- 
1 ; we cannot expect the people not to be transgressing the laws.''** 
It this time two of his disciples, Tsze-loo and Tsze-yew, entered 

employment of the Ke family, and lent their influence, the for- 
r especially, to forward the plans of their master. One great 
ise of disorder in the State was the fortified cities held by the 
ee chiefs, in which they could defy the supreme authority, and 
•e in turn defied themselves by their officers. Those cities were 
t the castles of the barons of England in the tune of the Norman 
gs. Confucius had their destruction very much at lieart, and 
tly by the influence of persuasion, and partly by the assisting 
nsels of Tsze-loo, he accomplished his object in regard to Pe,^^ the 
if city of the Ke, and How,*^ the chief city of the Shuh. 
t does not appear that he succeeded in the same way in disman- 
g Shing,^^ the chief city of the Mang;*^ but his authority in the 
te greatly increased. "He strengthened the ducal House and 
ikened the private Families. He exalted the sovereign, and 
tressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad, 
^honesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads, 
yalty and good faith became the characteristics of the men, and 
istity and docility those of the women. Strangers came in crowds 
m other States."^^ Confucius became the idol of the people, and 
iv in songs through their mouths. ^^ 



See the ^ ^, Bk XL 15 ^. 16 )q|^. 17 J^. 18 In connection 

tiieie erentf, the Family Sayings and Szc-ma Ts'ecn mention the summary punlsliment 

sted hy Confticiiis on an able but unscrupalous and insidious officer, the Sliaou-chinj?, Maou 

* jT^ mD). His judgment and death occupy a conspicuous place in the legendary accounts. 

the Analects, Tsze-sze, Mencius, and Tso-k'ew Ming are all silent about it, and Keang 

g rightly rejects it, as one of the many narratives invented to exalt the sage. 19 See the 

^, Bk II. 20 See ^ ^ -^, quoted by Kcang Yung. 

75] 



woLBoonttSA.] CONTUCIUS AM) 1119 WSCTPLKS- [c«.t. 

But this sky of bright promise was soon overcast. As the fame 
of the reformations in Loo went abroad, the neighbouring princes 
began to be afraid* The duke of Ts*e said, *' With Confucius at the 
head of its government, Loo will become supreme among the States, 
and Ts'e which is nearest to it Avill be the iii*st swallowed up. Let 
lis propitiate it by a surrender of territory." One of his minister 
proposed they should first try to separate betw^een the sage and lii« 
sovereign, and to effect this, they hit upon the following scheme. 
Eighty beautiful girls, with musical and dancing accomplishments, 
were selected, and a hundred and twenty of the fine&t horses that 
could be found, and sent as a present to duke Ting. They were put 
up at first outside the city, and Ke Hwan having gone in disguise to 
see them, forgot the lessons of Confucius, and took the duke to look 
at the bait. They were both captivated. The women were received, 
and the sage was neglected. For three days the duke gave no 
audience to his ministers. " Master," said Tsze-loo to Confucius, "it 
is time for you to be going." But Confucius was very unwilUng 
to leave. The spring was coming on, when the great sacrifice to 
Heaven would be offered, and he determined to wait and see whether 
the solemnity of that would bring the duke back to his right mind. 
No such result followed. The ceremony was hurried through, and 
portions of the offerings were not sent round to the various ministers, 
according to the established custom. Confucius regretfully took I 
his departure, going away slowly and by easy stages.^i He would 
have welcomed a messenger of recall. The duke continued in his 
abandonment, and the sage went forth to thirteen weary years of 
homeless wandering. 

8. On leaving Loo, Confucius first bent his steps westward to the 
State of Wei, situate about where the present provinces of Chih-IeJ. 
, ^ ^ and Ho-nan adjoin. He was now in his 56th 

He wanders from State 

to State. year, and felt depressed and melancholv. As 

B.C. 496 483. •/ ' i. J 

he went along, he gave expression to his feel- 
ings in verse : — 

" Fain would I still look towards Loo, 

But this Kwei hill cuts off my view. 

With an axe, I'd hew the thickets through. : — 

Vain thought! 'gainst the hill I nought can do;" 

^^ i& IE' ?L "T* ilt ^' P- ^- ^^' *^^ Mcncius, \. Pt. ir. u 4 J €f a/. 

76] 



I 



I 



•■CT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [proleoombha. 

and again, — 

"Through the valley howls the bhist, 

Drizzling rain falls thick and fast. 

Homeward goes the youthful bride, 

O'er the wild, crowds by her side. 

How is it, O azure Heaven, 

From my home I thus am driven, 

Through the land my way to trace, 

AVith no certain dwelling-place? 

Dark, dark, the minds of men I 

Worth in vain comes to their ken. 

Hastens on my term of years; 

Old age, desolate, appears."^ 
A number of his disciples accompanied him, and his sadness in- 
fected them. AV'hen they arrived at the borders of Wei, at a place 
called E, the warden sought an interview, and on coming out from 
the sage, he tried to comfort the disciples, saying, " My friends, why 
are you distressed at your Master's loss of office ? The empire has 
been long without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is 
going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue."^ Such 
was the thought of this friendly stranger. The bell did indeed 
sound, but few had ears to hear. 

Confucius' fame, however, had gone before him, and he was in 
little danger of having to suffer from want. On arriving at the capital 
of Wei, he lodged at first with a worthy officer, named Yen Ch'ow- 
yew.^ The reigning duke, known to us by the epithet of Ling,* was 
a worthless, dissipated man, but he could not neglect a visitor of 
such eminence, and soon assigned to Confucius a revenue of 60,000 
measures of grain.^ Here he remained for ten months, and then for 
some reason left it to go to Ch'in.^ On the way he had to pass by 
KSvang,^ a place probably in the present department of K'ae-fung 
in Ho-nan, which had formerly suffered from Yang-hoo. It so hap- 
pened that Confucius resembled Hoo, and the attention of the people 
being called to him by the movements of his carriage-driver, they 
thought it was their old enemy, and made an attack upon him. His 

1 See Keang Yung*B Life of Confucius, -^ ^ J^ J^ ^, 2 Ana. lU. xxir. 

3 1^ ^ ^. See Mcncius, V. Pt. I. viii. 2. * ^ ^ 5 See the ^ gg, 

77] 




moLBooMEWA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLKS. [n!.t. 

followers were alarmed, but lie was calm, and tried to assure them 
by declaring his belief that he had a divine mission. He said to 
them, " After the death of king \V4n, was not the cause of truth 
lodged here in me ? If Heaven had wislied to let this cause of truth 
perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation 
to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, 
what can the people of K'wang do to me?"^ Having escaped from 
the hands of his assailants, he does not seem to have carried out his 
purpose of going to Ch'in, but returned to Wei. 

On the way, he passed a house where he had formerly been lodged, 
and finding that the master was dead, and the funeral ceremonies 
going on, he went in to condole and weep. When he came our, 
he told Tsze-kung to take one of the horses from his carriage, and 
give it as a contribution to the expenses of the occasion. " You never 
did such a thing," Tsze-kung remonstrated, "at the funeral of any 
of your disciples ; is it not too great a gift on this occasion of the 
death of an old host ?" " When I went in," replied Confucius, " my 
presence brought a burst of grief from the chief mourner, and I 
joined him with my tears. I dislike the thought of my tears not 
being followed by any thing. Do it, my child. "^ 

On reaching Wei, he lodged with Keu Pih-yuh, an officer of whom 

honourable mention is made in the Analects. ^^ But this time he 

_. did not remain long in the State. The duke was married 

BX. 493. ^ 

to a lady of the house of Sung, known by the name of 
Nan-tsze, notorious for her intrigues and wickedness. She sought 
an interview with the sage, which he was obliged unwillingly to 
accord.^^ No doubt he was innocent of thought or act of evil, 
but it gave great dissatisfaction to Tsze-loo that his master 
should have been in company with such a woman, and Con- 
fucius, to assure him, swore an oath, saying, " Wherein I have done 
improperly, may Heaven reject me ! May Heaven reject me 1"^^ jjg 
could not well abide, however, about such a court. One day tke 
duke rode out through the streets of his capital in the same carriage 
with Nan-tsze, and made Confucius follow them in another. Perhaps 

8 Aiuu IX. T. In An*. XI, xxiti there is another reference to this time, in which Yea Tbnj 

isnuule to appetr. 9 See the Le Ke, II. Pt. I. ii. 16. 10 Ana. XIV. zxTi; XV. tI 

11 See the account in tlie ^ |E* ?L "^ ISl ^ I^' ^ ^^ ^^'^ ^^' ^^^ 

78] 



[in. I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS, [pr(Hjcgomb5a. 

fe intended to honour the philosopher, but the people saw the in- 
congruity, and cried out, "Lust in the front; virtue behind!*' 
Confucius was ashamed, and made the observation, " I have not 
seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty. ''^^ Wei was no place 
for him. He left it, and took his way towards Ch'in. 

Ch'in which formed part of the present province of Ho-nan, lay 
south from Wei, After passing the small State of Ts'aou,^* he 
ipproached the borders of Sung, occupying the present prefecture 
of Kwei-tih, and had some intentions of entering it, when an incident 
occurred, uliich it is not easy to understand from the meagre style 
in which it is related, but which gave occasion to a remarkable say- 
in?. Confucius was practising ceremonies with his disciples, we are 
told, under the shade of a large tree. Hwan T*uy, an ill-minded 
officer of Sung, lieard of it, and sent a band of men' to pull down the 
ti'ee,and kill the philosopher, if they could get hold of him. The dis- 
ciples were much alarmed, but Confucius observed, " Heaven has pro- 
duced the virtue that is in me; — what can Hwan T'uy do to me?"^* 
They all made their escape, but seem to have been driven westwards 
to the State of Cli'ing,^^ on arriving at the gate conducting into which 
from the east, Confucius found himself separated from his followers. 
Tae-knng had arrived before him, and was told by a native of 
Ch^ing that there was a man standing by the east gate, with a fore- 
head like Yaou, a neck like Kaou-yaou, his shoulders on a level 
uith those of Tsze-ch'an, but wanting, below the waist, three inches 
of the height of Yu, and altogether having the disconsolate appear- 
ance of a stray dog." Tsze-kung knew it was the master, hastened 
to him, and repeated to liis great amusement the description which 
the man had given. "The bodily appearance," said Confucius, "is 
hut a small matter, but to say 1 was like a stray dog — capital ! 
capital !"*^ The stay they made at Ch4ng was short, and by the end 
of B.C. 495, Confucius was in Ch'in. 

All the next year he remained there lodging with the warder of the 
city wall, an officer of worth, of the name of Ching,^® and we have 
no accounts of him which deserve to be related here.^^ 



13 Ana. IX. xvii. ^^^' ^^ ^"*- ^^- ^^" ^^ ^- 17 See the E^ ^, 

?L ^ lit ^*' P ^- ^^ ^^ ^'f'' ^^ ^rencius, V. Pt I. viii. 3. 19 Keang 

Vaii^ di;;ei(t9 in this place two foulisli stories. — about a large bone found in the State of YuC, and 
a bird which apix'ared in Clriu aud diud, siiot through with a remarkable arrow. Confucius 
knew all about Uieui. 

79] 



FEOLEOOMKHA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. .cb. 

In B.C. 493, Ch'in was much disturbed by attacks from Woo,^ 
large State, the capital of which was in the present department oi 
Soo-chow, and Confucius determined to retrace his steps to Weul 
On the way he was laid hold of at a place called P '00,21 ^vhich wa»| 
held by a rebellious officer against Wei, and before he could get] 
away, he was obliged to engage that he would not proceed thither. 
Thither, notwithstanding, he continued his route, and when Tsze-r! 
kung asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he hadil 
taken, he replied, " It was a forced oath. The spirits do not heart 
Buch."^2 The duke Ling received him with distinction, but paid no: 
more attention to his lessons than before, and Confucius is saidtheui 
to liave uttered his complaint^ " If there were anj^ of the princes whoi 
would employ me, in the course of twelve months I should have, 
done something considerable. In three years the government would 
be perfected."-^ 

A circumstance occurred to direct his attention to the State of 
Tsin,2* which occupied the southern part of the present Shan-se, 
and extended over the Yellow river into Ho-nan. An invitation 
came to Confucius, like that which he had formerly received from 
Kung-shan Fuh-jaou. Peih Heili, an officer of Tsin, who was hold- 
ing the town of Chung-mow against his chief, invited him to visit 
him, and Confucius was inclined to go. Tsze-loo was always the 
mentor on such occasions. He said to him, "Master, I have 
heard you say, that when a man in his own person is guilty of do- 
ing evil, a superior man will not associate with him. Peih Heih is 
in rebellion ; if you go to him, what shall be said ?" Confucius replied, 
" Yes, I did use those words. But is it not said that if a thinjr be 
really hard, it ma}'^ be ground without being made tliin ; and if it 
be really white, it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being made 
black? Am I a bitter gourd? Am I to be hung up out of the way 
of being eaten ? '-^ 

These sentiments sound strangely from his lips. A.fter all, he did 
not go to Peih Heih ; and having travelled as far as the Yellow 
river that he might see one of the principal ministers of Tsin, he 
heard of tlie violent death of two men of worth, and returned to 

50 ^. 21 ^, 25. Tl«« is Tolatcil by Sxc-nui Tswi, '^^ ^^,V'7,uA 

alto in tho FamUy Sayiug«. I would fun beliere it is not tmc Ttie vonder is, that no Chiaess 
critic sboold hare set about disfiroTiDg it 23. Ana. XII. z. S4 ^>. 25 AniL XVII. m 

80] 




LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [raoLiooiturA. 

^H^ei, lamenting the fate which prevented him from crossing the 
stream, and trying to solace himself with poetry as he had done on 
leaving Loo. Again did he communicate with the duke^ but as inef- 
fectually, and disgusted at being questioned by him about military 
tactics, he left and went back to Ch4n. 

He resided in Ch*in all the next year, B.C. 491, without any- 
thing occurring there which is worthy of note.^^ Events had 
transpired in Loo, however, which were to issue in his return to his 
native State. The duke Ting had deceased B.C. 494, and Ke Hwan, 
the chief of the Ke family, died in this year. On his deathbed, he 
felt remorse for his conduct to Confucius, and charged his successor, 
known to us in the Analects as Ke K^ang, to recall the sage ; but the 
charge was not immediately fulfilled. Ke K^ang, by the advice of 
one of his officers, sent to Ch^n for the disciple Yen K'ew instead. 
Confucius willingly sent him off, and would gladly have accompanied 
him. '' Let me return I" he said, ^^ Let me return !"^^ But that was 
not to be for several years yet. 

In B.C. 490, accompanied, as usual, by several of his disciples, he 
went from Ch'in to Ts^ae, a small dependency of the great fief of 
Ts*oo, which occupied a large part of the present provinces of Hoo- 
nan and Hoo-pih. On the way, between Ch*in and Ts'ae, their 
provisions became exhausted, and they were cut off somehow from 
obtaining a fresh supply. The disciples were quite overcome with 
want, and Tsze-loo said to the master, ^^ Has the superior man in- 
deed to endure in this way ? " Confucius answered him, ^' The 
superior man may indeed have to endure want ; but the mean man, 
when he is in want, gives way to unbridled license. "^^ According 
to the " Family Sayings," the distress continued seven days, during 
which time Confucius retained his equanimity, and was even cheerful, 
playing on his lute and singing.^^ He retained, however, a strong 
impression of the perils of the season, and we find him afterwards 
recurring to it, and lamenting that of the friends that were with him 
in Ch*in and Ts'ae, there were none remaining to enter his door.^^ 

Escaped from this strait, he remained in Ts'ae over B.C. 489, 
and in the following year we find him in She, another district of 

26 Tfo-k'ew Ming, indeed, relatea a stoty of Conf ndiif, on the report of a fire in Loo, telling 
vbote aaoestral temple had been destroyed by it. 27 Ana. V. zzi. 28 Ana. XV. i 2, 3. 

81] 



r 



raoLMoiaarA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. LCB.^ 

Ts^oo, the chief of which had usurped the title of duke. P 
about his visitor, he asked Tsze4oo what he should think of hiuv 
but the disciple did not venture a reply. When ConfuciuB beftr^l 
of it, he said to Tsze-loo, " Why did you not say to hiin, — ^He i>t 
simply a man who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets lu|| ^ 
food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and vho 
does not perceive that old age is coming on?''** Subsequently, tl«[ 
duke, in conversation with Confucius, asked him about governrr' 
inent, and got the reply, dictated by some circumstances of wliichr 
we are ignorant, " Grood government obtains, when those who aJ» 
near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted."^ 

After a short stay in She, according to Sze-ma Ts'een, he return- 
ed to Ts'ae, and having to cross a river, he sent Tsze-loo to inqnire 
for the ford of two men who were at work in a neighbouring field. 
They were recluses, — men who had withdrawn from public life in 
disgust at the waywardness of the times. One of them was called 
Ch*ang-tseu, and instead of giving Tsze-loo the information he want- 
ed, he asked him, " Who is it that holds the reins in the carriage 
there ? " " 1 1 is K'ung Kew." " K'ung Kew of Loo ? " '' Yes," was 
the reply, and then the man rejoined, " He knows the ford." 

Tsze-loo applied to the other, who was called Kee-neih, but got 
for answer the question, " Who are you. Sir ?" He replied, " I am 
Chung Yew." " Chimg Yew, who is the disciple of K*ung Kew of 
Loo ?" " Yes," again replied Tsze-loo, and Kee-neih addressed him, 
"Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, 
and who is he that will change it for you ? Than follow one who 
merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better 
follow those who withdraw from the world altogether?" With 
this he fell to covering up the seed, and gave no more heed to the 
stranger. Tsze-loo went back and reported what they had said, 
when Confucius vindicated his own course, saying, " It is impossible 
to associate with birds and beasts as if they were the same with us. 
If I associate not with these people, — with mankind, — with whom 
shall I associate? If right principles prevailed through the empire, 
there would be no use for nie to change its state."*^ 

About the same time he had an encounter with another recluse, 
who was known as "The madman of Ts'oo." He passed by the 

31 Ana. VII. xvUi. 32 Ana. XIU. xvi. 33 Ana. XVIII. vi 

82] 



I.] LITE OF CONFUCIUS. [pbolrooiiiwa. 

lage of Confucius, singing out " Fung, Fung, how is your 
ue degenerated! As to the past, reproof is useless, but the 
ire may be provided against. Give up, give up your vain pur- 
.'* Confucius alighted and wished to enter into conversation 
I him, but the man hastened away.^* 

ut now the attention of the ruler of Ts'oo — ^king, as he styled 
self — was directed to the illustrious stranger who was in his 
linions, and he met Confucius and conducted him to liis capital, 
*,h was in the present district of E-shing, in the department of 
ig-yang,^ in Hoo-pih. After a time, he proposed endowing the 
Dsopher with a considerable territory, but was dissuaded by his 
le minister, who said to him, " Has your majesty any officer 
could discharge the duties of an ambassador like Tsze-kung ? or 
one so qualified for a premier as Yen Hwuy? or any one to 
pare as a general with Tsze-loo? The kings AYSu and Woo, 
I their hereditary dominions of a hundred fe, rose to the seve- 
nty of the empire. If K'ung K'ew, with such disciples to be his 
isters, get the possession of any territory, it will not be to the 
perity of Ts'oo?^^ On this remonstrance the king gave up his 
>ose, and when he died in the same year, Confucius left the 
e, and went back again to Wei. 

lie duke Ling had died four years before, soon after Confucius 
489. had last parted from him, and the reigning duke, known 
3 by the title of Ch'uh,*^ was his grandson, and wiis holding the 
cipality against his own father. The relations between them 
t rather complicated. The father had been driven out in 
equence of an attempt which he had instigated on the life of bis 
ler, the notorious Nan-tsze, and the succession was given to his 
Subsequently, the father wanted to reclaim what he deemed 
'ight^ and an unseemly struggle ensued. The duke Ch'uh was 
cious how much his cause would be strengthened by the support 
onfucius, and hence when he got to Wei, Tsze-loo could say to 
"The prince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with 
to administer the government ;— what will you consider tlie 
thing to be done?"^® The opinion of the philosopher, however, 

. 10. 37 yj j^, 38 Ana. XIII. iii. In the notes on this passage, I have fC'ven 

Ie*s opinion as to the time when Ts*ze-loo made this remark. It seems more correct, huw- 
refer it to Confucius' return to Wei from Ts'oo, as is done by Keang Yung. 

83] 




noLMonnu.] CONFCCnrS AND HIS DI8CIBLCS. [i 

was against the propriety of the duke's course,^^ and he declim 
taking office with him, though he remained in Wei for between five 
and six years. During all that time there Is a blank in his history. 
In the very year of hb return, according to the " Annals of the 
Empire," his most beloved disciple. Yen Hwuy died, on which 
occasion he exclaimed, ^^ Alas I Heaven is destroying me ! Heaven 
is destroying me 1"*^ The death of his wife is assigned to B.C. 484, 
but nothing else is related which we can connect with this long 
period. 

9. His return to Loo was brought about by the disciple Yen Yew, 
who, we have seen, went into the service of Ke K*ang, in B.C. 491. 

In the year B.C. 483, Yew had the conduct of 

From bis return to Loo "^ ... . • ^ rr» i j 

to his death. some military operations against Is^e, and 

being successful, Ke K*ang asked him how he 
had obtained his military skill; — was it from nature, orby learning? 
He replied that he had learned it from Confucius, and entered into 
a glowing eulogy of the philosopher. The chief declared that he 
would bring Confucius home again to Loo. " If you do so," said the 
disciple, *' see that you do not let mean men come between you and 
him." On this K*ang sent three officers with appropriate presents 
to Wei, to invite the wanderer home, and he returned with them 
accordingly.^ 

This event took place in the 11th year of the duke Gae,^ who 
succeeded to Ting, and according to K*ung Foo, Confucius' descen- - 
dant, the invitation proceeded from him.* We may suppose that while I 
Ke K'ang was the mover and director of the proceeding, it was with 
the authority and approval of the duke. It is represented in the 
chronicle of Tso*k*ew Ming as having occurred at a very opportune 
time. The philosopher had been consulted a little before by K'ung 
Win,* an officer of Wei, about how he should conduct a feud with 
another officer, and disgusted at being referred to on such a subject, 
had ordered his carriage and prepared to leave the State, exclaiming, 
" The bird chooses its tree. The tree does not chase the bird." K'ung 
Wftn endeavoured to excuse himself, and to prevail on Confucius 

39 Ana» VII» *^^' ^0 Ana. XI. viii. In the notes on Ana, XI. vil. I hare adrerted to the 

cbronojogical diAcuU^ connected with the dates assigned respectivelj to the deaths of Ten Hwvjr 
f^nd Confucius* own son, Le. Keang Yung assigns H way's death to bjc, 481. 

1 See the ^ Ifi. ^ -^ ^ Sj?. ^ gi ^' ^^^ ^^^^ Tung's memoir, 

^' f»c, 4 ^ ^ Hpi the same who is meutioned iu the Aoslecta* V. xiv. 

84] 



i] XflVfi OF CORFUdlTS. [raoi«ioo)imA. 

to remain in Wei, and just at tliis juncture the messengers from 
Loo arrived.® 

Confucius was now in his 69th year. The world had not dealt 
dndly with him. In every State which he had visited he had met 
iirith disappointment and sorrow. Only five more years remained 
x> him, nor were they of a brighter character than the past. He 
lad, indeed, attained to that state, he tells us, in which *' he could 
bllow what his heart desired without transgressing what was 
ight,''^ but other people were not more inclined than they had been 
» abide by his counsels. The duke Gae and Ke K*ang often con- 
rersed with him, but he no longer had weight in the guidance of State 
iffairs, and wisely addressed himself to the completion of his literary 
labours. He wrote a preface to the Shoo-king ; carefully digested 
the rites and ceremonies determined by the wisdom of the more 
ancient ages and kings ; collected and arranged the ancient poetry ; 
and undertook the reform of music.^ He has told us himself, ^' I 
returned from Wei to Loo, and then the music was reformed, and 
the pieces in the Imperial Songs and Praise Songs found all their 
proper place."® To the Yih-king he devoted much study, and Sze-ma 
Ts^een says that the leather thongs by which the tablets of his copy 
were bound together were thrice worn out. " If some years were 
added to my life," he said, " I would give fifty to the study of the 
Yih, ai|d then I might come to be without great faults."^ During 
this time also, we may suppose that he supplied Ts&ng Sin with the 
materials of the classic of Filial Piety. The same year that he re- 
turned, Ke K^ang sent Yen Yew to ask his opinion about an additional 
impost which he wished to lay upon the people, but Confucius re- 
fused to give any reply, telling the disciple privately his disapproval 
of the proposed measure. It was carried out, however, in the fol« 
lowing year, by the agency of Yen, on which occasion, I suppose, it 
was that Confucius said to the other disciples, ^^ He is no disciple of 
mine ; my little children, beat the drum and assail him."^^ The year 
B.C. 482 was marked by the death of his son Le, which he seems to 
have borne with more equanimity than he did that of his disciple 
Yen Hwuy, which some writers assign to the following year, though 
I have already mentioned it under the year B.C. 488. 

SSeethe;^^, ^^-p — •^. 6 Ana. IL iv. 6. 7 See the ^ |jj, 

^ -^ fltf; ^, p. 12. 8 Ana. IX. xir. 9 Ana. YU. xyL 10 Ana. XI. xvl 

85] 



n 



PXotBOOinnfA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLKS. [cH.t. 

In the spring of B.C. 480, a servant of Ke K^ang caught a k*e-lm 
on a hunting excursion of the duke in the present district of Kea- 
ts* eang.^^ No person could tell what strange animal it was, and 
Confucius was called to look at it. He at once knew it to be a lin^ 
and the legend-writers say that it bore on one of its horns the piece 
of ribbon, which his mother had attached to the one that appeared 
to her before his birth. According to the chronicle of Kung-yang, 
he was profoundly affected. He cried out, " For whom have you 
come ? For whom have you come ? " His tears flowed freely, and 
he added, " The course of my doctrines is run."^^ 

Notwithstanding the appearance of the lin, the life of Confucius 
was still protracted for two years longer, though he took occasion 
to terminate with that event his history of the Ts'un Ts*ew. This 
Work according to Sze-ma Ts*een was altogether the production of 
this year, but we need not suppose that it was so. In it, from the 
standpoint of Loo, he briefly indicates the principal events occur- 
ring throughout the empire, every term being expressive, it is said, 
of the true character of the actors and events described. Confucius 
said himself, *^ It is the Spring and Autumn which will make men 
know me, and it is the Spring and Autumn which will make men 
condemn me."^^ Mencius makes the composition of it to have been 
an achievement as great as Yu's regulation of the waters of the 
deluge. — " Confucius completed the Spring and Autumn, and re- 
bellious ministers and villainous sons were struck with terror. "^^ 

Towards the end of this year, word came to Loo that the duke 
of Ts'e had been murdered by one of his officers. Confucius was 
moved with indignation. Such an outrage, he felt^ called for his 
solemn interference. He bathed, went to court, and represented 
the matter to the duke, saying, ^^ Ch4n Hang has slain his sovereign, 
I beg that you will undertake to punish him.** The duke pleaded 
bis incapacity, urging that Loo was weak compared with Ts'e, but 
Confucius replied, " One half the people of Ts^e are not consenting 
to the deed. If you add to the people of Loo one half the people 
of Ts'e, you are sure to overcome." But he could not infuse his 
spirit into the duke, who told him to go and lay the matter before 
the chiefs of the three Families. Sorely against his sense of propriety, 

Knng-juig, however, the lin was found hj some wood-gatherers. .3 Mencius III. Pt. II. iz.8. 
14 Men^m. Ft.II.ix. 11. 

86] 



•cf.^] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [pboleoomika. 

le did so, but they would not act, and he withdrew with the 
•emark, " Following in the rear of the great officers, 1 did not dare 
lot to represent such a matter."^^ 

In the year B.C. 479, Confucius had to mourn the death of another 
>f his disciples, one of those who had been longest with him, — 
;he well-known Tsze-loo. He stands out a sort of Peter in the 
Confucian school, a man of impulse, prompt to speak and prompt 
o act- He gets many a check from the master, but there is 
tvidently a strong sympathy between them. Tsze-loo uses a 
reedom with him on which none of the other disciples dares to 
venture, and there is not one among them all, for whom, if I may 
peak from my own feeling, the foreign student comes to form 
uch a liking. A pleasant picture is presented to us in one passage 
f the Analects. It is said, "The disciple Min was standing by his 
ide, looking bland and precise ; Tsze-loo (named Yew), looking bold 
iud soldierly ; Yen Yew and Tsze-kung, with a free and straightfor- 
irard maimer. The master was pleased, but he observed, *Yew 
here ! — he will not die a natural death.' "^^ 

This prediction was verified. When Confucius returned to Loo 
rom Wei, he left Tsze-loo and Tsze-kaou^^ engaged there in official 
erviee. Troubles arose. News came to Loo, B.C. 479, that a revolu- 
ion was in progress in Wei, and when Confucius heard it, he said, 
^Ch*ae will come here, but Yew will die."^® So it turned out. 
Vhen Tsze-kaou saw that matters were desperate he made hb escape, 
fut Tsze-loo would not forsake the chief who had treated him well. 
le threw himself into the melee, and was slain. Confucius wept sore 
ar him, but his own death was not far off. It took place on the 
1th day of the 4th month in the following year, B.C. 478.^^ 
Early one morning, we are told, he got up, and with his hands 
€hind his back, dragging his stafl^, he moved about by his door, 
rooning over, — 

" The great mountain must crumble ; 

The strong beam must break ; 

And the wise man wither away like a plant." 

15 See the -^ ^, ^ -^ -f* P3 i4p, and Analects, XIV. xxii. 16 Ana. XI. xiL 

17 -^ ^^, hv surname Kaon (|^), f^nd narac Ch*ac (^S^). 18 See the jfcr -flfc, 

^ >^ -f* ^ ^- ^^ ^^® *^^ ^ ^' M "^ +>^^' and Keang Tung's Life 

I COnf acios, in he, ^ 

87] 



»BOUBa0icnx.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS mSCIPLES. [olt. 

After a little, he entered the house and sat down opposite the door. 
Tsze-kung had heard his words, and said to himself, ^^ If the great 
mountain crumble, to what shall I look up? If the strong beam 
break, and the wbe man wither away, on whom shall I lean ? The 
master, I fear, is going to be ill/' With this he hastened into the house. 
Confucius said to him, ^' Ts'ze, what makes you so late ? According 
to the statutes of Hea, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top 
of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. 
Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, 
as if the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chow is to 
perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he 
were a guest. I am a man of Yin, and last night I dreamt that I 
was sitting with offerings before me between the two pillars. No 
intelligent monarch arises ; there is not one in the empire that will 
make me his master. My time has come to die.*' So it was. He 
went to his couch, and after seven days expired^^ 

Such is the account which we have of the last hours of the great 
philosopher of China. His end was not unimpressive, but it was 
melancholy. He sank behind a cloud. Disappointed hopes made 
his soul bitter. The great ones of the empire had not received his 
teachings. No wife nor child was by to do the kindly offices of 
affection for him. Nor were the expectations of another life pre- 
sent with him as he passed through the dark valley. He uttered 
no prayer, and he betrayed no apprehensions. Deep-treasured in 
his own heart may have been the thought that he had endeavoured 
to serve his generation by the will of God, but he gave no sign. 
" The mountain falling came to nought, and the rock was removed 
out of his place. So death prevailed against him and he passed; 
his countenance was changed, and he was sent away." 

10. I flatter myself that the preceding paragraphs contain a mDre 
correct narrative of the principal incidents in the life of Confucius 
than has yet been given in any European language. They might 
easily have been expanded into a volume, but 1 did not wish to ex- 
haust the subject, but only to furnish a sketch, which, while it might 
satisfy the general reader, would be of special assistance to the care- 
ful student of the classical Books. I had taken many notes of the 
manifest errors in regard to chronology and other matters in the 

20 See the Le Ke, IL Pt. L ii. 2(K 
88] 



RX.I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. [noLBOoinnrA. 

Family Sayings," and the chapter of Sze-ma Ts*een on the K*ung 
moiily, when the digest of Eeang Yung, to which I have made 
'equent reference, attracted my attention. Conclusions to which I 
Eul come were confirmed, and a clue was furnished to difficulties 
hich I was seeking to disentangle. I take the opportunity to 
knowledge here my obligations to it. With a few notices of Con- 
Lcius^ habits and manners, I shall conclude this section. 
Very little can be gathered from reliable sources on the personal 
>pearance of the sage. The height of his father is stated, as I have 
[>ted, to have been ten feet, and though Confucius came short 
r this by four inches, he was often called " the tall man." It is 
llo^wed that the ancient foot or cubit was shorter than the modern, 
at it must be reduced more than any scholar I have consulted has 
et done, to bring this statement within the range of credibility. 
he legends assign to his figure " nine-and-forty remarkable peculiari- 
Les,"i a tenth part of which would have made him more a monster 
ban a man« Dr Morrison says that the images of him, which he 
lad seen in the northern parts of China, represent him as of a dark 
warthy colour.^ It is not so with those common in the south. 
le was, no doubt, in size and complexion much the same as many 
)f his descendants in the present day. 

But if hia disciples had nothing to chronicle of his personal ap- 
pearance, they have gone very minutely into an account of many of 
his habits. The tenth book of the Analects is all occupied with his 
deportment, his eating, and his dress. In , public, whether in the 
village, the temple, or the court, he was the man of rule and cere- 
mony, but " at home he was not formal." Yet if not formal, he 
was particular. In bed even he did not forget himself; — "he did 
not lie like a corpse," and " he did not speak." " He required his 
deeping dress to be half as long again as his body." " If he happen- 
ed to be sick, and the prince came to visit him, he had his face to 
the east, made his court robes be put over him, and drew his girdle 
across them." 

He was nice in his diet, — " not disliking to have his rice dressed 
fine, nor to have his minced meat cut small." " Anything at all 

1 Py -^ ^ ^. 2 Chineie and English Dictionary, char. ^. Sir John Davis also 

mcDtioDS seeiDg a figure of Confucius, in a temple near the Fo-yaug lake, of which the complexion 
wu^qmleUaaL' (The Chinese, vol II. p. 66). 

89] 



PBOLBooMBiiA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [ch ^ 

gone he would not touch." " He must have his meat cut properly, 
and to every kind its proper sauce ; but he was not a great eater." 
"It was only in wine that he laid down no Ihnit to himself, but he 
did not allow himself to be confused by it." " When the villagers 
were drinking together, on those who carried staves going out, he 
went out immediately after." There must always be ginger at the 
table, and "when eating, he did not converse." "Although his 
food might be coarse rice and poor soup, he would offer a little of it 
in sacrifice, with a grave respectful air." 

" On occasion of a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he 
would change countenance. He would do the same, and rise up 
moreover, when he found himself a guest at a loaded board." " At 
the sight of a person in mourning, he would also change countenance, 
and if he happened to be in his carriage, he would bend forward 
with a respectful salutation." " His general way in his carriage was 
not to turn his head round, nor talk hastily, nor point with his 
hands." He was charitable. " When any of his friends died, if there 
were no relations who could be depended on for the necessary offices, 
he would say, ' 1 will bury him.' " 

The disciples were so careful to record these and other character- 
istics of their master, it is said, because every act, of movement or 
of rest, was closely associated with the great principles which it was 
his object to inculcate. The detail of so many small matters, how- 
ever, does not impress a foreigner so favourably. There is a want 
of freedom about the philosopher. Somehow he is less a sage to 
me, after I have seen him at his table, in his undress, in his bed, 
and in his carriage. 

SECTION II. 

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 

1. Confucius died, we have seen, complaining that of all the 
princes of the empire there was not one who would adopt his prin- 

, , ciples and obey his lessons. He had hardly 

Homage renaerra ^ j « , 

Coiifiuiua by the em- passcd Iroin the Stage of life, when his merit 
perorso ma. began to be acknowledged. When the duke 

Gae heard of his death, he pronounced his eulogy in thje word:*, 
*' Heaven has not left to me the aged man. There is none now to 

90] 



n.] INFLUKNCK AKD OPINIONS. [FBOLEOOiiEHi. 

Isskme on the throne. Woe is me ! Alas ! venerable Ne !"^ Tsze- 
kiing complained of the inconsistency of this lamentation from 
(inewho could not use the master when he was alive, but the duke 
was probably sincere in his grief. He caused a temple to be erected, 
Ind ordered that sacrifice should be offered to the sage, at the four 
leasons of the year.^ 

The emperors of the tottering dynasty of Chow had not the in- 

fclllgence, nor were they in a position, to do honour to the departed 

philosopher, but the facts detailed in the first chapter of these pro- 

%omena, in connection with the attempt of the founder of the Ts'in 

[ dynasty to destroy the monuments of antiquity, show how the 

Lauthority of Confucius had come by that time to prevail through 

tte empire. The founder of the Han dynasty, in passing through 

Loo, B.C. 194, visited his tomb and offered an ox in sacrifice to 

iim. Other emperors since then have often made pilgrimages to 

the spot. The most famous temple in the empire now rises over 

the place of the grave. K*ang-he, the second and greatest of the 

fulersof the present dynasty, in the 23d year of his reign, there set 

the example of kneeling thrice, and each time laying his forehead 

thrice in the dust, before the image of the sage. 

In the year of our Lord 1, began tlie practice of conferring hono- 
hry designations on Confucius by imperial authority. The emperor 
P^ing^ then styled him — "The duke Ne, all-complete and illus- 
rious.''* This was changed, in a.d. 492, to — "The venerable Ne, 
ie accomplished Sage."^ Other titles have supplanted this. Shun- 
le,^ the first of the Man-chow dynasty, adopted, in his second year, 
D. 645, the style, — " K*ung, the ancient Teacher, accomplished and 
ustrious, all-complete, the perfect Sage ; "^ Ijut twelve years later, 
shorter title was introduced, — " K^ung, the ancient Teacher, the 
rfect Sage."^ Since that year no further alteration has been made. 
At first, the worship of Confucius was confined to the country of 
K>, but in A.D. 57 it was enacted that sacrifices should be offered 
him in the imperial college, and in all the colleges of the principal 

Le Ke, IL Pt. I. iiL 43. This eulogy is found at greater length in the ^^ 'W, immediately 
-r the noftioe of the sage's death. 2 See the |g J^ jjjQ ^ ^ ^, ^ — >, art. on 

ftffvdiis. I am indebted to tills for most of the notices in this paragraph. 3 ^^ 'SS^, 

:!it:fcWr.|l^- » ^ H :5t ^15 H ^• 

91J 



nouMoiaBVA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. los.^. 



iz 



U 



territorial divisions throughout the empire. In those sacrifices h 
was for some centuries associated with the duke of Chow, the legifr 
lator to whom Confucius made frequent reference, but in a.d. 609 
separate temples were assigned to them, and in 628 our sage do- 
placed the older worthy altogether. About the same time began tlie 
custom, which continues to the present day, of erecting temples to 
him, — ^separate structures, in connection with all the colleges, or ex- 
amination-halls, of the country. 

The sage is not alone in those temples. In a hall behind the |:Js 
principal one occupied by himself are the tablets — in some casei, 
the images— of several of his ancestors, and other worthies ; while 
associated with himself are his principal disciples, and many who in 
subsequent times have signalized themselves as expounders and ex- 
emplifiers of his doctrines. On the first day of every month, offer- 
ings of fruits and vegetables are set forth, and on the fifteenth there |ij 
is a solemn burning of incense. But twice a year, in the middle 
months of spring and autumn, when the first ting day^ of the 
month comes round, the worship of Confucius is performed with 
peculiar solemnity. At the imperial college the emperor himself is 
required to attend in state, and is in fact the principal performer. 
After all the preliminary arrangements have been made, and the 
emperor has twice knelt and six times bowed his head to the earth, 
the presence of Confucius' spirit is invoked in the words, " Great 






n 



art thou, perfect sage ! Thy virtue is full ; thy doctrine is com- 
plete. Among mortal men there has not been thine equal. All 
kings honour thee. Thy statutes and laws have come gloriously 
down. Thou art the pattern in this imperial school. Reverently 
have the sacrificial vessels been set out. Full of awe, we sound our 
drums and bells."^^ 

The spirit is supposed now to be present, and the service proceeds 
through various offerings, when the first of which has been set forth, 
an officer reads the following,^^ which is the prayer on the occasion :— 
" On this. . ..month of this. . ..year, I, A.B.^ the emperor, offer a sacrifice 
to the philosopher K*ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage, and 
say, — Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Earth, whose doctrines 
embrace the past time and the present, thou didst digest and trans- 
mit the six classics, and didst hand down lessons for all generations! 

92] 



I' 



ppkii.3 INFLUBNCB AND OPINIONS. [nouBooniu. 

Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverent obser- 
vance of the old statutes, with victims, silks, spirits, and fruits, I 
sarefully offer sacrifice to thee. With thee are associated the philo* 
lopher Yen, continuator of thee ; the philosopher Ts&ng, exhibiter 
)f thy fundamental principles ; the philosopher Tsze-sze, transmitter 
i£ thee ; and the philosopher MSng, second to thee. May'st thou 
najoj the offerings." 

I need not go on to enlarge on the homage which the emperors 
>f China render to Confucius. It could not be more complete. It is 
irorship and not mere homage. He was unreasonably neglected 
vben alive. He is now unreasonably venerated when dead. The 
istimation with which the rulers of China regard their sage, leads 
bhem to dn against God, and is a misfortune to the empire. 

2. The rulers of China are not singular in this matter, but in entire 
lympathy with the mass of their people. It is the distinction of this 

. ^ . empire that education has been highly prized in 

General appreciation of ^ g j r 

OntfiMciju. it from the earliest times. It was so before the 

era of Confucius, and we may be sure that the system met with his 
approbation. One of his remarkable sayings was, — ^^ To lead an 
aninstructed people to war is to throw them away."^ When he 
pronounced this judgment, he was not thinking of military training, 
but of education in the duties of life and citizenship. A people so 
taught, he thought, would be morally fi.tted to fight for their govern- 
ment. Mencius, when lecturing to the duke of T*ing on the proper 
way of governing a kingdom, told him that he must provide the 
means of education for all, the poor as well as the rich. ^^ Establish/' 
said he, ^^ ts^eang^ seu^ heo^ and hecuyUj — all those educational institu- 
tions, — ^for the instruction of the people."^ 

At the present day, education is widely diffused throughout 
China. In no other country is the schoolmaster more abroad, and 
in all schools it is Confucius who is taught. The plan of competi- 
tive examinations, and the selection for civil offices only from those 
who have been successful candidates, — ^good so far as the competition 
b concerned, but injurious from the restricted range of subjects with 
which an acquaintance is required, — ^have obtained for more than 
twelve centuries. The classical works are the text books. It is 
from them almost exclusively that the themes proposed to determine 

l' Ana. XIIL ao. 2 McnciuB, HI. Ft. I. iii 10. 

93] 



noLSGoniiA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [olV. 

the knowledge and ability of the students are chosen. Tho. whole 
of the magistracy of China is thus versed in all that is recorded of 
the sage, and in the ancient literature which he preserved. His 
thoughts are familiar to every man in authority, and his character |^^ 
is more or less reproduced in him. 

The official civilians of China, numerous as they are, are but a frac- 
tion of its students, and the students, or those who make literature 
a profession, are again but a fraction of those who attend school 
for a shorter or longer period. Yet so far as the studies have 
gone, they have been occupied with the Confucian writings. In 
many schoolrooms there is a tablet or inscription on the wall, 
sacred to the sage, and every pupil is required, on coming to school 
on the morning of the 1st and 15th of %very month, to bow before 
it, the first thing, as an act of worship.' Thus all in China who 
receive the slightest tincture of learning do so at the fountain of |^ 
Confucius. They learn of him and do homage to him at once. I 
have repeatedly quoted the statement that during his life-time he 
had three thousand disciples. Hundreds of millions are his disciples 
now. It is hardly necessary to make any allowance in this statement 
for the followers of Taouism and Buddhism, for, as Sir John Davis 
has observed, " whatever the other opinions or faith of a Chinese 
may be, he takes good care to treat Confucius with respect.*'^ For 
two thousand years he has reigned supreme, the undisputed teacher 
of this most populous land. 

3. This position and influence of Confucius are to]^be ascribed, I 
conceive, chiefly to two causes : — ^his being the preserver, namely of 

The causes of his *^® monuments of antiquity, and the exemplifier 
influence. and cxpouuder of the maxims of the golden age of 

China; and the devotion to him of his immediate disciples and their 
early followers. The national and the personal are thus blended 
in him, each in its highest degree of excellence. He was a Chinese 
of the Chinese ; he is also represented, and all now believe him to 
have been, the beau ideal of humanity in its best and noblest estate. 

4. It may be well to bring forward here Confucius* own estimate 
of himself, and of his doctrines. It will serve to illustrate the 

8 Dnring the present dynasty, the tablet of "^T S ^^ ^'y the god of Uteratare, his to a 
considerable extent displaced that of Confucius in schools. Yet the worship of him does not 
clash with that of the other. lie is ' the father* of composition only. 4 The Cliinese, toL 

II. p. 45. 

94] 



mr.1.] INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [FBOLXocmimk* 

His ow« estimate f him elf 8*^*^^^^*^ j^st made. The folloAving are 
lod of hiA doctriii««. some of his sayings. — "The sage and the 

nan of perfect virtue ; — ^how dare I rank myself with them ? It 

nay simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without 

«tiety, and teach others without weariness." "In letters I am 

lerhaps equal to other men ; but the character of the superior 

QAD, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have 

lot yet attained to." " The leaving virtue without proper cultiva- 

ion ; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned ; not being 

khle to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gain- 

d ; and not being able to change what is not good ; — these are the 

hings which occasion me solicitude." "I am not one who was 

K>rn in the possession of kndWledge ; I am one who is fond [of anti- 

[ttity and earnest in seeking it there." " A transmitter and not a 

Eiaker, believing in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare 

nyself with our old P'ang."^ 

Confucius cannot be thought to speak of himself in these declara- 
ions more highly than he ought to do. Rather we may recognize 
n them the expressions of a genuine humility. He was conscious 
liat personally he came short in many things, but he toiled after 
;he character, which he saw, or fancied that he saw, in the ancient 
lages whom he acknowledged ; and the lessons of government and 
Odorals which he laboured to diffuse were those which had 
ilready been inculcated and exhibited by them. Emphatically he 
iras '^ a transmitter and not a maker." It is not to be understood 
that he was not fully satisfied of the truth of the principles which 
be had learned. He held them with the full approval and consent 
>f his own understanding. He believed that if they were acted 
[>n, they would remedy the evils of his time. There was nothing 
to prevent rulers like Yaou and Shun and the great Yu from again 
arising, and a condition of happy tranquillity being realized 
throughout the empire under their sway. 

If in any thing he thought himself " superior and alone," hav- 
ing attributes which others could not claim, it was in his possessing 
a divine commission as the conservator of ancient truth and rules. 
He does not speak very definitely on this point. It is noted that 

1 AH these passages arc taken from the Vllth Book of the Analects. See dih. xxxiii ; xxiui. ; 
iu.; xiz.; and i. 

95] 



\ 



noLMKnoniA.] COlVFUCinS ANB HIS DISCIPLES. [ol^ 

" the appointments of Heaven was one of the subjects on which he 
rarelyl touched. "2 His most remarkable utterance was that which I have 

already given in the sketch of his Life : — " When he was put in fear 
in K*wang, he said, * After the death of king Wan, was not the 
cause of truth lodged here in me ? If Heaven had wished to let 
this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have 
got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the 
cause of truth perish, what can the people of Kwang do to me ? ' "« 
Confucius, then, did feel that he was in the world for a special 
purpose. But it was not to announce any new truths, or to initiate 
any new economy. It was to prevent what had previously been 
known from being lost. He followed in the wake of Yaou and 
Shun, of T'ang, and king WSn. Distant from the last by a long 
interval of time, he would have said that he was distant from him 
also by a great inferiority of character, but still he had learned the 
principles on which they all happily governed the empire, and in 
their name he would lift up a standard against the prevailing law 
lessness of his age. 

5. The language employed with reference to Confucius by his 
disciples and their early followers presents a striking contrast with 

his own. I have already, in writing of the 

Estimate of him by his , ^' ^ ^ 

diBcipies and their early scopc and value of " f he Doctrme of the 
^^*' Mean,'* called attention to the extravagant 

eulogies of his grandson Tsze-sze. He only followed the example 
which had been set by those among whom the philosopher went in 
and out. We have the language of Yen Yuen, his favourite, which 
is comparatively moderate, and simply expresses the genuine admirar 
tion of a devoted pupil.^ Tsze-kung on several occasions spoke in a 
different style. Having heard that one of the chiefs of Loo had 
said that he himself — ^Tsze-kung — ^was superior to Confucius, he 
observed, ^^ Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompass- 
ing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep 
over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. The wall 
of my master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door 
and enter by it, he cannot see the rich ancestral temple with its 
beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. But I may assume 



2 Ana. IX. i. 8 Ana. IX. iii. 

1 Ana. IX. z. 



96] 



W5«.ii.] INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [peoleoombha. 

hat they are few who find the door. The remark of the chief was 
mly what might have been expected."^ 

Another time, the same individual having spoken revilingly of 
/onfucius, Tsze-kung said, "It is of no use doing so. Ghung-ne 
annot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks 
nd mounds which may be stept over. Chung-ne is the sun or 
loon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man may 
-^ish to cut himself off from the sage, Avhat harm can he do to the 
an and moon ? He only shows that he does not know his own 
apacity."^ 

In conversation with a fellow-disciple, Tsze-kung took a still 
igher flight. Being charged by Tsze-k'in with being too modest, 
>r that Confucius was not really superior to him, he replied, " For 
ne word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is 
ften deemed to be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed in 
rhat we say. Our master cannot be attained to, just in the same 
ray as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair. 
Vere our master in the position of the prince of a State, or the chief 
f a Family, we should find verified the description which has been 
iven of a sage's rule : — He would plant the people, and forthwith 
liey would be established ; he would lead them on, and forthwith 
liey would follow him ; he would make them happy, and forthwith 
lultitudes would resort to his dominions ; he would stimulate them, 
nd forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would 
e glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is 
ir possible for him to be attained to ?"^ 

From these representations of Tsze-kung, it was not a difficult 
tep for Tsze-sze to make in exalting Confucius not only to the level 
f the ancient sages, but as " the equal of Heaven." And Mencius 
ook up the theme. Being questioned by Kung-sun Ch'ow, one of 
Lis disciples, about two acknowledged sages, Pili-e and E Yin, whe- 
her they were to be placed in the same rank with Confucius, he 
eplied^ "No. Since there were living men until now, there never 
vas another Confucius;" and then he proceeded to fortify his opinion 
\y the concurring testimony of Tsae Go, Tsze-kung and Yew Jo, 
rho all had wisdom, he thought, sufficient to know their master. 
'sae Go's opinion was, "According to my view of our master, he is 

2 Ana. XIX. xxiiL 3 Ana. XIX. Z2iv. 4 Ana. XIX. xxv. 

97] 



FROLECOMENA.] CONFUCIUS AND niS DISCIPLES. [cR,r, 

far superior to Yaou and Shun." Tsze-kung said, " By viewing the 
ceremonial ordinances of a prince, we know the character of liU 
government. By hearing his music, we know the character of his 
virtue. From the distance of a hundred ages after, I can arrange, 
according to their merits, the kings of a hundred ages ; — not one 
of them can escape me. From the birth of mankind till now, there 
has never been another like our master." Yew Jo said, " Is it only 
among men that it is so? There is the k'e-lin among quadrupeds; 
the fung-hwang among birds; the T'ae mountain among mounds 
and ant-hills; and rivers and seas among rain-pools. Though differ- 
ent in degree, they are the same in kind. So the sages among 
mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand out from their 
fellows, and rise above the level ; and from the birth of mankind till 
now, there never has been one so complete as Confucius."^ I will 
not indulge in farther illustration. The judgment of the sage's dis- 
ciples, of Tsze-sze, and of Mencius, has been unchallenged by the mass 
of the scholars of China. Doubtless it pleases them to bow down 
at the shrine of the sage, for their profession of literature is thereby 
glorified. A reflection of the honour done to him falls upon them- 
selves. And the powers that be, and the multitudes of the people^ 
fall in with the judgment. Confucius is thus, in the empire of 
China, the one man by whom all possible personal excellence wiis 
exemplified, and by Avhom all possible lessons of social virtue and 
political wisdom are taught. 

6. The reader will be prepared by the preceding account not to 
expect to find any light thrown by Confucius on the great prob- 

SuLjetts on winch Confucius ^^^"^^ ^^ the liumau couditiou and destiiiv. 
did nut m.at.-That he wa8 mi. jj^ jjj ^^ spcculatc on the creatioH of 

rciiKH>u:», unspiritiuil, ana open i 

to the ciiorgu of iusiucerity. things or the end of them. He wjis not 

troubled to account for the origin of man, nor did he seek to know 
about his hereafter. He meddled neither with physics nor meta- 
physics.^ The testimony of the Analects about the subjects of his 

6 Mencius, II. Vt. I. ii. 23—28. * 

1 Tlie contents of tlie Yih-kin^, ami Confucius' hibours upon it, may be objected in opposition 
to this statement, ami I must l)e unilerstofxl to make it with some rescryation. Six yean api. I 
9pent all my leisure time for twelve months in the study of that Work, and wrote out u transUtifio 
of it, but at the close I was only groping my way in darkness to hiy hold of its scope and mean- 
ing, and up to this time I have not been able to m«u<ter it so as to sjvak positively alKMit it. It 
will come in due time, in its place, in the present Tublicatiun, aud I do not think that what I hen 
My ui Coufucius will require much, if any, modiiicatiou. 

98] 



•ECT.ii.] IKFLUKNCE AND OPINIONS. [rROLEGOMEKA. 

teaching is the following : — " His frequent themes of discourse were 
the Book of Poetry, tlie Book of Histor)', and the maintenance of 
the rules of Propriety." " He taught letters, ethics, devotion of 
soul, and truthfulness." " Extraordinary things ; feats of strength ; 
states of disorder; and spiritual beings; he did not like to talk 
about."2 

Confucius is not to be blamed for his silence on the subjects here 
indicated. His ignorance of them was to a great extent his mis- 
fortune. He had not learned them. No report of them had come 
to him by the ear ; no vision of them by the eye. And to his 
practical mind the toiling of thought amid uncertainties seemed 
worse than useless. 

The question has, indeed, been raised, whether he did not make 
changes in the ancient creed of China,^ but I cannot believe that 
he did so consciously and designedly. Had his idiosyncrasy been 
different, we might have had expositions of the ancient views on 
some points, the effect of which would have been more beneficial than 
the indefiniteness in which they are now left, and it may be doubted 
so far, w^iether Confucius was not unfaithful to his guides. But 
that he suppressed or added, in order to bring in articles of belief 
originating with hhnself, is a thing not to be charged against him. 

I will mention two important sul)jects in regard to which there is 
a growing conviction in my mind that he came short of the faith 
of the older sages. The first is the doctrine of God. This name is 
common in the She-king, and Shoo-king. Te or Shang Te appears 
there as a personal being, ruling in heaven and on earth, the author 
of man s moral nature, the governor among the nations, by whom 
kings reign and princes decree justice, tlie rewarder of the good, and 
the punisher of the bad. Confucius preferred to speak of Heaven. 
Instances have already been given of this. Two others may be cited : 
— " He who offends against Heaven has none to wliom he can pray ? "4 
" Alas ! " said he, *' there is no one that knows me." Tsze-kung said, 
"What do you mean by thus saying that no one knows you?" He 
replied, " I do not murmur against Heaven. I do not grumble 
against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration rises high. 
But there is Heaven ; — that knows me !"6 Not once throughout the 

2. Ana. VII. xvii ; xxir.; xx. 3 See IIardwick*8 * Christ and other MasteN/ Fart III. 

pp. 18, 19, with bis reference in a note to a pas:3agc from Meadows' 'The Chiucse aud their 
UebcUioDS.' 4 Ana. III. xiii. h Ana. XIV. xxxvii. 

99] 






PROLEOOMEHA.] CONFUCIUS ANT) niS DISCIPLES. tCH.T. 

Analects docs he use the personal name. I would say that he was 
unreligious rather than irreligious ; yet by the coldness of his tem- 
perament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourable 
to the development of true religious feeling among the Chinese peo- 1 
pie generally, and he prepared the way for the speculations of the | 
literati of mediaeval and modern times, which have exposed them to 
the charge of atheism. 

Secondly, Along with the worship of God there existed in China, 
from the earliest historical times, the worship of other spiritual 
beings,— especially, and to every individual, the worship of departed 
ancestors. Confucius recognized this as an institution to be de- 
voutly observed. " He sacrificed to the dead as if they were pre- 
sent; he sacrificed to the spirits as if the spirits w^ere present 
He said, * I consider my not being present at the sacrifice as if I 
did not sacrifice.'"^ The custom must have originated from a belief 
of the continued existence of the dead. We cannot suppose that 
they who instituted it thought that with the cessation of this life 
on earth there was a cessation also of all conscious being. But 
Confucius never spoke explicitly on this subject. He tried to 
evade it. " Ke Loo asked about serving the spirits of the dead, 
and the master said, * While you are not able to serve men, how 
can you serve their spirits ?' The disciple added, * I venture to 
ask about death,' and he was answered, ' While you do not know 
life, how can you know about death.'"^ Still more striking is a 
conversation with another disciple, recorded in the " Family Say- 
ings." Tsze-kung asked him, saying, "Do the dead have know- 
ledge (of our services, that is), or are they without knowledge?" 
The master replied, " If I were to say that the dead have such 
knowledge, I am afraid that filial sons and dutiful grandsons 
would injure their substance in paying the last offices to the de- 
parted ; and if I were to say that the dead have not such knowledge, 
I am afraid lest unfilial sons should leave their parents unburied. 
You need not wish, Ts'ze, to know whether the dead have know- 
ledge or not. There is no present urgency about the point 
Hereafter you will know it for yourself."^ Surely this w^as not the 
teaching proper to a sage. He said on one occasion that he had 



6 Ana. lU. xU. 7 Ana. XI. xi. ^ ^ ^^ ^^ H' ^^' ^ ^S' toirarfi the 

end. 

100] 



■•scr. n] INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [prolegomena. 

j\o concealments from his disciples.^ Why did he not candidly tell 
his real thoughts on so interesting a subject? I incline to think 
that he doubted more than he believed. If the case were not so, it 
would be difficult to account for the answer which he returned to a 
question as to what constituted wisdom. "To give ones-self ear- 
nestly/' said he, " to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spirit- 
ual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom."^^ At 
any rate, as by his frequent references to Heaven, instead of follow- 
ing the phraseology of the older sages, he gave occasion to many of 
Ills professed followers to identify God with a principle of reason and 
the course of nature ; so, in the point now in hand, he has led 
them to deny, like the Sadducees of old, the existence of any spirit 
at all, and to tell us that their sacrifices to the dead are but an 
outward form, the mode of expression which the principle of filial 
piety requires them to adopt, when its objects have departed this life. 
It wall not be supposed that I wish to advocate or to defend the 
practice of sacrificing to the dead. My object has been to point 
out how Confucius recognized it, without acknowledging the faith 
from which it must have orioinated. and how he enforced it as a 
matter of form or ceremony. It thus connects itself with the most 
serious charge that can be brought against him, — ^the charge of 
insincerity. Among the four things which it is said he taught, 
"truthfulness" is specified,^^ and many sayings might be quoted 
from him, in which " sincerity " is celebrated as highly and demanded 
as stringently as ever it has been by any Christian moralist ; yet he 
was not altogether the truthful and true man to whom we accord 
our highest approbation. There was the case of MSng Che-fan, 
who boldly brought up the rear of the defeated troops of Loo, and 
attributed his occupying the place of honour to the backwardness 
of his horse. The action was gallant, but the apology for it was 
weak and wrong. And yet Confucius saw nothing in the whole 
but matter for praise.^^ jje could excuse himself from seeing an 
unwelcome visitor on the ground that he was sick, when there was 
nothing the matter with him.^^ These perhaps were small matters, 
but what shall we say to the incident which I have given in the 
sketch of his Life, p. 80, — his deliberately breaking the oath which 

9 Ana. VII. xxiii. 10 Ana. VI. xx. 11 See above, near the beginning of this paragraph. 
12 Ana. VI. xiii. 13 Ana, XVII. xx. 

101] 



n 



> 



mOLEGOMEKAO CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. N»' 

he had sworn, simply on the ground that it had been forced from 
him ? I should be glad if I could find evidence on which to deny 
the truth of that occurrence. But it rests on the same authority as 
most other statements about him, and it is accepted as a fact by the 
people and scholars of China. It must have had, and it must still 
have, a very injurious influence upon them. Foreigners charge, 
and with reason, a habit of deceitfulness upon the nation and ite 
government. For every word of falsehood and every act of insincerity, 
the guilty party must bear his own burden, but we cannot but 
regret the example of Confucius in this particular. It is with the Chi- 
nese and their sage, as it was with the Jews of old and their teaclera, 
He that leads them has caused them to err, and destroyed the way 
of their paths. ^* 

But was not insincerity a natural result of the un-religion of 
Confucius ? There are certain virtues which demand a true piety 
in order to their flourishing in the corrupt heart of man. Katural 
affection, the feeling of loyalty, and enlightened policy, may do 
much to build up and preserve a family and a State, but it requires 
more to maintain the love of truth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, 
to be shrunk from with shame. It requires in fact the living re- 
cognition of a God of truth, and all the sanctions of revealed reli^on. 
Unfortunately the Chinese have not had these, and the example of 
him to whom they bow down as the best and wisest of men, encour- 
ages them to act, to dissemble, to sin. 

7. I go on to a brief discussion of Confucius' views on government^ 

or what we may call his principles of political science. It could not 

„. . be in his long intercourse with his disciples but that he 

Hw views on o r 

government. should enunciate many maxims bearing on character 
and morals generally, but he never rested in the improvement of the 
individual. " The empire brought to a state of happy tranquillity "i 
was the grand object which be delighted to think of; that it might 
be brought about as easily as "one can look upon the palm of his 
hand," was the dream which it pleased him to indulge in.^ He held 
that there was in men an adaptation and readiness to be governed, 
which only needed to be taken advantage of in the proper way. 
There must be the right administrators, but given those, and " the 

14 Isaiah, ill. 12. 
1 ^ "|C ^. Sec the ^ ^, j^, parr. 4, 5; &c. 2 Ana, m. xi j tt aL 

102] 



T.Hj INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [prolegomejia. 

oivtli of government would be rapid, just as vegetation is rapid 
tlie earth ; yea, their government would display itself like an 
isilv-jTrrowinff rush."^ The same sentiment was common from the 
ps of Mencius. Enforcing it one day, when conversing with one 
f the petty princes of his time, he said in his peculiar style, " Does 
our Majesty understand the way of the growing grain ? During 
be seventh and eighth months, when drought prevails, the plants 
Kjcome dry. Then the clouds collect densely in the heavens, they 
md down torrents of rain, and the grain erects itself as if by a shoot. 
Ilion it does so, who can keep it back?"* Such, he contended, 
3uld be the response of the mass of the people to any true " shep- 
rd of men." It inay be deemed, unnecessary that I should specify 
is point, for it is a truth applicable to the people of all nations, 
caking generally, government is by no device or cunning crafti- 
3S ; human nature demands it. But in no other family of man- 
id is the characteristic so largely developed as in the Chinese. 
e love of order and quiet, and a willingness to submit to " the 
vvers that be'', eminently distinguish them. Foreign writers have 
en taken notice of this, and have attributed it to the influence of 
nfucius' doctrines as inculcating subordination ; but it existed pre- 
)us to his time. The character of the people moulded his system 
>re than it was moulded by it. 

This readiness to be governed arose, according to Confucius, from 
he duties of universal obligation, or those between sovereign and 
nister, between father and son, between husband and wife, between 
ler brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse 
friends."^ Men as they are born into the world, and grow up in 
find themselves existing in those relations. They are the appoint- 
*nt of Heaven. And each relation has its reciprocal obligation?, 
e recognition of which is proper to the Heaven-conferred nature. 
only needs that the sacredness of the relations be maintained, and 
e duties belonging to them faithfully discharged, and the "happy 
inquillity" will prevail all under heaven. As to the institutions 
government, the laws arid arrangements by which, as through a 
ousand channels, it should go forth to carry plenty and prosperity 
rough the length and breadth of the country, it did not belong to 
mfucius, " the throiieless king," to set them forth minutely. And 

3 \h J^, XX 3. 4 Mtnciiw, I. Pt. I. vi. G. 6 FJI ^, xx, 8 

103] 



r 



PROLEOOMEXA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [tef. 

indeed they were existing in the records of " the ancient sovereigns." 
Nothing new was needed. It was only requisite to pursue the old 
paths, and raise up the old standards. " The government of Wan and 
Woo," he said, "is displayed in the records, — the tablets of wood 
and bamboo. Let there be the men, and the government will 
flourish, but without the men, the government decays and ceases/6 
To the same effect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hwuy when 
asked by him how the government of a State should be administer- 
ed. It seems very wide of the mark, until we read it in the light 
of the sage's veneration for ancient ordinances, and his opinion of 
their sufficiency. " Follow," he said, " the seasons of Hea. Ride iu ! 
the state-carriages of Yin. Wear the ceremonial cap of Chow. Let 
the music be the Shaou with its pantomimes. Banish the songs of 
Ch*ing, and keep far from specious talkers."^ 

Confucius' idea then of a happy, well-governed State did not go 
beyond the flourishing of the five relations of society which have 
been mentioned ; and we have not any condensed exhibition from 
him of their nature, or of the duties belonging to the several parties 
in them. Of the two first he spoke frequently, but all that he has 
said on the others would go into small compass. Mencius has said 
that " between father and son there should be affection ; between 
sovereign and minister righteousness; between husband and wile 
attention to their separate functions ; between old and young, a 
proper order ; and between friends, fidelity."^ Confucius, I apprehend, 
would hardly have accepted this account. It does not bring out 
sufficiently the authority which he claimed for the father and the 
sovereign, and tlie obedience which he exacted from the child and 
the minister. With regard to the relation of husband and wife, he 
was in no respect superior to the preceding sages who had enunciated 
their views of " propriety " on the subject. We have a somewhat 
detailed exposition of his opinions in the " Family Sayings. — " Man," 
said he, " is the representative of Heaven, and is supreme over all 
things. Woman yields obedience to the instructions of man, and 
helps to carry out his principles.^ On this account she can deter- 
mine nothing of herself, and is subject to the rule of the three 

6 pfl ]^, XX. 2. 7 Ana. XV. x. 8 Mencius, IU. Tt. I. iv. 8. ^ ^ "^ :^» 

104] 



.IL] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [proimohbka* 



obediences. When young, she must obey her father and elder 
l>rother; when married, she must obey her husband; when her 
liusband is dead, she must obey her son. She may not think of 
iiiarrvinfif a second time. No instructions or orders must issue from 
the harem. Woman's business is simply the preparation and sup- 
plyhig of wine and food. Beyond the threshold of her apartments 
^lie should not be known for evil or for good. She may not cross 
the boundaries of the State to accompany a funeral. She may take 
Ho step on her own motion, and may come to no conclusion on her 
own deliberation. There are five women who are not to be taken 
h marriage: — the daughter of a rebellious house ; the daughter of a 
disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has produced 
criminals for more than one generation ; the daughter of a leprous 
house; and the daughter who has lost her father and elder brother. 
A wife may be divorced for seven reasons, which may be overruled 
by three considerations. The grounds for divorce are disobedience 
to her husband's parents; not giving birth to a son ; dissolute con- 
duct; jealousy (of laer husband's attentions, that is, to the other 
inmates of his harem); talkativeness ; and thieving. The three con- 
siderations which may overrule these grounds are — first, if, while 
she was taken from a home, she has now no home to return to ; 
second, if she have passed with her husband through the three years' 
mourning for his parents ; third, if the husband have become rich 
from being poor. All these regulations were adopted by the sages 
in harmony with the natures of man and woman^ and to give 
importance to the ordinance of marriage."^^ 

With these ideas — not very enlarged — of the relations of society, 
Confucius dwelt much on the necessity of personal correctness of 
character on the part of those in authority, in order to secure the 
rif^ht fulfilment of the duties implied in them. This is one grand 
peculiarity of his teaching. I have adverted to it in the review of 
"The Great Learning," but it deserves some further exhibition, and 
there are three conversations with the chief Ke K'ang, in which it 
is ver}^ expressly set forth. *' Ke K'ang asked about government, 
and Confucius replied, ' To govern means to rectify. If you lead oil 
the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?' " " Ke 
K^an^*-, distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired 



10.5] 



FUOtBOOMBKA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [car. 

of Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, *If 
you, sir, were not covetous, though you should reward them to do 
it, they would not steal.' " " Ke K'ang asked about government, say- 
ing, ' What do You say to killing the unprincipled for the good 
of the principled?' Confucius replied, *Sir, in carrying on your 
government^ why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced 
desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The 
relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between tbe 
wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows 
across it.' "^^ 

Example is not so powerful as Confucius in these and many other 
passages represented it, but its influence is very great. Its virtue is 
recognized in the family, and it is demanded in the church of 
Christ. " A bishop" — and I quote the term with the simple mean- 
ing of overseer — " must be blameless." It seems to me, however, 
that in the progress of society in the West we have come to think 
less of the power of example in many departments of State than 
we ouorht to do. It is thouj]:ht of too little in the armv and the 
navy. We laugh at the "self-denying ordinance," and the "new 
model" of 1644, but there lay beneath them the principle which | 
Confucius so broadly propounded, — the importance of personal 
virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain is the 
governing power over the masses of India, and that we are coniuig 
more and more into contact with tens of thousands of the Chinese, 
this maxim of our sage is deserving of serious consideration from 
all who bear rule, and especially from those on whom devolves the 
conduct of affairs. His words on the susceptibility of the people to 
be acted on by those above them ought not to prove as water spilt 
on the ground. 

But to return to Confucius. — As he thus lays it down that the 
mainspring of the well-being of society is the personal character of 
the ruler, we look anxiously for what directions he has given for 
the cultivation of that. But here he is very defective. " Self-adjust- 
ment and purification," he said, "with careful regulation of his dress, 
and the not making a movement contrary to the rules of propriety; 
— this is the way for the ruler to cultivate his person."^^ Ji^is j^ 
laying too much stress on what is external ; but even to attain to this 

11 Analects, XII. xvii. ; xviii. ; xix. 12 pu M|, xx. 14. 

106] 



n.] ms INFLTTENCE AKD OPINIONS. [pbolegomeua. 

is beyond unassisted human strength. Confucius, however, never 
recognized a disturbance of the moral elements in the constitution 
of man. The people would move, according to him, to the virtue 
of their ruler as the grass bends to the wind, and that virtue would 
come to the ruler at his call. Many were the lamentations which 
he uttered over the degeneracy of his times; frequent were the 
confessions which he made of his own shortcomings. It seems strange 
that it never came distinctly before him, that there is a power of 
evil in the prince and the peasant, which no efforts of their own 
and no instructions of sages are effectual to subdue. 

The government which Confucius taught was a despotism, but of 
a modified character. He allowed no ^^jus divinum^^^ independent of 
personal virtue and a benevolent rule. He has not explicitly stated, 
indeed, wherein lies the ground of the great relation of the governor 
and the governed, but his views on the subject were, we may assume, 
in accordance with the language of the Shoo-king : — " Heaven and 
Earth are the parents of all things, and of all things men are the 
most intelligent. The man among them most distinguished for in- 
telligence becomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent 
of the people."^^ And again, " Heaven, protecting the inferior people, 
has constituted for them rulers and teachers, who sliould be able to 
be assisting to God, extending favour and producing tranquillity 
throughout all parts of the empire."^* The moment the ruler ceases 
to be a minister of God for good, and does not administer a government 
that is beneficial to the people, he forfeits the title by which he holds 
the throne, and perseverance in oppression will surely lead to his 
overthrow. Mencius inculcated this principle with a frequency and 
boldness which are remarkable. It was one of the things about 
which Confucius did not like to talk. Still he held it It is con- 
spicuous in the last chapter of " The Great Learning." Its tendency 
has been to check the violence of oppression, and maintain the self- 
respect of the people, all along the course of Chinese history. 

I must bring these observations on Confucius' views of govern- 
ment to a close, and I do so with two remarks. First, they are 
adapted to a primitive, unsophisticated state of society. He is a good 
counsellor for the father of a family, the chief of a clan, and even 
the head of a small principality. But his views want the coinprehen- 

13, 14 See the Shoo-king, V. i. Sect. I. 2, 7. 

107] 



tKOUtoouBMA.'] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DlSCIPLfTS. [cur. 

fiion which would make them of much service in a great enipire. 
Within three centuries after his death, the government of China pass- 
ed into a new phase. The founder of the Ts'in dynasty conceived the 
grand idea of abolishing all its feudal Kingdoms, and centralizing 
their administration in himself. He effected the revolution, and 
succeeding dynasties adopted his system, and gradually moulded it 
into the forms and proportions which are now existing. There has 
been a tendency to advance, and Confucius has all along been trying 
to carry the nation back. Principles have been needed, and not 
"proprieties." The consequence is that China has increased beyond 
its ancient dimensions, while there has been no corresponding 
development of thought. Its body politic has the size of giant^ while^ 
it still retains the mind of a child. Its hoary age is but senility. 

Second, Confucius makes no provision for the intercourse of his 
country with other and independent nations. He knew indeed of 
none such. China was to him "The middle Kingdom,"^^ "The 
multitude of Great States,"^® "All under heaven."^^ Beyond it were 
only rude and barbarous tribes. He does not speak of them bitterly, 
as many Chinese have done since his time. In one place he contrasts 
them favourably with the prevailing anarchy of the empire, saying, 
"The rude tribes of the east and north have their princes, and are 
Dot like the States of our great land which are without them."^* 
Another time, disgusted with the want of appreciation which he 
experienced, he was expressing his intention to go and live among 
the nine wild tribes of the east. Some one said, " They are rude. 
How can you do such a thing?" His reply was, " If a superior man 
dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be?"^^ But had he 
been an emperor-sage, he would not only have influenced them by 
his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and submit to 
his sway, as the great Yu did.^^ The only passage of Confucius' 
teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing with 
foreigners, is that in the " Doctrine of the Mean," where " indulgent 
treatment of men from a distance " is laid down as one of the nine 
standard rules for the government of the enipire.^^ But " the men 
from a distance " are understood to be jmi and leti^'^ simply, — 
" guests," that is, or officers of one State seeking employment in 



15 pb Q. IG gK W ; Ana. III. v. 17 ^ "^ ; passim. 18 Ana. III. t. 

19 Alia. IX. xUi. 20 ^ j|^, UI. u. 10 ; ct al ^1 ^ j^ ^. 22 ^ J^. 

108] 



r 



CT.nJ ms INFLUENCE AKD OPtNlOKS. [prolkooiikka. 

lother, or at the imperial court; and "visitors," or travelling 
erchants. Of independent nations the ancient classics have not 
ly knowledge, nor has Confucius. So long as nterchants from 
urope and other parts of the world could have been content to 
>pear in China as suppliants, seeking the privilege of trade, so 
•ng the government would have ranked them with the barbarous 
ordes of antiquity, and given them the benefit of the maxim 
bout " indiilgent treatment," according to its own understanding 
r it. But when their governments interfered, and claimed to treat 
ith that of China on terms of equality, and that their subjects 
lould be spoken to and of as being of the same clay with the Chinese 
lemselves, an outrage was committed on tradition and prejudice, 
hich it was necessary to resent with vehemence. 

I do not charge the contemptuous arrogance of the Chinese 
overnment and people upon Confucius; what I deplore, is that he 
5ft no principles on record to check the development of such a 
pirit. His simple views of society and government were in a mea- 
ure sufficient for the people while they dwelt apart from the rest of 
nankind. His practical lessons were better than if they had been left, 
vhich but for him they probably would have been, to fall a prey to 
he influences of Taouism and Buddhism, but they could only subsist 
irhile they were left alone. Of the earth earthy, China was sure t.o 
to pieces when it came into collision with a Christianly-civilized 
ower. Its sage had left it no preservative or restorative elements 
gainst such a case. 

It is a rude awakening from its complacency of centuries which 
hina has now received. Its ancient landmarks are swept away, 
•pinions will differ as to the justice or injustice of the grounds on 
hich it has been assailed, and I do not feel called to judge or to 
ponounce here concerning them. In the progress of events, it could 
ot be but that the collision should come; and wlien it did come, it could 
ot be but that China should be broken and scattered. Disorganiza- 
on will go on to destroy it more and more, and yet there is hope 
►r the people, with their veneration of the relations of society, with 
leir devotion to learning, and with their habits of industry and 
>briety ; — there is hope for them, if they will look away from all 
leir ancient sages, and turn to Him, who sends them, along with 
le dissolution of their ancient state, the knowledge of Himself, the 
Illy living and true God, and of Jesus Christ whom He hath sent. 

109] 



PBOLBOOMBKA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [a 

8. I have little more to add on the opinions of Confucius. Ma 
of his sayings are pithy, and display much knowledge of characU 
but as they are contained in the body of the Work, I will i 
occupy the space here with a selection of those which have stni 
myself as most worthy of notice. The fourth Book of the Analec 
which is on the subject of jin^ or perfect virtue, has several utt 
ances which are remarkable. 

Thornton observes : — " It may excite surprise, and probably 
credulity, to state that the golden rule of our Saviour, ' Do ui 
others as you would that they should do unto you,' which Mr. Lo( 
designates as ' the most unshaken rule of morality, and foundat 
of all social virtue,' had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in 
same words, four centuries before."^ I have taken notice of 
fact in reviewing both " The Great Learning," and " The Doctrin 
the Mean." I would be far from grudging a tribute of admiratio 
Confucius for it. The maxim occurs also twice in the Analects. 
Book XV. xxiii., Tsze-kung asks if there be one word which 
serve as a rule of practice for all one's life, and is answered, "L 
reciprocity such a word ? What you do not want done to yourse 
not do to others." The same disciple appears in Book V. xi., te 
Confucius that he was practising the lesson. He says, " What 
not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men ; " bu 
master tells him, " Ts^ze, you have not attained to that." It \ 
appear from this reply, that he was aware of the difficulty of ob( 
the precept ; and it is not found, in its condensed expression at 
in the older classics. The merit of it is Confucius' own. 

When a comparison, however, is drawn between it and the ml 
down by Christ, it is proper to call attention to the positive fo 
the latter, — "All things whatsoever ye would that men should dc 
you, do ye even so to them." The lesson of the gospel come 
men to do w^hat they feel to be right and good. It requires th 
commence a course of such conduct, without regard to the co: 
of others to themselves. The lesson of Confucius only forbids 
to do what they feel to be wrong and hurtful. So far as the po 
priority is concerned, moreover, Christ adds, "This is the la\ 
the prophets." The maxim was to be found substantially i 
earlier revelations of God. 

1 History of Clima, vol. I. p. 209. 

110] 



f.n.1 HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [pboleoomma. 

But tlie worth of the two maxims depends on the intention of 
e enunciatoi's in regard to their application. Confucius, it seems 

me, did not think of the reciprocity coming into action beyond 
e circle of his five relations of society. Possibly, he might have 
quired its observance in dealings even with the rude tribes, which 
ere the only specimens of mankind besides his own comtrymen of 
hich he knew anything, for on one occasion, when asked about per- 
ct virtue, he replied, " It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave ; 

the management of business, to be reverently attentive ; in inter- 
►urse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among 
lerude uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected."a 
ill, Confucius delivered his rule to his countrymen only, and only 
•r their guidance in their relations of which I have had so much 
Jcasion to speak. The rule of Christ is for man as man, having to 
) with other men, all with himself on the same platform, as the 
lildren and subjects of the one God and Father in heaven. 
How far short Confucius came of the standard of Christian bene- 
lence, may be seen from his remarks when asked what was to be 
ought of the principle that injury should be recompensed with 
idiiess. He replied, " With what then will you recompense kind- 
5s ? Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with 
idness."^ The same deliverance is given in one of the Books of 
I Le Ke, where he adds that "he who recompenses injury with 
idness is a man who is careful of his person."* Ch'ing Heuen, the 
nmentator of the second century, says that such a course would be 
iicorrect in point of propriety."^ This " propriety " was a great 
imbling-block in the way of Confucius. His morality was the 
ult of the balancings of his intellect, fettered by the decisions of 
in of old, and not the gushings of a loving heart, responsive to 
i promptings of Heaven, and in sympathy with erring and feeble 
manity. 

This subject leads me on to the last of the opinions of Confucius 
lich I shall make the subject of remark in this place. A com- 
in tutor observes, with reference to the inquiry about recompensing 
ury with kindness, that the questioner was asking only about 
vial matters, which might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, 

Analects, XIU. xix. 3 Ana. XXV. xxxvi. 4 ;|ffl gg, ^ g[J, par. 12. 5 ^^ 

Z'SE 

111] 



iZi-^ 



PBOLBOOXEXA.] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [<«.?«. 

while great offences such as those against a sovereign or a father, 
could not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of l^^ ^ 
justice.^ In the second Book of the Le Ke there is the following |e< 
passage: — "With the slaj^er of his father, a man may not live 
under the same heaven ; against the slayer of his brother, a man 
must never have to go home to fetch a weapon ; with the slayer o{ 
his friend, a man may not live in the same State."^ The lex talunik 
is here laid down in its fullest extent. The Chow Le tells us of a 
provision made against the evil consequences of the principle, by the 
appointment of a minister called "The Reconciler."^ The provisiott 
is very inferior to the cities of refuge which were set apart by Mose* 
for the manslayer to flee to from the fury of the avenger. Such 
as it was, however, it existed, and it is remarkable that Confucius, 
when consulted on the subject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the 
duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. 
His disciple Tsze-hea asked him, " What course is to be pursued in 
the case of the murder of a father or mother?" He replied, "The 
son must sleep upon a matting of grass, with his shield for bis 
pillow; he must decline to take office; he must not live under the 
same heaven with the slayer. When he meets him in the market- 
place or the court, he must have his weapon ready to strike him." 
"And what is the course on the murder of a brother?" "The sur- 
viving brother must not take office in the same State with the slayer; 
yet if he go on his prince's service to the State where the slayer is, 
though he meet him, he must not fight with him." "And what is 
the course on the murder of an uncle or a cousin?" "In this case 
the nephew or cousin is not the principal. If the principal on whom 
the revenge devolves can take it, he has only to stand behind with 
his weapon in his hand, and support him."^ 

Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of the 
objectionable principles of Confucius.^^ The bad effects of it art 
evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet to the Chinese, 
I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish 
to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government 
the "inquisition for blood." Where the ruling authority is feeble, 

6 See notes in loc,, p. 152. 7 ;|f |£, I. Pt. I. v. 10. » ^ ^' ^ ;S + 

. pp. U~18. 9 ^ g£, II. I>t, I. iL ZL St^ also the ^ ^^ ^ ^. ^ ^ 

^ . 10 The Chinese, vt>l. II. p. 41. 

112] 







HIS IMHEDIATSr DISCIPLES. [pbouwombiia. 

^hm^ it is at present, individuals and clans take the law into their own 
-iliands, and whole districts are kept in a state of constant feud and 
'Mrarfare, 

But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him 
injustice; but after long study of his character and opinions, I 
• am unable to regard him as a great man. He was not before his 
age, though he was above the mass of the officers and scholars of 
' His time. He threw no new light on any of the questions which 
**ave a world-wide interest. He gave no impulse to religion. He 
Had no S3anpathy with progress. His influence has been wonderful, 
) t)ut it will henceforth wane. My opinion is, that the faith of the 
^tion in him will speedily and extensively pass away. 

SECTION III. 

HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 

Sze-ma Ts'een makes Confucius say : — " The disciples who received 
my instructions, and could comprehend them, were seventy-seven 
individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability."^ The 
common saying is, that the disciples of the sage were three thousand, 
while among them there were seventy-two worthies. I propose to 
give here a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as 
being his followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we 
know nothing more than their names and surnames. My principal 
authorities will be the " Historical Records," the " Family Sayings," 
" The Sacrificial Canon for the Sage's Temple, with Plates," and the 
chapter on "The Disciples of Confucius" prefixed to the "Four 
Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs and Illustrations." In 
giving a few notices of the better-known individuals, I will endeavour 
to avoid what may be gathered from the Analects. 

1. Yen Hwuy, by designation Tsze-yuen (S^IbJ'^"^ *^). He 
was a native of Loo, the favourite of his master, whose junior he 
was by 30 years, and whose disciple he became when he was quite a 
youth. " After I got Hwuy," Confucius remarked, "the disciples 
came closer to me." We are told that once, when he found himself 
on the Nung hill with Hwuy, Tsze-loo, and Tsze-kung, Confucius 



113] 



YBOLXGOMCNA] CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. {cili; 

asked them to tell him their different aims, and he would choose 
between them. Tsze-loo began, and when he had done, the master 
said, "It marks your bravery." Tsze-kung followed, on whose 
words the judgment was, "They show your discriminating elo- 
quence." At last came Yen Yuen, who said, " I should like to find 
an intelligent king and sage ruler whom I might assist. I would 
diffuse among the people instructions on the five great points, aiid 
lead them on by the rules of propriety and music, so tliat they 
should not care to fortify their cities by walls and moats, but would 
fuse their swords and spears into implements of agriculture. They ^r 
should send forth their flocks without fear into the plains and forests. 
There should be no sunderings of families, no widows or widowers. 
For a thousand years there would be no calamity of war. Yew 
would have no opportunity to display his bravery, or Ts'ze to display 
his oratory." The master pronounced, "How admirable is this 
virtue !" 

When Hwuy was 29, his hair was all white, and in three years 
more he died. He was sacrificed to, along with Confucius, by the 
first emperor of the Han dynast3\ The title which he now has in 
the sacrificial Canon, — "Continuator of the Sage," was conferred iu 
the 9th year of the emperor, or, to speak more, correctly, of the 
period, Kea-tsing, a.d. 1530. Almost all the present sacrificial titles 
of the worthies in the temple were fixed at that time. Hwuy's place 
is the first of the four Assessoi*s, on the east of the sage.^ 

2. Min Sun, styled Tsze-k'een, (|^^»^-^|^). He was a 
native of Loo, 15 years younger than Confucius, according to Sze-ma 

2 I liave referred briefly, at p. 92, to the templed of Confucius. The principal hall, called "^ 
J0C ^L- ^^ * ^^^^ "' ^^*^ Great and Complete One,* is that in which is his own statue or the 
tablet of his spirit, Iiaving on each side of it, within a screen, tlie statues, or tablets, of his ' fuor 
Assessors.* On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment are the two l£, the 
places of the -4^ '-T?* ^^ * twelve Wise Ones,' those of his disciples, who, next to the * Assessors,' 
are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two K, 
but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two HBp. or side-galleries, which I hare 
sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are 64 tablets of the disciples aiid 
other worthies, having the same title, as the Wise Ones, that of yh ^^, or 'Ancient Worthy,* or 
the inferior title of yh '^, ' Ancient Scholar.* Behind the principal hall is the ^ SB l3 SSft 
sacred to Confucius* ancestors, whose tablets are in the centre, fronting the south, like thit of 
Confucius. On each side are likewise the tablets of certain *aucient Worthier* and 'ancient 
iSchulars.' 

114] 



.111.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIP;iES. [prolfgomi^a. 

Ts^een, but 50 years younger, according to the "Family Savings," 
vliich latter authority is followed in "The Annnls of the Empire." 
IrVhen he first came to Confucius, we are told, he had a starved look,i 
vhich was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction. 2 
Fsze-kung asked him how the change had come about. He replied, 
' I came from the midst of mv reeds and sedges into tlie school of the 
master. He trained my mind to filial piety, and set before me the 
examples of the ancient kings. I felt a pleasure in his instructions, 
but when I went abroad, and saw the people in authority, with their 
umbrellas and banners, and all the pomp and circumstance of their 
trains, I also felt pleasure in that show. These two things assaulted 
each other in my breast. I could not determine which to prefer, 
and so I wore that look of distress. But now the lessons of our 
master have penetrated deeply into my mind. My progress also has 
been helped by the example of you my fellow-disciples. I now know 
what I should follow and what I should avoid, and all the pomp of 
power is no more to me than the dust of the ground. It is on this 
account that I have that look of fulness and satisfaction." Tsze-k'eea 
was high in Confucius' esteem. He was distinguished for his purity 
and filial affection. His place in the temple is the first, east, among 
"The Wise Ones," immediately after the four assessors. He was first 
sacrificed to along with Confucius, as is to be understood of the 
other "Wise Ones," excepting in the case of Yew Jo, in the 8th year 
of the style K'ae-yuen of the sixth emperor of the T'ang dynasty, 
A.D. 720. His title, the same as that of all but the Assessors is — 
"The ancient Worthy, the philosopher Min." 

3. Yen King, styled Pili-new (j^. j^ ^ ^ [a/., "g"] 4=.). He 
was a native of Loo, and Confucius' junior only by seven years. 
When Confucius became Minister of Crime, he appointed Pih-new 
to the office, which he had himself formerly held, of commandant 
of Chung-too. His tablet is now fourth among "The Wise Ones," 
on the w^est. 

4. Yen Y^ung, styled Chung-kung (H |||, ^ >fi|i ^). He was of 
the same clan as Yen Kang, and 29 years younger than Confucius. 
He had a bad father, but the master declared that was not to be 
counted to him, to detract from his admitted excellence. His place 
is among " The Wise Ones," the second, east. 

»^t- 2^^^ fe- 
lly] 



noLBOOMBVA.] CONITJCIITS AND HIS DISCIPLES* [ci.f.| 

5. Yen K'ew, styled Tsze-yew (.^ J^, ^ -^ :^). He was related 
to the two former, and of the same age as Chung-kung. He Tvas 
noted among the disciples for his versatile ability and many acquire- 
ments. Tsze-kung said of him, " Respectful to the old, and kind to 
the young ; attentive to guests and visitors ; fond of learning and skill- 
ed in many arts ; diligent in his examination of things : — these are 
what belong to Yen K'ew." It has been noted in the life of Confucina 
that it was by the influence of Tsze-yew that he was finally restored 
to Loo. He occupies the third place, west, among "The Wise ones.'' 

6. Chung Yew, styled Tsze-loo and Ke-loo (>fi|i ^, ^ -^ Jg, ^^ 
^^). He was a native of P'een (-|;) in Loo, and only 9 years 
younger than Confucius. At their first interview, the master 
asked him what he was fond of, and he replied, " My long sword." 
Confucius said, " If to your present ability there were added the ^^ 
results of learning, you would be a very superior man.'' " Of what 
advantage would learning be to me ? " asked Tsze-loo. " There is a 
bamboo on the southern hill, which is straight itself without being 
bent. If you cut it down and use it, you can send it though a rhino- 
ceros' hide ; — what is the use of learning ? " " Yes," said the master ; 
*' but if you feather it and point it with steel, will it not penetrate ^ 
more deeply ? " Tsze-loo bowed twice, and said, " I will reverently re- 
ceive your instructions." Confucius was wont to say, " From the 
time that I got Yew, bad words no more came to my ears." For 
«ome time Tsze-loo was chief magistrate of the district of P*oo (^), 
where his administration commanded the warm commendations of ' 
the master. He died finally in Wei, as has been related above, p. 87. 
His tablet is now the fourth, east, from those of the Assessors. 

7. Tsae Yu, styled Tsze-go (^ -^, ^ ^ ^). He was a native 
of Loo, but nothing is mentioned of his age. He had ** a sharp 
mouth," according to Sze-ma Ts*een. Once, when he was at the 
court of Ts*oo on some commission, the king Ch'aou offered him an 
easy carriage adorned with ivory for his master. Yu replied, " My 
master is a man who would rejoice in a government where right 
principles were carried out, and can find his joy in himself when that is 
not the case. Now right principles and virtue are as it were in a 
state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and put them in motion. 
Could he find a prince really anxious to rule according to them, he 
would walk on foot to his court, and be glad to do so. Why need 

116] 



in.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. [pioumomsiia. 

26 receive such a valuable gift as this from so great a distance ? " 
iDonfucius commended this reply ; but where he is mentioned in the 
Analects, Tsze*go does not appear to great advantage. He took ser- 
irice in the State of Ts'e, and was chief magistrate of Lin-tsze, where 
tie joined with T'een Chang in some disorderly movement,^ which 
Lecl to the destruction of his kindred, and made Confucius ashamed 
>f him. His tablet b now the second, west, among " The Wise Ones." 

8. Twan-muk Ts'ze, styled Tsze-kung (ig :^ ||, ^ -^^ ^, [a/., ^ 
f$[] ), whose place is now third, east, from the Assessors. He was a 
native of Wei (|^), and 31 years younger than Confucius. He had 
great quickness of natural ability, and appears in the Analects as 
one of the most forward talkers among the disciples. Confucius 
used to say, " From the time that I got Ts'ze, scholars from a distance 
came daily resorting to me." Several instances of the language 
which he used to express his admiration of the master have been 
given in the last section. Here is another : — ^The duke King of Ts*e 
asked Tsze-kung how Chung-ne was to be ranked as a sage. " I do 
not know," was the reply. " I have all my life had the heaven over 
my head, but I do not know its height, and the earth under my feet, 
but I do not know its thickness. In my serving of Confucius, I am 
like a thirsty man who goes with his pitcher to the river, and there 
he drinks his fill, without knowing the river's depth." He took leave 
of Confucius to become commandant of Sin-yang (^ }^ ^), when 
the master said to him, ^' In dealing with your subordinates, there 
is nothing like impartiality ; and when wealth comes in your way, 
there is nothing like moderation. Hold fast these two things, and do 
not swerve from them. To conceal men's excellence is to obscure 
the worthy ; and to proclaim people's wickedness is the part of a 
mean man. To speak evil of those whom you have not sought the 
opportunity to instruct, is not the way of friendship and harmony." 
Subsequently Tsze-kung was high in office both in Loo and Wei, 
and finally died in Ts'e. We saw how he was in attendance on 
Confucius at the time of the sage's death. Many of the disciples 
built huts near the master's grave, and mourned for him three years, 
but Tsze-kung remained sorrowing alone for three years more. 

9. Yen Yen, styled Tsze-yew (WJ^^^-f^M)^ ^o«^ tte 4th in 
the western range of " The Wise Ones." He was a native of Woo 

ifl^gj'^f^^. Sec above, p. 7. 

117] 



MOLTOOMEHA.] CONFUaUS ANP HIS DISCIPLES. [cftH 

(5^),. 45 years younger than Confucius, and distinguished for his 
literary acquirements. Being made commandant of Woo-shing, he 
transformed the character of the people by " proprieties " and music, 
and was praised by the master. After the death of Confucius, Ke 
K'ang asked Yen how that event had made no sensation in Loo like 
that which was made by the death of Tsze-ch'an, when the men laid 
aside their bowstring rings and girdle ornaments, and the women 
laid aside their pearls and ear-rings, and the voice of weeping Vtis 
heard in the lanes for three months. Yen replied, "The influences 
of Tsze-ch'an and my master might be compared to those of ove^ 
flowing water and the fattening rain. Wherever the water in its 
overflow reaches, men take knowledge of it, while the fattening rain 
falls unobserved." 

10. Pah Shang, styled Tsze-hea ( [> j^, i^ -^ g). It is not 
certain to what State he belonged, his birth being assigned to Wd 
(flS)» to Wei (8ft), and to Win (jiS). He was 45 years younger 
than Confucius, and lived to a great age, for we find him, B.C. 406^ 
at the court of the prince WSn of Wei (fft), to whom he gave copies 
of some of the classical Books. He is represented as a scholar ex- 
tensively read and exact, but without great comprehension of mind. 
What is called Maou s She-king (% ^) is said to contain the views 
of Tsze-hea. Kung-yang Eaou and Kuh-leang Ch'ih are also said 
to have studied the Ch'un Ts'ew with him. On the occasion of the 
death of his son he wept himself blind. His place is the 5th, east, 
among " The Wise Ones." 

11. Twan-sun Sze, styled Tsze-chang (ilj& -^ 610* ^ -^ SI), has 
his tablet, corresponding to that of the preceding, on the west. He 
was a native of Ch'in (^), and 48 years younger than Confucius. 
Tsze-kung said, " Not to boast of his admirable merit ; not to signify 
joy on account of noble station; neither insolent nor indolent; 
showing no pride to the dependent : — these are the characteristics of 
Twan-sun Sze." When lie was sick, he called Shin Ts'eang to him, 
and said, " We speak of his end in the case of a superior man, and of 
his death in the case of a mean man. May I think that it is going 
to be the former with me to-day ? " 

12. Tsang Sin [or TsWi], styled Tsze-yu (^#» ^ "T* ^ [«^ 
-^ ^] ). He was a native of south Woo-shing, and 46 years younger 
than Confucius. In his 16th year he was sent b}'^ hb father into 

118] 



■ST. m.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. [prolbgomeva. 

Voo, where Confucius then was, to learn under the sage. Excepting 
erhaps Yen Hwuy, there is not a name of greater note in the Con- 
acian school. Tsze-kung said of him, " There is no subject which he 
as not studied. His appearance is respectful. His virtue is solid, 
lis words command credence. Before great men he draws himself 
ip in the pride of self-respect. His eyebrows are those of longevity." 
le was noted for his filial piety, and after the death of his parents, 
Hi could not read the rites of mourning without being led to think 
►f them, and moved to tears. He was a voluminous writer. Ten 
^ks of his composition are said to be contained in the ^^ Rites of the 
Ider Tae " (;^ ^ jjg). The classic of Filial Piety he is said to 
ave made under the eye of Confucius. On his connection with 
The Great Learning," see above, Ch. iii. Sect. ii. He was first 
ssociated with the sacrifices to Confucius in a.d. 668, but in 1267 
e was advanced to be one of the sage's four Assessors. His title— 
Exhibiter of the Fundamental Principles of the Sage," dates from 
le period of Kea-tsing, as mentioned in speaking of Yen Hwuy. 

13. Tan-t'ae MeS-ming, styled Tsze-yu (i|f & i|j ^. ^ ^r- ^. 
e was a native of Woo-shing, 39 years younger than Confucius, 
:cording to the "Historical Records," but 49, according to the 
Family Sayings." He was excessively ugly, and Confucius thought 
eanly of his talents in consequence, on his first application to him. 
fter completing his studies, he travelled to the south as far as the 
ang-tsze. Traces of his presence in that part of the country are still 
>inted out in the department of Soo-chow. He was followed by 
►out three hundred disciples, to whom he laid down rules for their 
lidance in their intercourse with the princes. When Confucius 
mrd of his success, he confessed how he had been led by his bad 
oks to misjudge him. He, with nearly all the disciples whose names 
dlow, first had a place assigned to him in the sacrifices to Confucius 
I A.D, 739. The place of his tablet is the second, east, in the outer 
ourt, beyond that of the " Assessors " and " Wise Ones." 

14. Corresponding to the preceding, on the west, is the tablet of 
' uk Puh-ts^e, styled Tsze-tseen (^ [a/., ^g and ^, all=f^] :^ ^. 
p "T" ^)- ^^ ^^ ^ native of Loo, and, according to different 
<)counts, 30, 40, and 49 years younger than Confucius. He was 
ominandant of Tan-foo (.^ ^ ^), and hardly needed to put forth 

tuy personal effort. Wo-ma K'e had been in the same ofiice, and X^ 

119] I 



PROLBooMBirA.] CONFUCIUS AKD HIS DISCIPLES. fa, 

had succeeded by dint of the greatest industry and toil. He asb 
Puh-ts*e how he managed so easily for himself, and was answered,! 
" I employ men ; you employ men's strength." People pronounced] 
Fuh to be a superior man. He was also a writer, and his works are.^ 
mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue. 

15. Next to that of Mee-ming is the tablet of Yuen Heen, styled 
Tsze-sze (M^*^^ J^) ^ native of Sung, or, according to Ch'ing 
Heuen, of Loo, and younger than Confucius by 36 years. He was 
noted for his purity and modesty, and for his happiness in the prin- 
ciples of the master amid deep poverty. After the death of Confucius, 
he lived in obscurity in Wei. In the notes to Ana. VI. iiL , I have 
referred to an interview which he had with Tsze-kung. 

16. Kung-yay Chang [a/., Che], styled Tsze-Ch^ang [a/., Tsze-che], 

(^t^M [< 21 ^^M^ K ^ ^])i ^^ ^^ t^Wet next to 
that of Pih-ts'e. He was son-in-law to Confucius. His nativity b 
assigned both to Loo and to Ts^e. 

17. Nan-kung Kw6, styled Tsze-yung (^ ^ ^ [a/., 5^, and, 
in the " Family Sayings," j^ (T*aou) ], ^ -^ #), has the place at 
the east next to Yuen Heen. It is a question much debated whether 
he was the same with Nan-kung Eing-shuh, who accompanied Con- 
fucius to the court of Chow, or not. On occasion of a fire breaking 
out in the palace of duke Gae, while others were intent on securing 
the contents of the Treasury, Nan-kung directed his efforts to save 
the Library, and to him was owing the preservation of the copy of 
the Chow Le which was in Loo, and other ancient monuments. 

18. Kung-seih Gae, styled Ke-ts'ze [a/., Ke-ch'in] (^ ^ ;g, ^^ 
3^ [a/., ^i)2] ). His tablet follows that of Kung-yay. He was a na- 
tive of Loo, or of Ts*e. Confucius commended him for refusing to 
take office with any of the Families which were encroaching on the 
authority of the princes of the States, and for choosing to endure the 
severest poverty rather than sacrifice a tittle of his principles. 

19. Ts&ng Teen, styled Seih (^ ^ [a/., ||ft} ^ ^). He was the 
father of Ts&ng Ts'an. His place in the temples is the haU to Con- 
fucius' ancestors, where his tablet is the first, west. 

20. Yen Woo-yaou, styled Loo {MM^^ i^)- He was the 
father of Yen Hwuy, younger than Confucius by ax years. His 
sacrificial place is the first, east, in the same hall as the last. 

21. Following the tablet of Nan-kung Kwo is that of Shang Ecu, 

120] 



nj tits iMMEDlAtfi DlSCtfLEg. t^^^oi-feGO^KNA. 

id Tsze-muli (^ J^, ^ -f- ^). To him, it is said, we are in* 
ed for the preservation of the Yih-king, which he received from 
Fucius. Its transmission step by step^ from Keu down to the 

dynasty, is minutely set forth. 

t Next to Kung-seih Gae is the place of KaoU Ch'ae, styled 
-kaou and Ke-kaou (|^ ^, ^ ^ ^> [a/., ^^ ; for ^ moreover, 
Bnd ^, and ^] ), a native of Ts'e, according to the " Family 
ings,** but of Wei, according to Sze^ina Ts^een and Ch'ing Heuen* 
j\as 30 (some say 40) years younger than Confucius^ dwarfish 

ugly, but of great worth and ability* At one time he was 
linal judge of Wei, and in the execution of his office condemned 
isoner to lose his feet. Afterwards that same man saved hid 
when he was flying from the State* Confucius praised Ch'ae 
being able to administer stern justice with such a spirit of 
jvolence as to disartn resentment* 

J. Shang Keu is followed by Tseih^teaoU K*ae [prop* K'e], styled 
-k*ae, Tsze^jo, and Tsze-sew (mBM [pr. Wcl ^ T ^' ^ ^. 
-f- f^), a native of Ts'ae (^)) or, ace. to Heuen, of Loo. We 

know hitn as a reader of the Shoo*king, and refusing to go into 
e. 

L Kung-pih Leaou, styled Tsze-chow (^^'fQfi^*^-^^)* He 
tars in the Analects XIV. xxxiii., slandering Tsze-loo. It ia 
Dtful whether he should have a place among the disciples* 
>. Sze-ma Kang, styled Tsze*neAv ("^ ^ Wt' ^"f*^)^ follows 
h-t€aou K^ae. fle was a great talker, a native of Sung, and a 
her of Hwan T*uy, to escape from whom seems to have been the 
ur of his life. 

J. The place next Kaou Ch'ae is occupied by Fan Seu, styled 
i-ch'e (^ ^» ^ ^ $g), a native of Ts'e, or, ace. to others, of 
, and whose age is given as 36 or 46 years younger than Con- 
as. When young, he distinguished himself in a military com* 
d tinder the Ke family. 

r. Yew Jo, styled Tsze-jo (^ ^^^^ ^). He was a native 
lOO, and his age is stated very variously* He was noted among 
disciples for his great memory and fondness for antiquity. After 
death of Confucius, the rest of the disciples, because of the 
ness of Jo's voice to the Master s, wished to render the same 
jrvances to him which they had done to Confucius, but ou 

121] 



r 



FRdi.ECOMENA.] CONFUCIUS AKD HIS DISCIPLES* [cb.' 

Tsang Sin's demurring to the thing, they abandoned the purj 
The tablet of Tsze-jo is now the 6th, east, among '' The Wise Ones,' 
to which place it was promoted in the 3d year of K'een-lunj; of the^ 
present dynasty. This was done in comi)liance with a memorial 
from the president of one of the Boards, who said he was moved by » 
dream to make the request. We may suppose that his real motives 
Avere — a wish to do justice to the merits of Tsze-jo, and to restore 
the symmetry of the tablets in the " Hall of the Great and Comj)lete 
One," which had been disturbed by the introduction of the tablet of 
Choo He in the preceding reign. 

28, Kung-se Ch4h, styled Tsze-hwa (4^ ffi ^» ^ "^ |^), a na- 
tive of Loo, younger than Confucius by 42 years, whose place is 
the 4th, west, in the outer court. He was noted for his knowledge 
of ceremonies, and the other disciples devolved on him all the 
arrangements about the funeral of the Master* 

29, Woo^ma She [or K'e], styled Tsze-K*e ( M .P| J£ [ «^ M l^ 
•^^[a/., -J^J^]), a native of Ch'in, or, ace. to Ch'ing Heuen, 
of Loo, 30 years younger than Confucius. His tablet is on the 
east, next to that of Sze-ma Kang. It is related that on one 
occasion, when Confucius was about to set out with a company of 
the disciples on a walk or journey, he told them to take umbrellas* 
They met with a heavy shower, and Woo-ma asked him, saying, 
"There were no clouds in the morning, but after the sun had risen, 
you told us to take umbrellas. How did you know that it would 
rain?" Confucius said, "The moon last evening was in the 
constellation Peih, and is it not said in the She-king, ' When the 
moon is in Peih, there will be heavy ruin ? ' It was thus I knew 
it" 

30, Lliang Chen [a/., Le], styled Shuh-yu (^|i[a/. M] ^ ^ 
'^), occupies the eighth place, west, among the tablets of the outer 
court. He was a man of Ts^e, and his age is stated as 29 and 39 
years younger than Confucius, The following story is told in con- 
nection with him. — When he was thirty, being disappointed that he 
had no son, he was minded to put away his wife. " Do not do so," 
said Shang Keu to him. " I was 38 before I had a son, and my mother 
was then about to take another wife for me, when the Master pro- 
posed sending me to Ts'e, My mother was unwilling that I should 
iro, but Confucius said, * Don't be anxious. Keu will have five sous 

1^2] 



cr. in.] HIS IMMEDIATTi: DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. 

Pier he is forty/ It has turned out so, and I apprehend it is your 
mlt, and not your wife's, that you have no son yet." Chen took 
lis advice, and in the second year after, he had a son. 

31. Yen King [a/., Sin, Lew, and Wei], styled T8ze4ew(ii^ ^ [al ^. 
W, and ^}, ^ -^ ^)y occupies the place, east, after Woo-ina She. 
fe was a native of Loo, and 46 years younger than Confucius. 

32. Leang Chen is followed on the west by Yen Joo, styled Tsze- 

-oo [aly Tsze-tsSng and Tsze-yu] (# Jll K, Ull^ iF* # [^?-j T ^ 
nd-^" j5|]), a native of Loo^ and 50 years younger than Confucius. 

33. Yen Hing is followed on the east by Ts'aou Seuh,, styled 
Tsze-seun (^ Aji ^ -^ ^), a native of Ts'ae^ 50 years younger 
ban Confucius. 

34. Next on the west is Pih K^een, styled Tsze-seih, or, m the 
urrent copies of the " Family Sayings," Tsze-k'eae ("fj^ ^» ^ "^ W 
i/.^ -f- ^] or -^ js^" ), a native of Loo^ 50 years younger than Con- 
Licius. 

35. Following Tsze-seun is Kung-sun Lung [a/., ChSing]^ styled 
sze-shih (^^1^ [«?. |^ ^^ ^) whose birth is assigned by 
ilFerent writers to Wei, Ts'oo, and Chaou (^)^ He was 53t yeara 
ounger than Confucius. We have the following account: — "Tsze- 
iing asked Tsze-shih, saying, * Have you not studied the Book of 
betry ?* Tsze-shih replied, * What leisure have I to do so ? My 
irent^ require me to be filial ; my brothers require me to be sub- 
tissive ; and my friends require me to be sincere. What leisure 
ave I for anything else ?* ' Come to my Master,' said Tsze-kung,. 
ind learn of him.' " 

Sze^ma T&'een here observes : — ^^ Of the thirty-five disciples which 
recede^ we have some details. Their age and other particulars 
re found in the Rooks and Records. It is not so^ however, in 
igard to the fifty-two which follow.'^ 

36. Yen Ke, styled Tsze-ch'an [at Ke-ch'an and Tsze-ta], (^ 

py^'f' jSk [<^- ^ iii ^^d "F' ^] )» ^ native of Loa whose place 
', the deventh, west^ next to Pih K'een. 

37. Kung-tsoo Kow-tsze or simply Tsze^ styled Tsze-che (.^ 
18^ ^ ^ [or simply ]^ J ^ -^ J^)^ a native of Loo. His tablet is 
he 23d, east, in the outer court. 

38. Ts*in Tsoo, styled Tsze-nan (^ H.^^-f'^), a native o£ 
?ain. His tablet precedes that of the last^ two pliices.. 

1231 




rBOLEOoiiENAj CONFUCIUS Airo HIS DISCIPLES. [cH.t. 

39. Tseih.teaou Ch*e, styled Tsze-leen ( j^9|^ K, '^J^ 
"^ ^ )f a native of Loo, His tablet is the 13th, west, 

40. Yen Kaou, styled Tsze-Keaou (S^i^^-f'®). Accord- 
ing to the " Family Sayings," he was the same as Yen K'ih ( ^J, or 
^) who drove the carriage, when Confucius rode in Wei after the 
duke and Nan^tsze, But this seems doubtful. Other authorities 
make his name Ch'an (]||), and style him Tsze-tsing (^ j(||). His 
tablet is the 13th, east. 

41. Tseih-teaou T'oo-foo [aZ,. Ts'ung], styled Tsze-yew, Tsze-k'e 
and Tsze-w&n], ^ S ^ 5c K ^1 ^ ^ ^ or ^ ^ [a/., ^ M 
and^ '^] ) a native of Loo, whose tablet precedes that of Tseih- 
teaou Ch'e. 

42. Jang Sze-ch*lh, styled Tsze^-t'oo, or Ts^e-ts'ung (^ [cd. ^ 
9R ^ ^ 'f^ ^ [«A "^ ^] ), a native of Tsun. Some consider 
Jangrsze ( ^ 1^1) to be a double surname. His tablet comes after 
that of No. 40. 

43. Shang Tsih, styled Tsze-ke and Tsze-sew (^?P'^"^^ 
[alj -y* ^] ), a native of Loo, His tablet is immediately after that 
of Fan Seu, No. 26, 

44. Shih Ts6 [a/., Che and Tsze]-Bhuh, styled Tsze^ming (^ f^ 
[alj ^ and -^]- :||» ^ -^F ^), Some take Shih-tso (^ f^) as a 
double surname. His tablet follows that of No, 42, 

45. Jin Puh-ts^e, styled Seuen (fi y^ ^*^ M)» a native of Ts*oo, 
whose tablet is next to that of No. 28, 

46. Kung Leang Joo, styled Tsze-ching (^ H ^ [^-j fiH? ^ "^ 
jE), a native of Ch'in, follows the preceding in the temples. The 
♦' Sacrificial Canon " says :-^" Tsze-ching was a man of worth and 
bravery. When Confucius was surrounded and stopt in P'oo, Tsze^ 
ching fought so desperately, that the people of P*oo were afraid, and 
let the Master go, on his swearing that he would not proceed to Wei," 

47. How [a/., Shih] Ch'oo [a/., K'gen], styled TszeJe [a/., Le-che], 

(B {.< ^] Jt [< Jt], ^ ^ M K, a :^] ), a native of Ts'e, 
having his tablet the 17th, east, 

48. Ts'in Yen, styled K^ae {^^^ H), a native of Ts^ae, He 
is not given in the list of the " Family Sayings," and on this account 
his tablet was put out of the temples in the 9th year of Kea-tsing. 
It was restored, however, in the second year of Yung-ching, A.D, 
1724, and is the thirty-third, east, in the outer court. 

124] 



BCT. jn.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. [proleoomina. 

49. Kung-hea Show, styled Shing [and Tsze-shing], (^§"§' [ftly 
5^1 ^ ^ [a^i^ ^ ^] )) ft native of Loo, whose tablet is next that 
>f No. 44. 

50. He Yung-teen [or simply Teen,] styled Tsze-seih [a7., Tsze- 
teae, and Tsze-k'eae], {^#^ [or |^], :^^^ [a/., 4^^^ and 
y* ^])> ft native of Wei, having his tablet the 18th, east. 

51. Kung Keen-ting [a/., Kung Yew], styled Tsze-chung (^ J^ 

«^M M] ^ [«/., iV ^1 ^ ^ #, [a/-, ^, and i£.] ). His nativity 
s assigned to Loo, to Wei, and to Tsin (^). Hq follows No. 46. 

52. Yen Tsoo [a/., Seang], styled Seaug, and Tsze-seang (]§5| Mft 
y^^M ffil ^ J|> ft^^l "T* S)j ft native of Loo, with his tablet follow- 
ng that of No. 50. 

53. Heaou Tan [a/., Woo], styled Tsze-kea (HI H [a?., g[l], ^ 
^ 3^), a native of Loo. His place is next to that of No. 51. 

54. Keu [a/., Kow] Tsing-keang [and simply Tsing] styled Tsze- 
keang [aZ., Tsze-keae and Tsze-mang], (^ [a/., ^ and ^] ^ j^ 
and simply ^], ^ -^ fft [aZ., ^ |?., and ^ ^ ), ft native of Wei, 
following No. 52. 

55. Han [a/., Tsae]-foo Hih, styled Tsze-hih [a?., Tsze-so and Tsze- 

'ooj (^ K, ^] ^ ^. ^ ^ M [< ^ #• and ^ m. a native 
3f Loo, whose tablet is next to that of No. 53. 

56. Ts'in Shang, styled Tsze-p'ei [a/., P'ei-tsze, and Puh-tsze], (^ 
SSf . ^ -J* 2 [alj 3i ^j and ^ ^] ), a native of Loo, or, accord- 
ing to Ch'ing Heuen, of Ts^oo. He was 40 years younger than 
Confucius. One authority, however, says he was only 4 years 
younger, and that his father and Confucius' father were both cele- 
brated for their strength. His tablet is the 12th, east. 

57. Shin Tang, styled Chow (^M^M)- I^ t^« "Family 
Sayings " there is a Shin Tseih, styled Tsze-chow (^ jS'^"3F^)- 
The name is given by others as T'ang (^ and ^), and Tsuh (j^), 
ivith the designation Tsze-tsuh {'f'^). These are probably the 
same person mentioned in the Analects as Sliin Ch'ang (^ ^). 
Prior to the Ming dynasty they were sacrificed to as two, but in a.d. 
1530, the name of Tang was expunged from the sacrificial list, 
^nd only that of Chiang left. His tablet is the 31st, east. 

58. Yen Che-puh, styled Tsze-shuh [or simply Shuh], (^ ^ >^, 
^ -^ ;|t [or simply ^] ), a native of Loo, who occupies the 29th 
place; east. 

125] 




rROLBGOMEWAj CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [our. 

59. Yung K'e, styled Tsze-k'e [al, Tsze-yen], (|j| ]g^ [or ffl ^ 
•frJ^or^^, [a/., -^j^]), a native of Loo, whose tablet is the 
2()th, west. 

GO. Keen Shing, styled Tsze4'^e [cd,, Tsze-hwang], (Mft^. ^^M 
[aly -y* ^^]), a native of Loo. His place is the 22d, east. 

61. Tso Jin-ying, [or simply Ying], styled Hing and Tsze-hing 
(^ A iP [or simply ^J, ^ fif and -^ fj), a native of Loo. His 
tablet follows that of No. 59. 

62. Yen Keih,- styled Yin [al, Tsze-sze], (^# [or j^], ^Jg 
[a/., -^^ ^,], a native erf Ts'in. His tablet is the 24th, east. 

63. Ch^ingKwo, styled Tsze-tW (iBg>^^^), a native of 
Loo. This is understood to be the same with the See P&.ng, styled 
Tsze-ts^ung (^ ^ ^ ir ^), of the " FamUy Sayings." His tablet 
follows No. 61. 

64. Ts^n Fei, styled Tsze-che (^ f^^^^ ^)> a native of Loo^ 
having his tablet the 31st, west. 

65. She Che-chang, styled Tsze-hSng [a?., chang], t^ ^/^^^ 
[a/., ^), a native of Loo. His tablet is the 30th, east. 

66. Yen KSvae, styled Tsze-shing, (|g Pf*, ^ ^ §), a native 
of Loo. His tablet is the next to that of No. 64. 

67. Poo Shuh-shing, styled Tsze-keu (-^^f^ [in the "Family 
Sayings" we have ^, an old form of ^], ^-^!^)^ a native of 
Ts*e. Sometimes for Poo (^) we find Shaou {^). His tablet i& 
the 30th, west. 

68. Yuen K'ang, styled Tsze-tseih {M%^^ W)j ^ native of 
Loo. Sze-ma Ts^een calls him Yuen K*ang-tseih, not mentioning 
any designation. The " Family Sayings " makes him Yuen K'ang 
(•bl)> styled Tseih. His tablet is the 23d, west. 

69. Yo Kae [a/., Hin], styled Ts^ie-shing, (H ^ [a/., )j^], ^ ^ 
), a native of Loo. His tablet is the 25th, east. 

70. Leen Kee, styled Yung and Tsze-yung [a?., Tsze-ts*aou]^ 
^BM>^M and ^ [a?., + W ] ), a native of Wei, or of Ts'e. 
His tablet is next to that of No. 68. 

71. Shuh-chung Hwuy [aZ., K'wae], styled Tsze-k^ (^i^ ^ [^•^ 
p^], ^ -^ ^), a native of Loo, or, according to Ch'ing Heuen, 
of Tsin. He was younger than Confucius by 54 years. It is said 
that he and another youth, called K^ung Seuen (^ Q^, attended by 
turns with their pencils, and acted as amanuenses to the sage, and 

120] 



r: 




MB-] UlS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. 

en MSng Woopih expressed a doubt of their competency, Con- 
!ius declared his satisfaction with them. He follows Leen Kee in 
3 temples. 

72. Yen Ho, styled Yen (|g jsf, ^ H), a native of Loo. The 
3sent copies of the " Family Sayings " do not contain this name, 
d in A.D. 1588 Yen was displaced from his place in the temples, 
s tablet, however, has been restored during the present dynasty, 
is the 33d, west. 

73. Teih Hih, styled Che [a?., Tsze-che and Chg-che] (^ ,^, ^ 
[a/., -^ ^ and ^ ;^] ), a native of Wei, or of Loo. His tablet 

the 26th, east. 

74. Kwei [a/.. Pang] Sun, styled Tsze-leen [a/., Tsze-yin] (i|J [al^ 

] H' ^ "f* ^ [<^^.j "^ 'ft] ), a native of Loo. His tablet is the 
th, west. / 

75. K'ung Chung, styled Tsze-mee (?L Jfe' ^ i^ H)- This was 
5 son, it is said, of Confucius' elder brother, the cripple MS.ng-p'e. 
s tablet is next to that of Xo. 73. His sacrificial title is "The 
cient Worthy, the philosopher Mee." 

76. Kuiig-se Yu-joo [a/., Yu], styled Tsze-shang (^lS|^^[aZ., 
J, ^ -^ Jl), a native of Loo. His place is the 26th, west. 

77. Kung-se Teen, styled Tsze-shang {^MM i^^ i^l ^ ^ -L 
"f ^ ^] )j a native of Loo. His tablet is the 28th, east. 

78. Kin Chang [a/., Laou], styled Tsze-k'ae (^5i[a/., i^J ^^ 
, ), a native of Wei. His tablet is the 29th, west. 

7 9. Ch'in K'ang, styled Tsze-k'ang [a/., Tsze-k'in] (Ht /£» ^ ^ jt 
-y "?" ^] )y a native of Ch4n. See notes on Ana. L x. 

80. Hiien T'an [a/., T'an-foo, and Fung], styled Tsze-seang (^ ^ 
-J ]^ jllC, and ^], ^ -J- ^] ), a native of Loo. Some suppose tliat 
is is the same as No. 53. The advisers of the present dynasty in 
cli matters, however, have considered them to be different, and in 
24, a tablet was assigned to Heen Tan, the 34th, west. 

The three preceding names are given in the " Family Sayings." 
The research of scholars has added about twenty others. 

81. Lin Fang, styled Tsze-k'ew (^ ^» ^ "J^ ^P), a native of 
)o. The only thing known of him is from the Ana. IIL iv. His 
blet was displaced under the Ming, but has been restored by the 
esent, dynasty. It is the first, west. 

82. Kcu Yuen, styled Pih-yuh (j^ ]^. ^ "fj^ 35), an ofiicer of 

127] 



PHOtEooMKA] CONTOCIUS AKD HtS DISCIPLES. tcB.w, 

« 

Wei, and, as appears from the Analects and Mencius, an intimate 
friend of Confucius. Still his tablet has shared the same changes^ 
as that of Lin Fang. It is now the first, east. 

83. and 84. Shin Ch'ang (^ tl), and Shin T'ang (^ ^). See 
No. 57. 

85. Muh Pei (i^^), mentioned by Mencius, VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 
4. His entrance into the temple has been under the present 
dynasty. His tablet is the 34th, east. 

86. Tso-k'ew Ming or Tso K'ew-raing (i^J^^) has the 32(1 
place, east. His title was fixed in a.d. 1530 to be — "The Ancient 
Scholar," but in 1642 it was raised to that of "Ancient Worthy." 
To him we ow^e the most distinguished of the annotated editions o4 
the Ch'un Ts^ew. But whether he really was a disciple of Confucius^ 
and in presonal communication with him, is much debated. 

The above are the only names and surnames of those of the 
disciples who now share in the sacrifices to the sage. Those who 
wish to exhaust the subject, mention in addition, on the authority 
of Tso-k'ew Ming, Chung-sun Ho-ke {"f^ ^ "|fef j^), a son of 
Mang He (see p. 63), and Chung-sun Shwo {"i^ -j^ |ft), also a son 
of M&ng He, supposed by many to be the same with No. 17; Joe 
P^ij (HI ^M)y mentioned in the Analects XVII. xx., and in the Le 
Ke, XVIII. Pt. II. ii. 21 ; Kung-wang Che-k^ew {^fSi;^^) and 
Tseu Teen (j^ |p^), mentioned in the Le Ke, XLI. 7 ; Pin-mow Kea 
(^ ^ ^), mentioned in the Le Ke, XVII. iii. 16 ; K*ung Seuen 
(Ii M) ^^^ Hwuy Shuh-lan (]g ^ H), on the authority of the 
Family Sayings ; Chang Ke {*^ ^), mentioned by Chwang-tsze ; 
Keuh Yu ($^ ^), mentioned by Gan-tsze (^ •^) ; Leen-yu (^ 
^), and Loo Tseun (^ l^), on the authority of ^ ^ J^ ^ ; and 
finally Tsze-fuk Ho (^ j§L i^), the Tsze-fuk King-pih (^ ^^^6) 
of the Analects, XIV. xxxviii. 



«^^«A^^\^^^.^^^>^%««/^IW^ ^ 



128] 



• i 



I ' 



. ~> 



CH. n.] WORKS CONSULTED. prolegomena.] 



CHAPTER VI. 

LIST OF THE PRKNCIPAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN 
CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS VOLUME, 



SECTION L 

CHINESE WORKS, WITH BRIEF NOTICES. 

+ HMi±i^, "The Thirteen King, with Commentary and 
Explanations." This is the great repertory of ancient lore upon 
'he Classics. On the Analects, it contains the " Collection of Ex- 
)lanations of the Lun Yu," by Ho An and others (see p. 19), and 
'The Correct Meaning," or Paraphrase of Hing Ping (see p. 20). 
])n the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, it contains the 
comments and glosses of Ch4ng Heuen, and K'ung Ying-ta (^ 
P[ ^) of the T'ang dynasty. 

^i^Jttf^l^'S 11:45:, "A "ew edition of the Four Books, 
.^unctuated and Annotated, for Reading." This work was published 
n the 7th year of T'aou-kwang (1827) by a Kaon Lin (^^). It 
s the finest edition of the Four Books which I have seen, in point 
)f typographical execution. It is indeed a volume for reading. It 
lontains the ordinary "Collected Comments" of Choo He on the 
Vnalects, and his " Chapt4Br8 and Sentences " of the Great Learning 
ind Doctrine of the Mean. The editor s own notes are at the top 
md bottom of the page, in rubric, 

\f^ W ^ ^ ^MM^y "The Proper Meaning of the Four 
iooks as determined by Choo He, Compared with, and Illustrated 
rom, other Commentators." This is a most voluminous work, pub- 
ished in the tenth year of K'cen-lung, a.d. 1745, by Wang Poo- 
s'ing (3E ^ It)? ^ member of the Han-lin College. On the Great 
jcarning and the Doctrine of the Mean, the "Queries" (^ PQ) ^^ 
;;hoo He are given in the same text as tlie standard commentary. 

P3 S ^ ii ^ i§5 *' '^^^ Four Books, Text and Commentary, 
irith Proofs and Illustrations." The copy of this Work which I 
ave was edited by a Wang T*ing-kc (*^^^), in the 3d year of 

120] 



[yROLEOOMKM. WOllKS CONSULTED. [ciLTt 

Kea-k'in<y, a.d. 1798. It mjiv be called a commen tan' on t?ie com- 
mentary. The research in all matters of Geography, History, 
Biography, Natural History, Ac., is iminense. 

|^^^"^$^^j "A. Collection of the most important Cc«fi- 
ments of Scholars on tlie Four liooks." By Le P'ei-Iin (^]fjj^^<; 
published in the 57th year of K'ang-he, a.d. 1718. This Work is 
about as voluminous as the ^ ^, but on a different plan. Every 
chapter is preceded by a critical disciission of its general meaning, 
and the logical connection of its several paragraphs. This is followed 
by the text, and Choo He's standard commentary. We have then a 
paraphrase, full and generally perspicuous. Next, there is a selection 
of approved comments, from a great variety of authors ; and finally, 
the reader finds a number of critical rennirks and ingenious ^'ie^v9, 
dift^ering often from the common interpretation, which are submit- 
ted for his examination. 

PJ ^ M ii i^ ^» " ^ Supplemental Commentary, and Literary 
Discussions, on the Four Books." By ChangK'een-t'aou[a/., T'eih- 
gan] (5^ ^ PQ [a/., ^^ ^] ), a member of the Han-lin college, in 
the early part, apparently, of the reign of K'een-lung. The work is 
on a peculiar plan. The reader is supposed to be acquainted with - 
Choo He's commentary, which is not given ; but the author generally 
supports his views, and defends them against the criticisms of some 
of the early scholars of this djTiasty. His own exercitations are of |^ 
the nature of esjsays more than of commentary. It is a book for the 
student who is somewhat advanced, rather than for the learner. 
1 have often perused it with interest and advantage. , 

j/y ^^ii>^^, " The Four Books, according to the Commentar}', 
with Paraphrase." Published in the 8th year of Yung Ching, a.d. 
1730, by Ung Fuh [a/., K'ih-foo] (^^ [a/., % ^] ). Every pajre 
is divided into two parts. Below, we have the text and Choo Hes 
commentary. Above, we have an analysis of every chapter, fol- 
lowed by a paraphrase of the several paragraphs. To the paraphrase 
of each paragraph are subjoined critical notes, digested from a 
great variety of scholars, but without the mention of their names. 
A list of 116 is given who are thus hiid under contribution. Iti 
addition, there are maps and illustrative figures at the commence- 
ment; and to each Book there are prefixed biographical notice^ 
explanations of peculiar allusions, &c. 



130] 



■■gr. I.] CHIXESK WORKS WITH BUIEF NOTICKS. fboligomena.] 



'^ *t ffl # M i± l# # Hffl ff , " The Four Books, with a com- 
"plete Digest of Supplements to tlie Commentary, and acklitional 
i^n.srge^tions. A new edition, with Additions." By Too Ting-ke 
<tti^S)- PuMLshed A.D. 1779. The originafof this Work 
^va.s by T*ang Lin (^ ;J9fc), a scholar of the Ming dynasty. It is 
perhaps the best of all editions of the Four Books for a learner. 
Each page is divided into three parts. Below, is the text divided 
iuto sentences and members of sentences, which are followed bv 
sliort glosses. The text is followed by the usual commentiuy, and 
that by a paraphrase, to which are subjoined the Supplements and 
Suggestions. The middle division contains a critical analysis of 
the chapters and paragraphs ; and above, there are the necessary 
biogi*aphical and other notes, 

K #^tiS^i "The Four Books, with the Relish of the Radi- 
cal Meaning.'' This is a new Work, published in 1852. It is the 
production of Kin Ch'ing, styled Ts'ew-t'an {^^i^^WiW)^ an 
officer and scholar, who, returning, apparently to Canton province, 
from the North in 1836, occupied his retirement with reviewing his 
literary studies of former years, and employed his sons to transcribe 
his notes. The writer is fully up in all the commentaries on the 
classics, and pays particular attention to the labours of the scholars 
of the present dynasty. To the Analects, for instance, there is prefix- 
ed Keang Yung's History of Confucius, with criticisms on it by 
the author himself. Each chapter is preceded by a critical analysis. 
Then follows the text with the standard conunentarv, carefully 
divided into sentences, often with glosses, original and selected, 
l>etween them. To the commentary there succeeds a paraphrase, 
which is not copied by the author from those of his predecessors. 
After the paraphrase we have Explanations (H?). The Book is 
beautifully printed, and in small type, so that it is really a muUum 
in jyarvo^ with considerable freshness. 

^ ^ ^ ^ M?, " A Paraphrase for Daily Lessons, Explaining 
the Meaning of the Four Books." This work was produced in 1677, by 
a multitude of the members of the Han-lin college, in obedience to an 
Imperial rescript. The paraphrase is full, perspicuous, and elegant. 

^^^'^^i^^^- ^' These works form together a superb 
edition of the Five King, published by imperial authority in the 

' Jo'Jj 



traoLBGoiiBXA. WOKKS CONSULTED. [cH,n, 

reigns of K'ang-he and his successor, Yung-ching. They contain 
the standard views (^) ; various opinions (|^) ; critical decisions of 
the editors (^) ; prolegomena ; plates or cuts ; and other apparatus 
for the student. 

% I§ ^ :5fe ^ ^ ^' " The Collected Writings of Maou Se-ho/' 
See prolegomena, p. 20. The voluminousness of his Writings ia 
understated there. Of ^ ^, or AVritings on the Classics, there are 
236 sections, while his ^^, or other literary compositions, amount 
to 257 sections. His treatises on the Great Learning and the Doc- 
trine of the Mean have been especially helpful to me. He is a great 
opponent of Choo He, and would be a much more effective one, if 
he possessed the same graces of style as that "prince of literature.'^ 
[/[J § ^ ll^ ift) " "^ collection of Supplemental Observations on 
the Four Books." The preface of the author, Ts'aou Che-shing 
(W 'Si ^)5 ^'^ dated in 1795, the last year of the reign of 
K'een-lung. The work contains what we may call prolegomena on 
each of the Four Books, and then excursus on the most difficult and 
disputed passages. The tone is moderate, and the learning displayed? 
extensive and solid. The views of Choo He are frequently well de- 
fended from the assaults of ^laou Se-ho. I have found the Work very 
instructive. 

:^, " On the Tenth Book of the Analects, with Plates." 
This Work was published by the author, Keang Yung (jtL /!<), in 
the 21st year of K'een-lung, a.d. 1761, when he was 7G years old 
It is devoted to the illustration of the above portion of the Analects, 
and is divided into ten Sections, the first of which consists of wood- 
cuts and tables. The second contains the Life of Confucius, of which 
1 have largely availed myself in the last Chapter. The whole is a 
remarkable specimen of the minute care wdth which Chinese scholars 
have illustrated the Classical Books. 

J^. We may call these volumes — "The Topography of the Four 
Books ; with three Supplements." The Author s name is Yen Jo-keu 
(^ ^ |l^)* The first volume was published in 1698, and the second 
in 1700. I have not been able to find the dates of publication of 
the other two, in which there is more biographical and general 
matter than topographical. The author apologizes for the inap* 
propriateness of their titles by saying that he could not help ailling 
them Supplements to the Topography, which was his *' first love.'' 

1:52] 





rr.f.] CHINESE WORKS WITH BRIEF NOTICES. prolkgombka. 



MM^fi?9 "Kxplanations of the Classics, under the Imperial 
lynasty of Ts'ing.'' See above, p. 20. The Work, however, was 
lot published, as I have there supposed, by Imperial authority, but 
inder the superintendence, and at the expense (aided by other 
)flicers), of Yuen Yuen (}^ 7C), Governor-general of K'wang-tung 
md KSvang-se, in the 9tli year of the last reign, 1829. The publica- 
ion of so extensive a Work shows a public spirit and zeal for 
iterature among the high officers of China, which should keep 
roreigners from thinking meanly of them. 

^-^^^, "FiUnily Sayings of Confucius." Family is to be 
taken in the sense of Sect or School. In Lew Hin's Catalogue, in the 
subdivision devoted to the Lun Yu, we find the entry : — " Family 
Sayings of Confucius, 27 Books," with a note by Yen Sze-koo of the 
T'ang dynasty, — " Not the existing Work called the Family Sayings." 
The original Work was among the treasures found in the wall of Con- 
fucius' old house, and was deciphered and edited by K'ung Gan-kwo. 
The present Work is by Wang-suh of the Wei (|^) dynasty, 
grounded professedly on the older one, the blocks of which had 
suffered great dilapidation during the intervening centuries. It is 
allowed also, that, since Suh's time, the Work has suffered more than 
any of the acknowledged Classics. Yet it is a very valuable frag- 
ment of antiquity, and it would be worth while to incorporate it 
with the Analects. My copy is the edition of Le Yung (^ ^ ), 
published in 1780. 

MMM^M%^ " Sacrificial Canon of the Sage's Temples, 
with Plates." This Work, published in 1826, by Koo Yuen, styled 
Seang-chow (|g >?£» ^ 'M :^)i is a very pains-taking account of all 
the Names sacrificed to in the temples of Confucius, the dates of their 
attaining to that honour, &c. There are appended to it Memoirs of 
Confucius and Mencius, which are not of so much value. 

-^^^Wj'' The complete Works of the Ten Tsze^ . See Mor- 
rison's Dictionary, under the character -J^. I have only had occasion, 
in connection with this Work, to refer to the writings of Chwang-tsze 
(^ -f^) and Lee-tsze (^|J -•f'). My copy is an edition of 1804. 

St i^ ^ W ^^\^ J^iAwa' "A. Cyclopaedia of Surnames, or 
Biographical Dictionary, of the Famous Men and Virtuous Women 
of th€ successive Dynasties." This is a very notable work of its class ; 
published in 1793, by H^i^, and extending through 157ch«ptei-s 
or Books. 

133J 



\ 



•^» 



[PBOLEOOXEKA. WORKS CONSULTED. [cb^ti^ 

^WiM.^' " General Examination of Records and Scliolare." 
This astonishing Work, which cost its author, Ma TAvan-lin {^ 1^ 
{^), twenty years labour, was first published in 132L Remusat 
says — "Tliis excellent Work is a library in itself, and if Ciiiuese 
literature possessed no other, the language would be worth learning 
for the sake of reading this alone." It does indeed display allfeut 
incredible research into every subject connected with the Govern^ 
ment, History, Literature, Religion, &c., of the empire of China. The 
author's researches are di^i^ested in 348 Books. I have had occa* 
sion to consult principally those on the Literary Monuments, eiii- 
braced in 76 Books, from the 174th to the 249th. 

^^^M, ^' " A Continuation of the General Examination of 
Records and Scholars." This Work, which is in 254 Books, and 
nearly as extensive as the former, was the production of Wang K*e 
d J^), who dates his preface in 1586, the 14th year of AYan-leib, 
the style of the reign of the 14th emperor of the Ming dynasty, Wang 
K'e brings down the Work of his predecessor to his own times. He 
also frequently goes over the same ground, and puts things in » 
clearer light. I have found this to be the case in the chaptei-s on the 
classical and other Books. 

Zl "f" ^^» " The twenty-three Histories." These are the im- 
perially-authorized records of the empire, commencing with the 
"Historical Records," the work of Sze-ma Ts'een, and ending with 
the History of the Ming dynasty, which appeared in 1742, the 
result of the joint labours of 145 officers and scholars of the present 
dynasty. The extent of the collection may be understood from 
this, that ray copy, bound in English fashion, makes fifty-five 
volumes, each one larger than this. No nation has a history so 
thoroughly digested; and on the whole it is trustworthy. In pre- 
paring this volume, my necessities have been confined mostly to the 
AVorks of Sze-ma Ts'een, and his successor, Pan Kuo (^ |^), the 
Historian of the first Han dynasty, 

M ft 5^ IE ^» " The Annals of the Empire." Published by iin^ 
perial authority in 1803, the 8th year of Kea-k'ing. This Work is 
invaluable to a student, being, indeed, a collection of chronological 
tables, where every year from tlie rise of the Chow dynasty, B.C. 
1121, has a distinct column to itself, in which, in different com- 
partments, the most important events are noted. Beyond that date, 

l;M] 



SECT, ii.l TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER WORKS. prolegomena ] 

itascends to the commencement of the cycles in the 61st year of 
Jl^ung-te, giving-not every year, but the years of which any 
thing lias been mentioned in history. From Hwang-te also, it 
asceuds through the dateless ages up to P'wan-koo, the first of 
mortals. 

Sti^^^^* ''The Boundaries of the Empire in the successive 
Dynasties." This Work by the same author, and published in 1817, 
does for the boundaries of the empire the same service which the 
preceding renders to its chronolog}^ 



SECTION II. 



TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER WORKS. 



CoxFCCius SiNARUM Philosophus ; sivc Scientia Sinensis Latine 
Exposita. Studio et opera Prosperi Intorcetta, Christiani Herdritch, 
Francisci Rougemont, Philippi Couplet, Patrum Societatis Jesu. 
Jussu Ludovici Magni. Parisiis : MDCLxxxvii. 

Thk Works of Confucius; containing the Original Text, with a 
Translation. Vol.1. By J. Marshman. Serampore: 1809. 

The Four Books, Translated into English, by Rev. David Collie, 
of the London Missionary Society. Malacca: 1828, 

L'Invariablk Milieu, Ouvrage Moral de Tseu-sse, en Chinois et 
en Slandchou, avec une Version litterale Latine, une Traduction 
Fran^oise, &c., &c. Par M. Abel-R(5musat. A Paris: 1817. 

Lr Ta Hk), ou La Grandk E iudk : Traduit en Fran9ois, avec 
une Version Latine, &c. Par G. Pauthier. Paris: 1837. 

Y-KiNG, Antiquissiinus Sinarum Liber, quem ex Latina Inter- 
pretatione P. Regis, aliorumque ex Soc. Jesu PP. edidit Julius 
Molil. 1839: Stuttgiirtia3 et Tubingae. 

Mkmoiuks concernant L'Histoire, Les Sciences, Les Arts, Les 
JVLiiurs, Les Usages, &c., des Chinois. Par les Missionnaires de 
Pekin. A Paris: 1776—1814. 

HivSToiKK Geneuale I)k La Chine; ou Annales de cet Empire, 
Traduitcs du Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou. Par le feu Pere Joseph-Annie- 
Marie de ^loyriiic de Mailla, Jesuite Francois, Missionnaire a Pekin. 
A Pario: 1776—1785. 

135] 



[PBOLECOMEKA. WORKS CNSULTED. [olti. 

XoTiTiA LiNGUiE SiniCjE. Auctore p. Premare. Malaccse : cura 
Academiae Anglo-Sinensis. mdcccxxxi. 

The Chinese Repositoky. Canton, China. 20 vols. 1832— 
1851. 

DiCTiONNAiRE DES NoMS, Anciens et Modernes, des Villes et Arron- 
dissements de Premier, Deuxieme, et Troisieme ordre, compris dans 
L'Empire Chinois, &c. Par Edouard Biot, Membre du Conseildela 
Societe Asiatique. Paris : 1 842. 

The Chinese. By John Francis Davis, Esq., F.R.S., &c. In two 
volumes. London: 1836. 

China : its State and Prospects. By W. H. Medhurst, D.D., of 
the London Missionary Society. London : 1838. 

L'Univers : Histoire et Description des tous les Peuples. Chine. 
Par M. G. Pauthier. Paris : 1838. 

History of China, from the earliest Records to the Treaty Tvith 
Great Britain in 1842. By Thomas Thornton, Esq., Member of the 
Royal Asiatic Society. In two volumes. London : 1 844. 

The Middle Kingdom: A Survey of the Geography, Government, 
Education, Social Life, Arts, Religion, &c., of the Chinese Empire. 
By S. Wells Williams, LL.D. In two volumes. New York and 
London : 1848. • 

The Religious Condition of the Chinese. By Rev. Joseph 
Edkins, B. A., of the London Missionary Society. London: 1859. 

Christ and other Masters. By Charles Hardwick, M.A, 
Christian Advocate in the University of Cambridge. Part III. 
Religions of China, America, and Oceanica. Cambridge: 1858. 



^^A^^%^/N^^^%^^A^^^%A^^^^^^^I^^^^^^^^^VW^^«^ 



COXFUCUS ANALECTS. 



BOOK I. HEO URH. 








%, ^'Z. a w 





Rlt 



% 




r^ 




^ i ^ w 




EiAPTER I. 1. The Master said, "Is it not pleasant to learn 
. a constant perseverance and application ? 

^^Is it not pleasant to have friends contiing from distant 
ters? 

" Is he not a man of complete virtue, who feels no discomposure 
gh men may take no note of him ? " 



JioPTHsWoBK. — 1^ ^'i 'Difconrses 

ialogues,* that u, the discourses or dis- 
[18 of Confucius with his disciples and 
on various topics, and his replies to their 
ies. Many chapters, however, and one 
bookf are the sayings not of the sage 
f, but of some of his disciples. The 
texB may also he rendered 'Digested Con- 
Ions,' and this appears to be the more 
t signification attached to them, the ac- 
being, that after the death of Confucius, 
iciples collected together and compared 
:moranda of his conversations which they 
verally preserved, digesting them into the 
' books which compose this work. Hence 



le 



'Discussed Sayings,* or 'Di- 





Couversations.' See gon ==- ^-^ jair 

^ ^. I have styled the work 'Con- 
Analects,' B» being more descriptive of its 
ter than any other name I could think of. 

Dwo OF THIS Book, — ^l ffd ^^ — •. 

ro first characters in the book, after the 
ictory, 'The master said,' are adopted 
leading. This is similar to the custom 
Jews, who name many books in the Bible 

the first word in them. ^jST — -, «The 

that is, of the twenty Iiooks composing 
ole work. In ?omc of the Ijooks we find a 
or analogy of tjulyeiti*. which evidently 



guided the compilers in grouping the chapten 
together. Others seem devoid of any such 
principle of combination. The sixteen chapters 
of this book are occupied, it is said, with tho 
fundamental subjects which ought to occupy the 
attention of the learner, and the great matters 

of human practice. The word Sk, *Leam/ 

rightly occupies the forefront in the studies of 
a nation, of which its educational system has so 
long been the distinction and glory. 

1. TlIK WHOLB WORK AND ACHIBYBXEKT OF 
THB LEAKNKR, FIRST PERFKCTIMG HIS KKOW* 
LEDGE, THEN ATTRACTING BT HIS FAKE LIKB« 
MINDED INDIVIDUALS, AND FINALLY COXPLBTE IX 

HIMSELF. 1. -7- at the commemcement indicates 

Confucius. ^ , 'a son,' is also the common design 

nation of males, — especially of virtuous men. 
We find it in conversations used in the sam^ 
way as our 'Sir'. When it fottows the surname, 
it is equivalent to our 'Mr', or may be rendered 
'the philosopher'* *the scholar,' 'the officer,' &c. 
Often, however, it is better to leave it untrans- 
lated. When it precedes the surname, it indi- 
cates that the person spoken of was the master of 

the writer, as "^^ Vjt"?'* '^^ master, the phil- 
osopher y^ '. Standing single and alone as in 

the text, it denotes Confucius, the philoaopher^ or, 
rather, the tnaMer. If we render the term by 
Confucius n» all preceding translators have done, 
we niii>s the indication which it gives of the 



I' 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 









4.:*: ^-^ ^ ii? * Ifii A ^• 




Chapter II. 1. The philosopher Yew said, " They are few who, 
being filial and fraternal, are fond of offending against their superi- 
ors. There have been none, who, not liking to offend against their 
superiors, have been fond of stirring up confusion. 

2. "The superior man bends his attention to what is radical. 
That being established, all practical courses naturally grow up. 

handiwork of his disciples, and the reverence q^'s Dictionary, char. -^. Its opposite is/j^ 

which it bespeaks for him. MJ*. in the old com- . , „ ,1 -^ v»f .mr 

-*-' ^, * a small, mean, man,* \ ^Jf\ ^,*M'ai 

do not know him,* but anciently some explain- 
ed-* men do not know,* that is, are stupid un- 
der his teaching. The interpretation in the 
text is doubtless the correct one. 



inentators, is explained by =S, *to read chant- 
ingly,' ' to discuss.' Choo He interprets it by ^M^, 
' to imitate,* and makes its results to be BO 

^ rifi) "^ ^7J* '^^® understanding of all 
excellence, and tlie bringing back original good- 
ness'. Subsequent scholars profess, for the most 
part, great admiration of this explanation. It 
is an illustration, to my mind, of the way in 
which Choo He and his followers arc continuHlly 
being wise above what is written in the classic- 
al books. ^^ is the rapid and frequent motion 
of the wings of a bird in flying, used for *to re- 
peat', *to practise.* ;^ is the obj. of the third 
pers. pronoun, and its antecedent is to be found 
in the pregnant meaning of ^^. j2\ >/|\ is ex- 
plained by ^ ^, -is it not?* See |/tj ^ 

^W Ix 'Pni H ' ^^ bring out the force of *al- 
80 'in ^, some say thus:-* The occasions for 

pleasure are many, is thU not also one?* §fr, read 
yugy as always when it has the 4th tone marked, 
stands for •[♦&. What is learned becomes by prac- 
tice and application one's own, and hence arises 
complacent pleasure in the mastering mind. 

^TO" as distinguished from «p* , loh^ in the next 

par., is the internal, individual, feeling of pleas- 
ure, and the other, its external manifestation, 

implying also companionship. 2. j3H, proper- 
ly, * fellow-students,' but generally, individuals 
of the same class and character, like-minded. 

3. «*"?" I translate here-* a man of complete 

virtue.* Literally, it is-' a princely man.* See 

on -f- above. It is a technical term in Chin. 

moral writers, for wliich there is no exact cor- 
rcsp jndpncy in English, and which cannot be 
rriiiliTi'd alwjivs \n tin* snme wav, Se** Morris- 



2. Fl LI AL PIETY AND FRATE RSAL STJBXISSIOX 
ABE THE FOUNDATION OF ALL VIRTUOUS PRACTICl. 

1. Yew, named ^, and styled -^ ^, 

and -?• ^fej-, a native of ig, was famed 

among the other disciples of Confucius for his 
strong memory, and love for the doctrines of 
antiquity. In personal appearance he resembled 

the sage. See Mencius, V. iv. 13. ^« -^ is 

*yew, the philosopher,* and he and Tsang Tsiui 
(see ch. 4) are the only two of Confucius' disci- 
ples who are mentioned in this style in the 
Lun Yu. This has led to an opinion on the 
part of some, that the work was compiled by 
their disciples. This is not sufficiently support- 
ed, but 1 have not found the peculiarity pointed 
out satisfactorily explained, llie tablet of 
Yew's spirit is now in the same apartment 
of the sage's temples as that of the sage 
himself, occupying the 6th place in the 
eastern range of *the wise ones.' To this 
position it was promoted in the 3d year of 
K*cen-lung of the present dynasty. A degree 

of activity enters into the meaning of ^ in 
'iS A =3* playing the man,' *as men, showing 

themselves filial,* &c. ^, hepe=||^, *to be 

submissive as a younger brother,' is in the low, 
3d tone. With its proper signiAeation, it was 

anciently in the 2d tone. [^ =*and yet,* differ- 
ent from its simple conjunctive use=*and,* in 
the pre. ch. Wp a verb, 'to love,' in the up. 3d 
tone, diff*. from the* same char, in the 2d tone, 
an adj.=*good.' WT, up. 2d tone,='seWoro,' 
'few.* The same char, up. 1 St t4)ne,=^* fresh.* On 
the idiom -Ttr ^ ^ » sec rremare's gram. p. 



CONrUCIAN ANALECTS. 




TT 



mm a 



T 



^ A ^ 








t=J 




.1 — ^A tl /i*M 

—are they not the root of 




Filial piety and fraternal submission!- 
all benevolent actions ? " 

Chapter III. The Master said, "Fine words and an insinua- 
ting appearance are seldom associated with true virtue." 

Chapter IV. The philosopher Tsang said, " I daily examine 
myself on three points; — whether in transacting business for others, 
I may have been not faithful ?: — whether in intercourse with friends, 
1 may have been not sincere ?: — ^whether I may not have mastered 
and practised the instructions of my teacher?" 



1 56. 2. ^* -7- has a less intense meaning here 
than in the last chap. I translate — ^The 
■uperior man,* for want of a better term. /R, 
'the root,' *what is radical,' is here said of filial 
and fraternal duties, and ^gf , Srays* or 'courses,' 

of all that is intended by ^=^ ^, below. 

The particles 'fu. ^[* resume the discourse 

about 21 tki and introduce some further 

description of them. See Prem., p. 158. ffl, 
in the low. 1st tone, is half interrogative, an 
answer in the afSjrmatlye being implied. ^^ is 
explained here as Hhe principle of love,' Hhe 
Tirtue of the heart.' Mencius says ^H'lvi ^T 

^^ -ffr , *^I1 ^ naan,' in accordance with 

which Julien translates it by humanitas. Be- 
nevolence often comes near it, but, as has been 

•aid before of S* -?^, we cannot give a 

uniform rendering of this term. 

3. Fair appeabakces and suspiciocs. X^ 

^ -^ ^, see Shocking, II. iii. 2. J^, 'skill 

in workmanship,' then *skill,* 'cleverness/ gener- 
ally, and sometimes with a bad meaning as 

here, =s* artful,' 'hypocritical.' '^ 'a law,' 'an 
order,' also 'good,' and here like Xh, with a 

bad meaning,=* pretending to be good.' m , 

' the roanifestjition of the feelings in the colour 
of the coimtcnance,' is here used for the appear- 
ance generally. 

4. How THE DI8CIPLE TSANO DAILY EXAMIN- 



ouiLTY OF ANY IMPOSITION. Tsang, whose name 
was ^^, (7»*a7i, now comnonly read Sirty) and 

his designation 'T'JPS? ^as one of the principal 

disciples of Confucius. A follower of the sage 
from his IGtli year, though inferior in natural 
ability to some others, by his filial piety and 
other raoml qualities, he entirely won the 
Master's esteem, and by persevering attention 
mastered his doctrines. Confucius employed 

him in the composition of the yfl j^, or 

' Classic of Filial Piety.' The authorship of tho 

-jsr ^», 'Superior Learning,' is also ascribed to 

him, though incorrectly, as we shall see. Ten 
books, moreover, of his composition are pre- 
served in the Le Ke. His spirit tablet among the 
sage's four assessors, occupying the first place 
on the west, has precedence of that of Mencius. 

^, read Sing^ 'to examine.' ^^^ J^ naturally 

understood of 'three times,' but the context and 
consent of commentators make us assent to the 

intepretation— *on three points.' ^, 'the body,' 

'one's personality;' ^ ^ ^myself. ^ is in 

low. 3d tone, 'for.' So, frequently, below. J^ 

from tb, 'middle,' 'the centre,' and ;\^\ 'the 
heart,'=loyalty, faithfulness, action with and 
from the heart. JDJ, see ch. 1. ^, 'two hands 

joined,' denoting union. HH ^, 'friends.' 
'/ft ^ ^& is very enigmatical. The transla- 
tion follows Choo He. -jt^ ^ explained 

quite differently: — 'whether I have given 
instruction in what I had not studied and 



■o HIMSELF TO GUAUD AGAINST HIS BEING I practised?' It docs sccm more correct to take 



s 



CONFUCIAN ANALKCTS. 







M^ ^ M 














Chapter V. The Master said, " To rule a cduntry of a thousand 
chariots, there must be reverent attention to business, and sinceri* 
ty; economy in expenditure and love for men; and the employment 
of the people at the proper seasons.'* 

Chapter VL The Master said, " A youth, when at home, should 
be filial, and, abroad, respectful to his elders. He should be earnest 
and truthful. He should overflow in love to all, and cultivate the 
^ friendship of the good. When he has time and opportunity, after 
the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite 
studies." 

Chapter VII, Tsze-hea said, "If a man withdraws his mind 
from the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerely to the love of 
the virtuous; if, in serving his parents, he can exert his utmost 



^w aotiyely, *to give instruction,' rather than 
passiTely, *to receire instruction.* See UU ^ 

5. FUVDA1»NTAI« FBITVCIPLE8 ^OR THK OOV- 
lUtNXEKT OF A LARGB BTAtB. ^^ Is USed for §BL, 

<to rule' ^to lead/ and is marked in the 3d tone, 
to distinguiih it from ^S^, which was anciently 

fead with the 3d tone. It is diff. from ^, 

irhich refers to the actual business of govem- 

ment) while JK is the duty and purpose thereof, 

upprehended by the prince. The standpoint of 

the principles is the prince's mind. ^Bs, in low. 

8d tone, *a chariot,' diff. from its meaning: In 
the 1st tone, *to ride.' A country of KXK) char- 
iots is one of the largest ilefs of the Empire, 
which could being such an armament into the 

field. The last principle, 1$ ^ ^^ f^, 

means that the people should not be called fVom 
their husbandry at improp. seasons, to do ser- 
vice on military expeditions and public works. 

6, RULEI FOB THE TRAINING OF THE YOUNG : — 
DUry r»ST AHU TUSN ACC0MrtI8Q>I£XTS. ^ 



-^, *youngcr brothers and sona,' taken togeth- 
er,<»yottC^, a yoiUh, The Sd ^ is for jj^ as 
in ch. 2. y\ FH , 'coming in, going out^'e^ 
home, abroad, yfl^ is explained by Choo He 
by B, *wide,' 'widely;' its proper meaning ii 
the rush or overflow of water, yt, ^atrengthf' 

here embracing the idea of leisure, S^ ^T", not 

literary atudiex merely, but all the aocomplisb- 
ments of a gentleman alsor-^^eremooies, music, 
archer^', horsemanship, writing, aad numben. 

7. ThZK-HBA*8 views of the 8UB»TANCEUF 

LEARNING. Tsxe-hea was the deaignation of 

\\ ^Sr, another of the sage's distinguished 

disciples, and now placed 5th in the eastern range 
of the *wise ones.' He was greatly famed for 
his learning, and his views on the Sht King and 
the Ch^iH Ta^eic are said to be preserved iu ths 

conrni. of ^, and of ^ :^ ^ and ^ ^ 

^k. He wept himself blind on the death of 

his son, but lived to a great a^ and was much 
esteemed by the people and pnnces of the time. 
With regard to the scope of this chapter, ther» 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



>s> 



B±-Mij mm 



(WO^k laaci 1.4 — t^ -^>^ lagfci nn 





0.11] if**^^^„7ic^. 
t ^ ^ iij T 





I # :r; :;r; ;f; 





Strength; if in serving his prince, he can devote his life; if, in his 
intercourse with his friends, his words are sincere: — although men 
say that he has not learned, I will certainly say that he has. 

Chapter VIII. The Master said, "If the scholar be not grave, he 
will not caU forth any veneration, and his learning will not be solid. 

2. "Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles. 

3. "Have no friends not equal to yourself. 

4. " When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them."*^ 
Chapter IA. The disciple Tsang said, "Let there be a care- 
ful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents, and let them be 
followed when long gone mtk the ceremonies of sacrifice; — then the 
virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence." 

Is some truth in what the comm. Woo, .^, says, 

— ^thst Tsao-bea's words may be wrested to de- 
preciate learning, while those of the Master in 
the prec. ch. hit exactly the due medium. The 

Sd Sp ia a concrete noun. Written iu full, 

^Bf, it is composed of the characters for a fitui- 

ifffer, lowd, and a preciotu sheU, It conveys the 
ideas of talenU and ttorVi in the concrete, but it 
is not easy to render it uniformly by any one 

term of another language. The 1st ^ is a verb, 

e^'to treat as a keeiC A^ has a di£F. meaning 

from that in the 3d ch. ilere it means ^sensual 
plessnre.' Literally rendered, the first sentence 
Would be, '^esteeming properly the virtuous, 
and changing the love of woman," and great 

fault is found by some,— as in Utt ^^^ Q^ ^^, 

xvif. 1. with Choo He's interpretation which 
X have followed, but there is force in what his 
adherents say, that the passage is not to be un- 
derstocid a« if the individual spoken of had ever 
bi^n given to pleasure, but simply signifies the 

•inccrity of his love for the virtuous. &^ here 
ce^^, *to give to,' *to devote.' 

8. FKlKCirJJSS OF SELF-CULTIVATIOK. 1. "& 



•7* has here its lightest meaning=a Student, 
one who wishes to be a Keun-tsze, IR. ^^ H, 

of the Han dynasty, took ^, in the sense of 

'obscured,' 'dulled,' and interprets — ' Let him 
learn, and he will not fall into error.' The re- 
ceived interpretation, as in the transl., is better. 

2. ^, as a verb, "to hold to be chief.' It is 

often used thus. 3. The object of friendship, 
with Chinese moralists, is to improve one's 
knowledge and virtue; — hence this seemingly 
selfish maxim. 

9. Trb good bffect of attkntion ok thb 
part of pkincss to the offices to the dead : 

— AN ADMONITION OF TSANO SiN. j&SC, * the CUd,* 

ssdeath, and 13, 'distant,' have both the force 
of adjectives,=B'the dead,' and 'the departed,' or 
'the long gone.' ^SJL and ^& mean, 'to be care- 
ful of,' 'to follow,' but their application is as in 
the translation. Iff, Uhick,' in opposition to 

^H, 'thin,'metaphorically=yo(K^ exodknt. The 

force of fi§[, 'to return,' is to shew that this 
virtue is naturally proper to the people. 



t-j . . 



CONrUCIAN ANALECTS. 





















^ M j£ ^ 



Chapter X. 1. Tsze-k'in asked Tsze-kung, saying, "When our 
master comes to any country, he does not fail to leam all about 
its government. Does he ask his information? or is it given to 
him?" 

2. Tsze-kung said, "Our master is benign, upright, courteous, 
temperate, and complaisant, and thus he gets his information. 
The Master's mode of asking infonnation! — ^is it not diflTerent 
from that of other men?" 

Chapter XI. The Master said, "While a man's father is alive, 
look at the bent of his will; when his father is dead, look at his 
conduct. If for three years he does not alter from the way of his 
father, he may be called filial." 

mon designation for a teacher or master. j& 
^Ij 'this country'ssaiiy country. M^, 'must,' 
= does not /ail to. The antecedent to both the 
jJ2^ is the whole clause RS ^Ml jBS[ • Obt. 
the diff. in ffl , up. 2d tone,s=*to give,' and 
often a preposition, 'with,' 'to,' and ^^ low. 

1st tone, as in ch. 2. 2. The force of I^ ^ is 
well enough expressed by the dash in EngUsh, 
the previous 'fh indicating a pause in the dis- 
course, which the IEl> *it,' resumes. 
11. On filial duty, fx is in the low. Sd 



10. Characteristics op Confucittb, and 
their influence on the princes of the time. 

1, Tsze-k'in, and Tsze-k'ang ( «.) are desig- 
nations of Qb Jt. , one of the minor disciples 

of Confucius. His tablet occupies the 28th 
place on the west in the outer hall of the temples. 
A good storj is related of him. On the death 
of his brother, his wife and major-domo wished 
to bury some living persons with him to serve 
him in the regions below. The thing being re- 
ferred to Tsze-kHn, he proposed that the wifa 
and steward should themselves submit to the 
immolation, which made them stop the matter. 

Tsze-kung, with the double surname f^ "^ , 

and named a& , occupies a higher place in the 

Conftician ranks, and is now placed 8d on the 
east, among Hhe wise ones'. He is conspicuous 
in this work for his readiness and smartness in 
reply, and displayed on several occasions prac- 
tical and political ability. J^ , 'a general desig- 
nation for maiet/sa man. ^ -7* , a com- 



x-^ 



tone, explained by-J*T ^ONi 'traces of walking,' 

^conduct. It is to be understood that the way 
of the father had not been very bad. An old 
interpr. that the three years are to be under' 
stood of the three years of mooming for the 
father, is now rightly rejected. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 









^ ^ 4. 4. 0. 7i M fi i B. 






5{t 



^1 



off 




li^^ 



Chapter XIL The philosopher Yew said, "In practising the 
rules of propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. In the ways 
prescribed by the ancient kings, this is the excellent quality, and 
in things small and great we follow them. 

2. "Yet it is not to be observed in all cases. If one, knowing 
Kow such ease should he prized^ manifests it, without regulating it 
by the rules of propriety, this likewise is not to "be done." 

Chapter XIII. The philosopher Yew said, "When agreements 
are made according to what is right, what is spoken can be made 
good. When respect is shown according to what is proper, one 
keeps far from shame and disgrace. When the parties upon whom 
a man leans are proper persons to be intimate with, he can make 
them his guides and masters." 

Chapter XIV. The Master said, "He who aims to be a man 
of complete virtue, in his food does not seek to gratify his appetite, 



12. In CEREKOKIB8 A WATVBAL EASE IS TO BE 
PRIZED, AXD TET TO BE SUBORDINATED TO THE 
SXD OF CEB£XOXIE8,-THE BEVEBENTIAL OBSERY- 

AXCE OF moPRiETT. ffiB is not easily rendered 

in another language. There underlies it the 

idea of what is proper. It is ^^ ^^ ^, ' thefit- 

aess of tilings/ what reason calls for in the per- 
formance of duties towards superior beings, and 
between man and man. Our term * ceremonies* 

comes near its meaning here. ^S is here a 
name for mS » ^ indicating the courses or ways 
to be pursued by meiL In >J> -yr cct jp^, 
the antecedent to jP^ is not 4^, but jjB or 

^[ . 2. Ob«. the force of the ^Aj, *also,* in the 

last clause, and how it affirms the general prin- 
ciple enunciated in the first paragraph. 



13. To SAVE FROX FUTURE REPENTAKCE WB 
MUST BE CAREFUL IN OUR FIRST STEPS. A diff. 

View of the scope of this ch. is taken by Ho An. 
It illustrates, according to him, the difference 
between being sincere and righteousness, be- 
tween being respectful and propriety, and how 
a man's conduct may be venerated. The later 
view commends itself, the only difficulty being 

with it "fc^, *near to,' which we must accept 

as a meiosis for >^ -3^, 'agreeing with.' JKn 

=^g«n, *a covenant,' * an agreement.* jg^, up. 
3d tone, *to keep away from.* The force of the 
>/K=»*he can go on to make them his masters,' 



^ being taken as an active verb. 

14. With what mind one aiming to be a 
Keun-tsze pursues his learning. He may 
be well) even luxuriously, fed and lodged, but 



8 



CONFUCLVN AX^U.ECTS. 



B.itni 






I IE W H. 



4.^^n 




_ ifij pT w 

zr. ^ IL, flii f "M 1i ife 

% m0^% T» W ^n„ M ^ '^ " 







Wf f*%^,*m 0.1^. BoW 



nor in his dwelling place does he seek the appliances of ease; he is 
earnest in what he is doing, and careful in his speech; he frequents 
the company of men of principle that he may be rectified: — such 
a person may be said incleed to love to learn. 

Chapter XV. I. Tsze-kung said, "What do you pronounce 
concerning the poor man who yet does not flatter, ana the rich 
man who is not proud? " The Master replied, "They will do; bnt 
they are not equal to him, who, though poor, is yet cheerful, and 
to nim, who, though rich, loves the rules of propriety." 

2. Tsze-kung replied, "It is said in the Book of Poetry," 'As 
you cut and then file, as you carve and then polish.' — ^The meaning is 
the same, I apprehend, as that which you have just expressed." 

3. The Master said, "With one like Tsze, I can begin to talk 
about the Odes. I told him one point and he knew its proper 
sequence." 



with his higher aim these things are not his 

seeking, ^ ]^. A nominative to "prT gfi 

must be supposed, — tiU this, or such a person. The 

closing particles, -m ^, give emphasis to the 

preceding sentence, ssye^ tucked, 

15. An illustration of the successivb 
STEPS IN SELF-CULTIVATION. 1. Tsze-Kuiig had 
been poor, and then did not cringe. He b^ame 
rich and was not proud. He asked Confucius 
about the style of char, to which he had attain- 
ed. Cunf. allowed its worth, but sent him to 

higher attainments. jjQ hercB^and yet.' 43 

jjj, *what as?'«=*what do you say — what is 
to be thought— of this?' Obs. the force of the 
^, *not yet.' 2. The ode quoted is the first of 

the songs of Wei (^^}» praising the prince 

Woo, who had dealt with himself as an ivory- 
workex who first cuts the bone, uud then files 



it smooth, or a lapidary whose hammer and 
chisel are followed by ail the applinaces for 
smoothing and polishing. She-king. I. v. 1. st. 

2. ^^^^ ^ Ih' ^^^ antecedent to ^ 

is the passage of the ode, and that to jjtif is the 

reply of Confucius. ^ gH, see Prendre, p. 

156. 8. Intorcetta and his co-a^utors translate 

this par. as if ^| were in the 2d pers. But 

the Chin. Comm. put it in the 3d, and correct^. 

Premare, on the char. ^^^ 8aj% ^Fsn sempar 

adfungitur riomimbus propriis. Ste in tihro Lim 
lUy Confucius loquens de suit discipuRs Yttm, 

Keou, Hoeiy vel ^mm cUlotjuanMy dieit fjiy 4fa , 

5JC ife' IbI -tfc' With the example in Dt - 
17, before us, it is not to be denied that thfr '-1 
name before •m is sometimes in the 2d pers., 
but generally it is in the 3d, and the force of the 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





^ 




E 



A 



CuXpter XVI. The Master 
men's not knowing me; I will be 

netrly»-fh g^, Sn ch. U. p^, the final part. 

(wc Preiu. p. 185\ is thus marked with a tone, 

to distinguish it from ^, 'self,* as in next ch. 

The Utft clause may be given — 'Tell him the 
past, and he knows the futures,' but the connec- 
tion determines the meaning as iu the transition. 

^f , MB in ch. 10, is a particle, a mere ^g- Wj, 

MM it is called, 'a helping* or supporting sound. 



5^ tt ^. 

H. #„ W ^ 

said, "I will not be afflicted at 
afflicted that I do not know men/' 

CHIEF Aiic Comp. ch. I. p, 8. Obs. the trana^ 
position in Q ^, which is more elegant thaa 

ft I S ^^^ ^* S» *"®^^»' ^^^ person de- 
pending on the context. We cannot tmnsUto 
'do not be afflicted/ because >|\ if not used 

imperatively, like >9^. A nominative to J^ 

has to be assumed,-^, %* or 3* ^pi *^ 

superior man,' 



*^^^^^^^^<M^^^^^^^>^W^^M^WV^^^^^^^WMV%#V^^ 



BOOK II. WEI CHING. 



>clroS< ^it mil^ 




Chapter I. The Master said, "He who exercises government 
by means of his virtue, may be compared to the north polar star, 
which keeps its phice and all the stars tuni towards it." 



* HXADIHG OF THU BoOK. — "^ jgfr ^^ ^. 

Thin second book oontaijis twenty four chapters, 

aod is named ^^ jl^^ *The practice of govern- 

monC' That is the object to which learning, 
treated of in tlie last book, should lead, and 
here we hare the qualities wiiich coiuititute, 
and the character of the men who aduiiuifitcr, 
good goremment. 

1. Til£ IKFJ^UENCB OF VIRTUE IW ▲ BULEK. 

^fi is explained by ^, but the old coinm. say 

^ ^ 1^ ^ 8i ^ 1^1' *^hat creatures 
get in order to their birth is called their virtue/ 
while Choo Ut makes it«= |^ j^ jffj ^ f|t 



jj^ i\jV, Uhe practice of truth and aognlsitloa 

thereof in the heart.' Clioo's view of the com* 
parison is that it sets forth the illimitable 
iuflucace which virtue in a ruler exercises with* 
out his usiu? any etfort^ This is extravagant. 
His opponents say that virtue is the polar star, 
and tiie various departments of government the 
other stars, lliis is far-fetched. Wc must be 
content to accept the vague utterauce without 

minutely determining its meaning. ;|(^ J^ is, 

no doubt, Hhe north polar star,' anciently be- 
lieved to coincide exactly with the place of the 

real pole. ^^ is up. 2d tone, used for jik, *to 

fold the hands in ^nluting,' here=^*to torn 

respectfully towaixls/ 



10 



CONFUCIAN AX^VLECTS. 





±M S ^ ^ ^ „ 
mm f'B %.lt T' 

-ffBMMmB. MiB. 



s.m S.MMW M. 



Chapter II. The Master said, "In the Book of Poetry are 
three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced 
in one sentence — 'Have no depraved thoughts.'"^ 

Chapter III. 1. The Master said, "If the people be led by 
laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, Aey 
will try to avoid the jninishment^ but have no sense of shame. 

2. "If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given 
them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of shame, 
and moreover will become good." 

Chapter IV. 1. The Master said, "At fifteen, I had my mind 
bent on learning. 

2. " At thirtv, I stood firm. 

3. " At forty, I had no doubts. 



2. The purb design of the Book of 
PoETRT. The number of compositions in the 
She-kipg is rather more than the round number 

here given. — • ^= — ^ ^, * one sentence' 

iS= H; 'to cover,' 'to embrace.* ^,%%, 
see She-king, IV. ii. 1. st. 4. The sentence there 
ift indicative, and in praise of the duke He, 
who had no depraved thoughts. The sage would 
seem to have been intending his own design in 
oompiltng the She. Individual pieces are cal- 
culated to have a difT. effect. 

8. How RULB'IS SHOULD PlIBFBtl MORAL AP- 

FLiAN'CKs. 1. j^, as in I. 5. ^^, *them,' ref. 
V* p^> below. jBjf , as oppos. to /S,=laws 

^nd prohibitions. ^C, *corn earing evenly;' 

))ence, what is level, equal, adjusted, and here 

i|rith tlie corresponding verbal furce. ^S "S , 

*The people will avoid,' that is, avoid breaking 

the laws thro, fear of the puuishmt^nt. 2. >k^ 

has the signif. of *to come to,' and *to correct,' 
irPU) either of which the text may l)e explained, 
— Mvill come to good.' or 'will correct thciii- 



selves.* Obs. the dilF. of ^^ and ijK in p. I. 
j^=<but;' J3^=*mopeover.* 

4. COXFUCIUS' OWN ACCOOST OF HIS GRAMJ^L 

pROsiRBiS AND ATTAiNMRXTti. Chin. comm. are 
perplexed with this ch. Holding of Confacioi 

was born with knowledge, and did what was 

right with entire ease,' they say that be ii«re 
conceals his sagchwxi, and puts himself on die 
level of common men, to set before them 
stinnilating example. We may believe tbat 
the compilers of the Analects, the sag^e's imme- 
diate disciples, did not think of him so extrava- 
gantly as later men have doue. It is to be 
wished, however, that he had been more defli^te 

and diffuse in his account of himsoll 1. ^, 

in low. 3d tone,=i*and.' The Meaming,' to 
which, at 15, Conf. gave himself, is to be tinier- 
stood of the subjects of the * Superior Learning.* 
hH.*e Choo He's preliminary essay to the Ta 
Heo. 2. The 'standing firm* probably indaeatef 
that he no more needed to bend h» will. 3. 
The *no doubts' may have bei»n coiH-emtnur 
what was pn>per in all cireuuistauces and 



: 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



11 



nW^ 




IBJ 




S! >^VA 





'^xx-f 




■it BM.^ m =f Wo-f ^ 












^ ^ Jli^ 



• 4. " At fifty, I knew the decrees of heaven. 

5. "At sixty, my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of 
truth. 

6. "At seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without 
transgressing what was right". 

Chapter v. Mang E asked what filial piety was. The Master 
said, "It is not bein^ disobedient." 

2. Soon after, as Fan Ch'e was driving him, the Master told him, 
saying, 'M&ng-sun asked me what filial piety was, and I answered 
him, — *not being disobedient." 

3. Fan Ch'e said, "What did you mean?" The Master replied, 
"That parents, when alive, should be served according to propriety; 
that, when dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and 
that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety. 



erents. 4. <The decrees of HeaTen,'=sthe things 
decreed by HeaTen, the constitution of things 
making what was proper to be so. 5. *The 
ear obedient' is the mind receiving as by 

intoHton tiie truth from the ear. 6. j^, 'an 
Instroment for determining the square.' JK 

hM j^' * without transgressing the sqaare.' 

5. Filial pixtt must ni shown acxordinq 
9«TffB BU' B't of PBOPRiBiY. 1. Mang £ was 
a great officer of the state of Loo, by name 

Ho-ke ("!& JB), and the chief of one of the 

tliree great families by which in the time of 
Conf. the authority of that state was grasped, 
^ifhoee families were descended from three 
brothers, the sons by a concubine of the duke 
Hvan (B. C. 710-693), who were distinguished 

at firs^ by the prenomens of Ytll, -jjS^y and 

^S- To these was subsequently added the 

,dwracter J&, 'grandson/ to indicate their 



princely descent, and ^ifa J|^, -^ Jj^, and 

^p ^&^ became the respective surnames of 

the families. AUl ^& was changed into j|y 

•j^, by the father of Mang £, on a principle 
of humility, as he thereby only claimed to be 
the eldest of the inferior sons or their repres- 
entatives, and avoided the presumption of 
seeming to be a younger full brother of the 
reigning duke. ^^, 'mild and virtuous/ was 
the posthumous honorary title given to llo-ke. 
On -7-, see I. 1.1. Fan, by name ^p[, and 

designated -7- iS, was a minor disciple of 
the sage. Conf. repeated his remsrk to Fan 
that he might report the explanation of it to 
his friend Mang £, or Mang-sun, and thus 
prevent him from supposing that all the sage 
intended was disobedience to parents. 



12 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



7. 










I /^ 



n 



n^\ 




-Sg ^KJ SPB 















Chapter VI. MSng Woo asked what filial piety was. The Master 
Baid, "Parents are anxious lest their children should be sick.*' 

Chapter VII. Tsze-yew asked what filial piety was. The Mas- 
ter said, "The filial piety of now-a-days means the support of one's 
parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in 
the way of support ;-without reverence, what is there to distinguish 
the one support riven from the other?" 

Chapter VIIL Tsze-hea asked what filial piety was. The Mas- 
ter said, "The difficulty is with the countenance. If, when Aeir 
elders have any troublesome aff^airs, the youTig take the toil of them, 
and if, when the young have wine and food, they set them before 
their elders, is this to be consdered filial piety?" 

Inferior to a 8uperior4 In low. 2d tone, it«=*to 
nourish)' *brin(; up,* Choo He giren a different 
turn to the Kcntiment. — 'Dut dogs and horses 
likewise manage to get their support.* The 

other and older intcrpr. is better. ^ "jjj^^ 
* Coming to, '=a8 to, quoacL j3|j , up. 4th tone, *to 

discriminate/ * distinguish.' In low. tone, Bd 

B*to leave/ * separate from.' 

8. ThK DUT11I4 OF FILIAL PHtTT MUST BB FW« 
FOBMED WITH A CHBEBFUL COUMTBKAVCB. ^l 

here, nearly analogous to I. S, S. followed hy 
y^, SB the ^iroMesona affairs* in the transL^ 
•^^ , as In 1. 6. The use of the phrase here ti:* 
tends filial duty to elders generally.^^o the ^ 



6» TrB ANXlBTT OF PABEVTS ABOUT TIIfeIR 

childbeb aw arovmemt for filial piety. 
This engmatical sentence has been Interpreted 

in two ways. Choo He takes p^ {=»^) not in 

the sense of 'only/ but of Hhinkinsr anxiously. - 
•Parents hare the sorrow of thinking anxiously 
about their-i. e their children*s-bcing imwell. 
Therefore children should take care of their 

persons.* The old oomm. again take p# In the 

iense of * only.'—* Let parents hate only the sor* 
TOW of their children's illness. I^t them have 
no other occasion for sorrow. This will be fili> 
al piety.^ Mang Woo (the hon. epithet,«*Bold 
and of stralghtforwfurd principle/) was the son 

of Mang £, and by name ]». Yj^ merely indi- 
cates that he tras the eldest son. 
How thbbb must be bbvekbkcIs In filial dd> 

TT. Tsae-yew was the designation of ^ ^g, 

a native of ^y^, and distinguished among the 

disciples of Conf. for his knowl. of the rules of 
propriety, and for his learning. He is now 4th 

on the west among 'the wise ones.* ^Sk is in low. 

8d tOAC^aK*to minister support to/ the act of an 



J? as well as to the ^ -fflr. We have in 
! tranfll. to supply their respective nom. Ut the 
two ^. ^, read Uze, 'rice/ and tlion, food 

generally. ^ i^ ^'^^ M ^ ^ (earlier 
bom«=elder!i)^;^. ^,low, Itt tone,^^, 



CONFUCIAN AKALECTS. 



18 




551 

■HH. 




Chaptbr IX. The Master said, "I have talked with Hwuy 
for a whole day, and he has not made any objection to any thing I 
^iitV/;-a*s if he were stupid. He has retired, and I have examined 
his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate 
my teachhigs. Hwuv! — He is not stupid." 

Chapter X. 1. I^he Master said, " See what a man does. 

2. " Mark his motives. 

3. " Examine in what things he rests. 

4. " How can a man conceal his character! 

5. *' How can a man conceal his character!'* 

Chapter XI. The Master said, " If a man keeps cherishing his 
old knowledge, so as continually to be acquiring new, he may be a 
teacher of others." 



*thcn,* a transition particle. To these ditT. in- 
teiTogatoricfl about filial duty, the sagey we are 
told, made answer according to the character of 
the quettioncr, as each one needed instruction. 
9. TnBguisr KxcBpnyiTT of the disciple 

Hwt Y. Yen Hwuy (|g fcj^ styled -^ jjgj, 

irif^ Coafnclus' faTourite disciple, and is now 
honoured with the first place east among his 
four aitcssurs in bis temples, and with the title of 

^B^ jSS-T*, <The second sage, the phlloto- 

p£r Yen.' At 29 his hur was entirely white, 
and at 33 he died to tlie excessiTe grief of the 

si^. The subject of ^ is [g|, and that of 

J^ (a« in 1. 4.) is ^. ^^. 'his privacy; 
nvi menniDg his conduct in secret, but only his 
way when not with the master. '^ 'also,* takes 

*p4|I jSl»~Hewa»so,andalsoso. [j^-t^i 
aee 1, >9. 

10. UO^ TO DKTKRMIlfB TUB CHABAGTBB8 OF 

Uloi. 1. jjj( ia explained as« ^, or ^^ ^, 
'4lM».' The same, tho' not its comm. meaning, 



is the first given to it in the Diet. For the 
noun to which the three iM! refer, we must 

go down to A in the 4th par. There is a 

climax in ^ J^, fjj^}^ ('what from*), and 

nfr ^Ty and a corresponding one in the verba 

j^, ^, and ^. 4, ;§, gen. a final particle, 

in low. 1st tone, is here in up. 1st., an intcrroga- 
tive,show? Its interrog. force blends with the 

exclaiaatinry of -^ at the end. 

11. TO BB ADLB TO TBACII OTHERS OlfB MUST 
FROM HIS OLD 8TOBBS BE CONTINUALLY l>EVBL-> 

OPING TuiNQs NEW. jj§[ Is cxp. in the Diet, by 

la, and, with ref. to this very pass, it is said, 
'one's old learning being thorough, again constant- 
ly to practise it, is called 4^.' Mod. comm. say 

that the 'new learning is in the old.* The idea 
probably is that of assimilating old acquisitions 
and new, the mind's harmonizing them. Comp. 

F^ 0, XXYU. 1. 



nl 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



15 




it. ^f m 






m m 












>^ A 03. 

L ^ ^ ^ I 

Chapter XVII. The Master said, "Yew, shall I teach you 
what knowledge is ? When you know a thing, to hold that you 
tnow it; and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do 
not know it; — ^this is knowledge." 

Chapter XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang was learning with a view to 
official emolument. 

2. "The Master said, " Hear much and put aside the points of 
which you stand in doubt, while you speak cautiously at the same 
time of the others: — then you will afford few occasions for blame. 
See much and put aside the things which seem perilous, while you 
are cautious at the same time in carrying the others into practice: 
— ^then you will have few occasions for repentance. When one 
gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasions for 
repentance in his conduct, he is in the way to get emolument." 

*aiiy one thing.' '^«]^ ^, * to take to be,' 'to 
consider,' *to allow.' d^, thus marked with a 
tone, ia used for ftr, *you.' 

ThB end in LXVRlflNa SHOULD BX ONB*a 



17. Thsrk should bb no prbtkncx in tbb 
pbofb8sx0ii of knomxbdob, or tub lenial of 

iovobabcb. db, by lumame y!p, and gener- 

allj known by his designation of Tsze-ho 

(^3p S&), was one of the most famous disciples 

of Confucius, and now occupies in the temples 
the 4th place east in the sage's own hall. He was 
noted for his courage and forwardness, a man 
of impulse rather than reflection. Conf. had 
foretold that he would come to an untimely 
end, and so it happened. He was killed through 
his own rashness in a rcTolution in the state of 
W^ The tassel of his cap being cut off when 
be received his death-wound, he quoted a say- 
ing — *'llie superior man must not die without 
his cap,' tied on the tassel, ac^usted the cap, 

•od expired. This action — 






is much lauded. Of the six 4^1, the 1st and 
6th are knowledge subjective, the other four 
are knowledge objective. The first ^1 ^ = 

In the other two caues, ^?^ = 





18. 

OWN IMPKOVEMXNr, AND NOT KUOLUMXNT. 1. 

Tsze-chang, named g|g, with the double sur- 
name 2^ ^^, a native of Ch*in (^X ^m not 

undistinguished in the Confucian school. Tsze- 
kung priuscd him as a man of merit without 
boasting, humble in a high position, and not 
arrogant to the helpless. From this ch., how-^ 
ever, it would appear that inferior mot. did 

sometimes rule 1dm. i^=^was learning,' L e., 
at some particular time. --p=3j^, *to seek 
for.' 2. ^M is explained in the comm. as in 
transl., — Wf ^^ ^P, but this mean, of it is 

not found iu the Diet, jj^ ^ ^ 4^ « 

'Emolument is^ herein.' /. '•.. it \i ill co\\\^ \>*\V\v;av\. 



> 



16 



CONFUCIAN ASALECTS. 





Ml) III 





* 






^^K 





MM 

a. fe iL ^ 



m 



m 






^0> 





m z 

m. MM r^ M. 0. ^ 

Chapter XIX. The duke Gae asked, saying, " What should be 
done in order to secure the submission of the people?" Confuciua 
replied, "Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, then the 
people will submit. Advance the crooked and set aside the up- 
right, then the people will not submit." 

Chapter XA. Ke K*ang asked how to cause the people to 
reverence tJiei7* ruler, to be faithful to him, and to urge themselves 
to virtue. The Master said, " Let him preside over them with 
gravity; — ^then they will reverence him. Let him be filial and 
kind to all; — then they will be faithful to him. Let him advance 
the good and teach the incompetent; — ^then they will eagerly seek 
to be virtuous." 

Chapter XXL 1. Some one addressed Confucius, saying, "Sir, 
why are you not engaged in the government ? " 

people-soother,* was the honorary epithet of 
Ke-sun Fei ()]£)> the head of one of the three 



seeking; the individuftl is on the way to it. The 
lesson is that we are to do what is right, and not 
be anxious about teniix>ral concerns. 

19. How A PRINCE BY THB RIGHT BHPLOT- 
MBlfr OF IlIH OPFICBRS HAT 0BCURB TUB RBAL 

SUBMISSION OF HIS MUBJBCT8. Gae was the 
honorary epithet of 3^, duke of Loo (B. C. 
494-367). Conf. died in his 16th year. Accord, 
to the laws for posthumous titles, JS^ denotes 
'the respectful and ))eneTolent, early cut off.* 
J^ ^=*The to-be-lamented duke.' ^, 

up. dd tone,= ^, <to set aside.*^ is partly 

euphonious, but also indicates the plural. 3^1. 

^r ^N" 0' *'^^® philosopher K'nng replied.' 
Here, for the first time, the sage is called by his 
surname, and, ^|j is used^ as indicating the 

reply of an inferior to a superior. 

20. Example jn irUPERioRS is more power- 
iXL THAN louct. K'ung, 'CHsy and pleasant, 



great families of Loo; see ch. 5. His idea is 
seen in j^, *to cause,* the power of force; that 

of Conf. appears in ^||, *then,* the power of 

influence. In \^ Wjjy J^ is said tos^3« 

'together with,* 'mutually.' |||[, 'to adTisr/ 
Ho teach,' has also in the Diet, the meaning* to 
rejoice to follow,' which is its force here, ^& 

^, *the practice of goodness,' being ander* 

stood. 
21. Confucius' explanation of his not 

BEING IN ANY OFFICE. 1. ^ MS ^L"?" »~"'^*® 

surname indie, that the questioner was not tk 
disciple. Conf. had his reason for not being in 
office at the time, but it was not expedient to 
tell. He replied therefore, as in par. 2. 2. See 
Shoo-king xxii. 1. But the text isi neither cor* 
rcctly applied nor exactly ijuotcd. I'bc old 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



17 






^ 



m. 4. A M: 








2. The Master said, "What does the Shoo-king say of filial 
piety ? — * You are filial, you discharge your brotherly duties. These 
qualities are displayed in government/ This then also constitutes 
the exercise of government. Why must there be that to make one 
be in the government." 

Chapter XXII. The Master said, " I do not know how a man 
without truthfulness is to get on. How can a large carriage be 
made to go without the cross bar for yoking the oxen to, or a small 
carriage without the arranjgement for yoking the horses ? " 

Chapter XXIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked whether the affairs of 
ten ages after could be known. 

2. Confucius said, " The Yin dynasty followed the regulations 
of the Hea: wherein it took from or added to them may be known. 
The Chow dynasty has followed the regulations of the Yin : where- 
in it took from or added to them may be known. Some other may 
follow the Chow, but though it be should be at the distance of a 
hundred ages, its affairs may be known." 



inter, read in one sentence yf ^ iC. 'U^ ;^, 'O 
fliial piety I nothing but fHlal piety! ' Choo He, 
boverer, pauses at Sp.^ and commences rightly 

the quotation with ^|| "^t. A western may 
tliink that the philosopher might hare made 
• happier erssioo. ^ ^ ^ H^ i|^> the 

in j^=sj^ '^, and ^ referring to the 

tiiougfat in the man's question, that office was 
•ecessaty to one's being in goTemment. 

d2. TSS ITECBSSITT TO A MAN Or BEING TRim. 

njh An> snfCERB. fi^ and £||j are explained 

in the Diet, in the same way — *the cross bar at 

the end of the carriage pole* But there was a 
"" Choo He bay 8, *In the light carriasc 



the end of the pole curred upwards, and the 
cross bar was suspended from a hook.' This 
would give it more elasticity. 
23. The orkat prikciplis ootkrnino 80cx« 

BTT ARE irNCHAKOBABi.B. 1. 4^^ may be taken 

as an age«*a century,' or as a generation=s80 
years, which is its radical meaning, being form- 
ed from three teru and one (-{Ur and '"'). Both 

meanings arc in the Diet. Conf. made no pre- 
tension to supernatural powers, and all comm. 
are agreed that the things here asked about 
were not what we would call contingent or in- 
different events. He merely says that the great 
principles of morality and relations of society 
had continued the same and would ever do so. 

jjj^^S^,2, The Hea, Yin, and Chow are 
now spoken of as the ^ -1^, *The three 



18 



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M^ M^^^^ 






4o^^aiiL 





A 








1..X. ma ^ 

Chapter XXIV. 1. The Master said, " For a man to sacrifice 
to a spirit which does not belong to him is flattery." 

2. To see what is right and not to do it is want of courage." 

of which a man may say that they are his, ire 
those only of his ancestors, and to them only he 
may sacrifice. The ritual of China proTidet for 

sacrifices to three classes of objects — ^ fn, 



changes,' t. e., the three great dynasties. The first 
Emperor of the Hea was *The great Yu,* B. C. 
:i204, of the Yin, T^ang, B. C. 1766, and of 
Chow, Woo, B. C. 1121. 

24. Neither in bacrificb nor in other 
practice may a man do anything but what 

IS RIGHT. 1. A jjjft Q ^, *The h.man 
spirit (i. c, of the dead) is called ^.* The ^ 



iffi AT^' /^ ^' 'spirits of heayen, of the 
earth, of men.' This ch. is not to be extended 
to all the three. It has reference only to the 
manes of departed men. 






■^^^/Wi^^^^^^>^b#\^^^\^V^^^^^^^<WMM^^^^^^»»^^^ 



BOOK III. PA YIH. 



^C 



fl ft pT M A I 



^%^. 




Pr4.il; 





Chapter I. Confucius said of the head of the Ke family, who had 
eight rows of pantomimes in his area, "If he can bear to do this, 
what may he not bear to do?" 



He APING OP THIS Book. — f\^ ^a ^R ^-- . 

"The last hook treated of the practice of govern- 
nicnt. and therein no things, according to Chi- 
nese ideas, are more important than ceremonial 
rit<is and music. With those topics therefore, 
the twenty six chapters of this Ixwk are (K'cupi- 
ed. and 'eight rows,' the principal words in the 
first chapter, arc adopted as its heading. 

1. Confucius' indignation at the usurpa- 
tion OP IMPERIAL RITES. ^p^F, by Contraction 

for ^pfjjffi^ ; see TI. 5. ^f and "bA are now 

used without distinction, meaning 'surname,* 
only that the ]^ of a woman is always spo- 



ken of, and not her j||^. Originally the p^ 
appears to have been used to denote the branch 
families of one surname, ^fe ^^, *The Ke 
family,' with special reference to its head, '7^ 
Ke,' as we should say. -fft, * a row of dancers,* 
or pantomimes rather, who kept time in the 
temple serrices, in the ]^» ^^ front space be- 
fore the raised portion in the principal hsU, 
moving or brandishing feathers, flags, or other 
articles. In his ancestral temple, the Emperor 
had 8 rows, each row cx^nsisting of eight men, 
a duke or prince had 6. and a great officer onl/ 
4. For the Ke. therefoix*, to use 8 rows was* 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



19 




IZ5I 



L 



%^MM^2:M. 



^ ^i^i^ JB T j5r^ ^ ^ 









Chapter II. The three families used the yung ode, while the 
vessels were being removed, at ilie conclusion of tlie sacrifice. The 
Master said, " ' Assisting are the princes ; — the emperor looks pro- 
found and grave :' — ^what application can these words have in the 
hall of the three families?" 

Chapter III. The Master said, "If a man be without the virtues 
proper to humanity, what has he to do with the rites of propriety ? 
If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he 
to do with music?" 

Chapter IV. Lin Fang asked what was the first thing to be 
attended to in ceremonies. 

2. The Master said, "A great question indeed!" 

of the three familief. J^,-^iip. ith tone, with* 

ont an aspirate. Jfi', — up. Sd tone, 'assistant,' 
* assisting/ 

3. CkBEXONIES AlTD XUBIC TAIN WITHOUT 

TiRTUB. "ti^, see I. 2. I don't know how to 
render it here, otherwise than in the transU. 
Comm. define it— j\J^ ^ ^^ :ffi, * the entire 

virtue of the heart.' As referred to jjj§, it 
indicates the feeling of rererence ; as rdferred 
to S& (g6)^ it indicates harmoniousness. 

4. ThB object of CBRBMONIB8 SHOULD RS* 
OULATB THBM '.-^AGAINST FORMALISM. 1, Lin 

Fang, styled -7- ^R, was a man of Loo, sup* 

posed to have been a disciple of Conf., and 
whose tablet is now placed first, on the west, in 
the outer court of the temples. He is known 
onlj by the question in this ch. Ace. to Choo 
He, "^ here is not j^ ;2JJ, * the radical idea,* 

*the essence;* but as ^, *the beginning,* op- 
posed to 7|^t"=' the first thing to be attended £>/ 
3. Hj8 has not the gen. meaning of the char, in 
the 1st par. A« opposed to ^ (up. 1st tone), 



usurpation, for tho* it may be argued, that 
to the ducal family of Loo imperial rites were 
conceded, and that the offshoots of it (II. 5) 
might use the same, still great officers were 
confined to the ordinances proper to their rank. 

hH is used here, as frequently, in the sense — 

* to speak of.' Conf. remark may also be trans- 
lated, *If this be endured, what may not be 
endured ? ' And this is probably the correct in- 
terpretation, for there is force in the obserrations 

of the author of the p[^ ^ ^ g^, that 

tliis remark and the following must be assigned 
to the sage during the short time that he held 
high oflloe in Loo. 

3. AOAIS AOAIXST USURPED RITES. » 




^t, * Those belonging to the three families.' 

'ney assembled together, as being the descend- 
anU of duke Hwan (U, 5), in one temple. To 

this temple bdonged the j^ in the last ch., 

which is called ^^^ ]^» because circumstan- 
ces had concurred to make the Ke the chief of 
the three famiHes; see ^ ^ ^ ^, viiiT. 

For the Yung ode, see She-king, II. iL Ode. IL st, 
7. It was, properly, sung in the imperial temples 

ef the Chow dynasty, at the ^, *the clearing 

away,' of the sacrificial apparatus, and contains 
the lines quoted by Confucius, which of course 
vere quite inappropriate to the circumstaaces 



it must indicate the festiye or fortunate Cw) 




20 



COOTtCIAN ANALECTS. 



lU. T tg f- 











MM^ 




xn 0v 







/t ^ 



3. In/ej-yftve ceremonies, it is better to be sparing than extravagant. 
In the ceremonies of mourning, it is better that there be deep sorrow 
than a minute attention to observ^ances." 

Chapter V. Tlie Master said, " The rude tribes of the east and 
north have their princes, and are not like the States of our great 
land which are without them." 

Chapter VI. The chief of the Ke family was about to sacrifice to 
the T'ae mountain. The Master said to Yen-yew, " Can you not 
save him from this?" He answered, "I cannot." Confucius said, 
*' Alas ! will you say that the T'ae mountain is not so discerning as 
Lin Fang?" 



j£, read «, low 3d tone. Choo He explaini it 

by ^, as in Mencius— J^ ^ QPI^, 'to 

cleanse and dress the fields,' and interprets as 
in the transl. The old comm. take the mean- 
ing — ^bj A, 'hannony and ease^* i. e., not 
being overmuch troubled. 

6. The anarchy of Confuciub' timb. The 
"^ were the barbarianB on the east of China, 

and 3ft > those on the north. See jj^ ^, 

file barbarous tribes about China generally. 
0& S ^^ ^ name for China because of the 
vmUitude of its people (^)» w*d its greatness 
(M). ^ S, *The flowery and great,* is 
still a common designation of it. Choo He 
takes -bff as 8imply=^, and hence the senti- 
ment in the transl. Ho An's comm. is to this 
eftect :— * The rude tribes with their princes are 

stiU not equal to Chma with its anarchy.' "j^, 
read as, and=s^. 

6. On the POLLY OF USURPED SACRIFICES. ]J^ 

is said to be the name appropriate to sacrifices 



to mountains, but we find it applied also totsc* 
rifices to God. The T'ae moontain is the first 

of the 'five mountains* (^^ SO^ which sre 

celebrated in Chinese literature, and hare always 
received religious honours. It was in Ixio, or 
rather on the borders between Loo and T>^ 

about 2 miles north of the present district city 
of T'ae-gan i^& ^C^ ^ ^^ department of 

Tse-nan (^S ^^)j '^ Shan-tung. According 
to the ritual of China, sacrifice coidd only be 
offered to these mountains by the emperor, snd 
princes in whose States any of them happened 
to be. For the chief of the Ke fainilv, there- 
fore, to sacrifice to the T*ae mounts^ was a 
great usurpation. Bt^ as in 11. 7,s=Txr', and V 

as in II. 8,=3 B|l, or we may take it as=ffi, 

* Have you said,' &c. :^|l|=^lJLi;^S. 

* The spirit of the T'ae mountain.' Lin Fang,-- 
see ch. 4, fVom which the reason of this refe* 
reuce to him may be understood. Yen Yew, 

named (5jc)> *°^ ^^ designation -f-^^^ ▼" 
one of the disciples of Conf., and is now third, 
in the hull, on the west. He entered the ser- 
vice of the Ke family, and was a man of ability 
and resources. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTR. 



21 



M H. 





r n^^m 











4. # T-^ ^'^ ^mm 

Chapter VII. The Master said, "The student of virtue has no 
contentions. If it be said he cannot avoid them, shall this be in 
archery? But he bows complaisantly to his competitors; thus he ascends 
the hailj descends, and exacts the forfeit of drinking. In his conten- 
tion, he is still the Keun-tsze.'* 

Chapter VIII. 1. Tsze-hea asked, saying, "What is the meaning 
of the passage — 'The pretty dimples of her artful smile! The well 
definea black and white of her eye! The plain ground for the colours'?" 

2. The Master said, "The business of laymg on the colours fol- 
lows the preparation of the plain ground." 

3. "Ceremonies then are a subsequent thing." The Master said, 
'"It is Shang who can bring out my meaning! T^^ow I can begin to 



talk about the odes with hmi^ 

7. TU BUFBBIOB MAH AVOIDS ALL CONTBMTI- 

•w miTiKQ. Here ^ -f-^^ ^, ^ 

^, 'the man who prefers Tirtne.' i|^\ •ffa^ 

M^ lit, 'ifbe must, shall it be archery?' 

^ ft §B> •ccording to Choo He, extend orer all 

ttsTerbt, ^, "^, 0J. "^ is marked in the 
U tone, anciently appropriate to it as a yerb. 

£, up. dd tone, *to give to drink/ heressto 
A from the Tanquished the forfeit cnp. In 
ChC time there were three principal exercises 
if spchcry: — the great archery, under the eye 
IJftte £mperor, the guests' archery, which 
'ilg^ be at the imperial court or at the Tisits 
^tiie princes among themselyes, and the fes- 
Llbtsrchery, for amnsement. The regulations 
OT^the archers were substantially the same in 
~^isl], and served to prove their virtue, in- 
I of giving occasion to quarreling. There 
Nscnd to the controversies among comm. on 
irpQints. 

CRKVOliUS A KB SBG05PABT ^1^0 ORNA- 



MBMTAL. 1. The sentences quoted by Tsze-hea 

are from a jfe ^p, one of the poems which 

Conf. did not admit into the She-king. The 
two first lines, however, are found in it, I. v. 8. 
The disciple's inquiry turns on the meaning of 

LM '^ in the last line, which he took to 
mean — 'The plain ground is to be regarded as 
the colouring.' 2. Conf., in his reply, makes 
^ a verb, governing ^,=:' comes after the 

plain ground.' 8. ^ ^^ .^iTsze-hea's re- 
mark is an exclamation rather than a question. 
jfe -f» ^, *He who stirs me up,'=*He who 
brings out my meaning.' On the last sentence, 
see 1. 15.— The above interpretation, especially 

as to the meaning ^^ fj^ ^ ^ ^> '^^^ 
Choo He, is quite the opposite of that of the 
old interpreters. Their view is of coarse 
strongly supported by the author of DQ 

J^ ^, vui. 8. 




22 



CONFnClAN ANALECTS. 



nx^ 



[mm "fx 



aij 4. 




t^m 








I 



•^ T" PI 





Chapter IX. The Master said, "I am able to describe the ceremo- 
nies of the Hea dynasty, but Ke cannot suiRcientlv attest my words. 
I am able to describe the ceremonies of the Yin dynasty, but Sung 
cannot sufficiently attest my words. They cannot do so because of the 
insufficiency of their records and wise men. If those were sufficient, 
I could adauce them in support of my words." 

Chapter X. The Master said, "At the great sacrifice, after the 
pouring out of the libation, I have no wish to look on." 

Chapter XL Some one asked the meaning of the great sacrifice. 
The Master said, "I do not know. He who knew its meaning would 



9. The decat of the MOHimEirrs of arti- 
QuiTY. Of Hea and Yin, see II. 23. In the 
small state of Ke (originally what is now the 
district of the same name in K*ae-fung dep. in 
Ho-nan, but in Conf. time a part of Shan-tung), 
the sacrifices to the emperors of the Hea dyn- 
asty were maintained by their descendants. So 
wiUi the Tin dynasty and Sung, a part of the 

present Ho-nan. But the A^/ literary monu- 
ments' of those countries, and their JER(= eft 

eo in the Shoo-king, v. vii. 5, et id,) *wise men' 
had become few. Had Conf. therefore delivered 
all his knowledge about the two dynasties, 
he would haye exposed his truthfulness to 

suspicion, S||[, in the sense of W^, to witness,' 

and, at the end, * to appeal to for evidence.' The 

old comm., however take^J[ in the sense of J|&, 

- to complete,' and interpret the whole different- 
ly. — ^We see from the chapter how in the time 
of Confucius many of the records of antiquity 
had perished. 

10. The sage's dissatisfaction at the 
wakt of propriett of and in ckbemonies. 

jjj^ is the name belonging to different sacrifices, 

but here indicating the -^ ^, 'great sacri- 
fice,* which could properly be celebrated only 



by the Emperor. The indiTidoal sacrificed to 
in it was the remotest ancestor from whom the 
founder of the reigning djoiasty traced his des- 
cent. As to who were his aasesaors in the sac- 
rifice and how often it waa offered; — these are 
disputed points. See K'ang-he's diet. char. 

1^. Comp. also p]^ ^ ^ ^, vn. 8, and 

inj g M ^ Ift, L 18. Animperial rite, 

its use inXoo was wrong (see next ch.), but 
there was something in the service after the 
early act of libation inviting the descent of the 
spirits, which more particularly moved the 

anger of Conf. |}g ^=J[^ 4^» diff. from 
:g^ in 1. 15. 

11. The pbopouvp mbahiso op the oekat 
SACRIFICE. This ch. is akin to ii. 21. Conf. 
evades replying to his questioner, it bdng con- 
trary to Chinese propriety to speak in a country 
of the faults of its government or rulers. If ho 

had entered into an account of the nji sacri- 
fice, he must have condemned the use of an 
imperial rite in Loo. Sv 'explanation,'>=aMai- 

ing. The antecedent to the second ^ is the 

whole of the preceding clause: — 'The relation 
to the empire of him who knew its meamng-' 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



23 






U\i 





=:-At r«=i 




MM 





^. ^-^ m w ^ ^o 

.j^ 7; ^^ ^ mi(tt 

it as easy to-govern the empire as to look on this;" — ^pointing 

3 palm. 

[APTER XII. 1. He sacrificed to the dead, as if they were present. 

icrificed to the spirits, as if the spirits were present. 

The Master said, "I consider my not being present at the 

See, as if I did not sacrifice." 

[APTER XIII. 1. Wang-sun Kea asked, saying, "What is the 

ling of the saying, 'It is better to pay court to the furnace than 

e south-west comer ?" 

The Master said, "Not so. He who offends against Heaven 

lone to whom he can pray. " 



mid be as to look on this.' ^p^ inter- 
. more thim interrogatiye. TJy^JfSt * ^^ 

J^ n[\, 'under heaven,' an ambitions de- 

on for the Chinese empire^ as 4 M»«v^i'<i 
•bis were used by tbe Greeks and iio- 

20VFVCl%3»* OWN 8INCERITT IN SACRIFI- 

L. :^ here is historical and not to be 
ted in the imperatiye. We have to sup- 
object, to the first ^, viz. -4^ Jjg^, the 

is forefathers, as contrasted with ^|}| in 

xt clause^srall the * spirits* to which in 
cial capacity he would have to sacrifice. 

. Jl^ in low 3d tone, 'to be present at,' 
e part in.' 

That thcre is no resourcb against 
>ns£qc£kck8 of violating the kight. 

was a great officer of Wei (|^), and 

the power of the state in his hands in- 
m1 to Confucios that it would be for his 

age to pay court to him. The J^, or 

west comer, was from the structure of 

) houses the cosiest nook, and the place 

our. Choo He explains the proverb by 



reference to the customs of sacrifice. The fur- 
nace was comparatively a mean place, but when 
the spirit of the fhmace was sacrificed to, then 
the rank of the two places was changed for the 
time, and the proverb quoted was in vogue. 
But there does not seem much force in this ex- 
planation. The dooTy or welt, or any other of tlie 
five things in the regular sacrifices, might take 
the place of the furnace. The old explanation 
which makes no reference to sacrifice is sim- 
pler. SL might be the more retired and hon- 
ourable place, but the ^S was the more import- 
ant for the support and comfort of the household. 
The prince and his immediate attendants might 
be more honourable than such a minister as Keat 
but more benefit might be got from him. "USf 
from woman and eyebrows,^^ to ogle,' 'to flat- 
W.' 2. Confucius' reply was in a high tone. 

Choo He says, ^0(J 3|'t2t* *H®*'''®^ means 

principle.' But why should Heaven mean prin. 

ciple, if there were not in such a use of the 

term an instinctive recognition of a supreme 
government of intelligence and righteousness? 

We find 3^ explained "» the |^ ^ g^ by 

^ ^ ^ Jt # 'Th® ^«^*y ^'^^ ^^^«" 
on high.' 



24 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS.- 



u 





M 




^ 



IZBI 







n T 4o m m.=f%W 




x a. g. 

A ;fe ^ ® 

A a «I5 





Chapter XIV. The Master said, "Chow had the advantage of 
viewing the two past dynasties. How complete and elegant are its 
regulations! I follow Chow." 

Chapter XV. The Master, when he entered the grand temple, 
asked about every thing. Some one said, "Who will say that the son 
of the man of Tsow knows the rules of propriety. He has entered the 
grand temple and asks about every thing." The Master heard the 
remark, and said, "This is a rule of propriety." 

Chapter XVI. The Master said, "In archery it is not goitig 
through the leather which is the principal thing; — because people's 
strength is not equal. This was the old way." 

spoken of. jS{ wu the name of tlie tcmvt m 

Loo of which Conf . father had been goreraor, I 
who was known therefore as ^the man of Taow.* 
We may suppose that Conf. would be styled as 
in the text, only in his early life, or by yexj 
ordinary people. 

16. How THB ANCIBNT8 MAI>S AKCHBBT A MS- 

ciPLiKK OF TiRTVE. We are not to undersUnd 
^J* ^K ^ ^^ of all archery among the an- 
cients. The char, are found in the ^ |gi 

^ ^, par. 815, preceded by the char. jM- 

There were trials of archery where the strengu 
was tested. Probably Conf. was speaking of 

the fi8 ^J* of his times, when the strength 

which could go through the ^^, 'skin,* or lea- 
ther, in the middle of the target, was csteeiscd 
more than the^ 6kiU >^'hich could hit it. 



14. Thx coxplbtbnbbs axj> bleoance of 

THE INSTmmONS OF THE CHOW DTVASTT. By 

the ^3 we are specially to undersand the 

founders of the power and polity of the dynas- 
ty — the kings Wan and Woo, and the duke of 
Chow. The two past dynasties are of course 

the Hea and the Shang or Yin. "^ is an adj. 

15. COKFUCIUa IN THE OKAND TEMPLE. ""^ (« 

Hg^) jm was the temple dedicated to the duke 

of Chow ( ffl ^), and where he was worship- 
ped with imperial rites. The thing is supposed 
to have taken place, at the begin, of Conf. offi- 
cial service in Loo, when he went into the tem- 
ple with other officers to assist at the sacrifice. 
He had studied all about ceremonies, and was 
famed for his knowledge of them, but he thought 
it a mark of sincerity and earnestness to m^e 
minute inquiries about them on the occasion 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



85 







f i^ E ^ :^*0 ^ M -r 










7; wag 

BEi iii*io S^ 

BAPTEii XVI 1. 1. Tsze-kung wished to do away with the offer* 
of a sheep connected mth the inauguration of the first day of 
L month. 

The Master said, "Tsze, you love the sheep; I love the 
mony/' 

HAPTEB XVIII. The Master said, *The full observance of the 
9 of propriety in serving one's prince is accounted by people to 
lattet-y/ 

HAPTER XIX The duke Ting asked how a prince should employ 
ministers, and how ministers should serve their prince. ^ Con- 
ns replied, "A prince should employ his ministers according to 
rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with 
ifulnesfi. " 

HAPTER XX. The Master said, ^*The Kwan Ts^eu is expressive 
njoyment without being licentious, and of grief without being 
fcfuUy excessive." 

How GOKruciiTB CLEAVED TO AWCiEWT a sheep killed but not roasted. 2. ffi^, in tlM 

1. The emperor in the last month of the ^„ .g., ^^ 

pLre out to the princes a calendar for the •ense of ^ *f^, *to grudge,' it is saidL Bn» 

%ya of the 12 months of the year enduing, this is hardly accessary, 

vas kept in their ancestral temples, and on i^ How prikces 8houi.i> bs bbbtxd:-* 

•t of erery month, they offered a sheep Aoaihbt the spirit op the TiMEa. 

nnouiiced the day, requesting sanction for 19. Thb «uidxno principles in thk bbla- 

aties of the month. This idea of request- 4±^ iri,_»*i« 

^ TION OF PRIKCB AKD XpiSTBB* ^^« *Greatlf 

anxious, traaqitilllcer of the people' wa« thtt 
posthumous epiUiet of Hlr, piincie of hoo, B.C* 

608-494. ^ ^ ^, *As it what,' J^ re- 
ferring to the two points inquired about 
20. Thb pbaibb or the first of thb odb«» 

BB M^ ^ ^® name of the first ode in the 

fibe-king, and may he translated.^' The mur* 
nutfing of the u*eu.' See She-klsg^ L i 1. 



mcstion Is indicated by ^S^, read kuh, up. 

>ii& The dukes of Loo neglected now their 
of this ceremony, but the sheep was still 
4: — a meaningless formality, it '^'omed to 
kung. Conl, however, thought tfiat while 
^«rt of the cer. was retained, thei-e was a 

r chance of restor. the whole. ^P, up. dd 

«B acL Terh, *to put away.' It is disputed 

ler ^S , iaihetext, IBMB a tt;Ni^ sheep, or 



f 



26 



CONFUCtAM ANAI£CT8. 






\MTk^ 







I 













^ 



^ 0, A 0.i: 



Chaiter XXL The duke Gae asked Tsae Go about the altars 
of the spirits of the land. Tsae Go replied, "The Hea sovereign 
used the pine tree; the man of the Yin used the cypress; and the 
man of the Chow used the chestnut tree, meaning thereby to cause 
the people to be in awe." 

2. When the Master heard it, he said, "ThinOT that are done, it 
is needless to speak about; things that have haa their course, it is 
needless to remonstrate about; things that are past, it is needless to 
blame." 

Chapter XXII. The Master said, "Small indeed was the capa- 
city of Kwan Chung!" 

2. Some one said, "Was Kwan Chung parsimonious?" "Kwan," 
was the reply, "had the San Kweij and his officers performed no 
double duties; how can he be considered parsimonious?" 



ow 



k 



H 



21. A RASn REPLY OF TSAB 6o ABOUT THE 
ALTARS TO THE SPIRITS OF THE LAND, AMD LA- 

MBifT OF Confucius thereon. JG^ ^^ see 

II. 19. Tsae Go, by name -+♦, and styled -5p 

^7, was an eloquent disciple of the sage, a 
native of Loo. His place is the second west 
among *the wise ones.* JI[J, from ti^, K% 

'spirit or spirits of the earth,' and -4^, Hbe 

soil,* means J^ i|h]|H|l ^i 'the resting place or 

altars of the spirits of the land or ground.* Go 
simply tells the duke that the founders of the 
several dyntistics planted such and such trees 
about those altars. I^e reason was that the 

toil suited such trees, but as 9^, 'the chestnut 

tree,* the tree of the existing dynasty, is used 

in the sense of <B|, 'to be afraid,' he suggested 

a reason for its planting which might lead the 
duke to severe measures against his people to 
be carried into effect at the altars. Comp. 
Shoo-king, IV. ii. 5, *I will put you to death 

before the j|£.' ^ J§^ ^ i» the Great Yu, 



called j^, to distinguish him from his pre- 
decessors, the ^|&, and jM ^^, to distinguiflli 

him from ^p, who was j^ ^^, while ^ 
were descended from the same ancestor. See ch. 

^*^^P^' ||§ A. "^^ ^ A' "* P*^'*^ 

with ^S J^ ^, must mean the founden of 

those dynasties; why they are simply stylfll 

^l , *man,' or * men,* I have not found desrijr 

explained, though comm. feel it necess. to saf 
something on the point. 2. This is all directd 
against Go*s reply. He had spoken, and his 
words could not be recalled. 
22. Confucius* opinion of Kwan-chusg;— 

AGAINST HIM. 1. Kwau-chung, by name ^ 

^^, is one of the most famous names in Chii. 
history. He was chief minister to the duke 
a^ot^ (B. C. 683-540), the fim and gml- 

est of the five p^a (^j^ or fp[), leaders of tbs 
princes of the empire under the Chow dynasty. 
In the times of Conf. aud Men., people tiiought 






CONFUCUK ANALRCTS. 



27 



















0r^ 






yikt^^ 










"Then, did Kwan Chung know the rules of propriety?" The 
iter said, "The princes of states have a screen intercepting the view 
heir gates. Kwan had likewise a screen at his gate. The princes 
tates on any friendly meeting between two of them, had a stand 
which to place their inverted cups. Kwan had also such a stand. 
i^wan knew the rules of propriety, who does not know them ? " 
Jhapter XXIII. The Master instructing the Grand music-master 
XK> said, "How to play music may be known. At the commence- 
it of the piece, all the parts should sound together. As it pro- 
is, they should be in harmony, severally distinct and flowing 
bout break, and thus on to the conclusion." 

of Kwan, than those sages, no hero- 

tiippers, would allow. £fi see U. 12, but 

g:nlf. here is different, andsour measvart or 

%. 2. "—^ ^ky in the Diet., and the 

Tred comm. of Choo He, was the name of 
ctravagant tower built by Kwan. There are 
* -news of the phrase, the oldest, and the 
supported appar., being thnt it means 
e wives.' (A woman's marriage is called 

) The San Kwei and having no pluralists 

ighis officers proved suff. that he could 

« parsimonious. ^^^ up. 1st tone, * how.' 

f^ 'a tree,' here in the sense of B^, ' a 
n,' the screen of a prince, usurped by 
D, who was only entitled to the wk of a 

J officer. ^ up. Sd tonCy='f(^ ^, »a 



was a stand, made originally of earth and turf. 
Kwan usurped the use of it, as he did of the 
screen. This showed him to be as regardless 
of prescribed forms, as in par.2 he appears of 
expense, and he came far short therefore of the 
Confucian idea of the Keun-tsze. 



dly meeting.' Tlie ^, from ^ and |^ , | log, swelling on. 



28. On the playino of music, ^n, low. 8d 

mP 

tone,=^, «to tell,' «to instruct.' -^ (=]jJC) 
^|R S^j was the title of the grand music-mas- 
ter, m ^ prl* ^ ^, «mu8ic, it may be 

known,' but the subject is not of the principles, 
but the performance of music. Observe the 

^1^. Premare says, ^adjectwis addtta iennan 

auget et exprimit tRodum* It is our ly or like^ 

—^iltt* *blended-like.' ^, up. 3d tone, 

the same as f^='jUl^t * let go,' i. e., proceed- 




ss 



COMtUCIAH ANALECTS. 









^ 




H. 




L 



% 










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iA 



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^B.%f- 



IPs 

Chapteh XXIV. The border-warden at E requested to be intro- 
duced to the Master, saying, "When men of superior virtue have come 
to this, I have never been denied the privilege of seeing them." The 
followers of the sage introduced him, and when he came out from the 
interview, he said, "My friends, why are you distressed by your 
master's loss of office? The empire has long been without the prmciples 
of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with 
its wooden tongue. " 

Chapter XaV. The Master said of the Shaou that it was perfect- 
ly beautiful and also perfectly good. He said of the Woo that it 
was perfectly beautiful but not perfectly good. 

Chapter XXVI. The Master said, "High station fiUed without in- 
dulgent generosity; ceremonies performed without reverence; mourn- 
ing conducted without sorrow; — wherewith should I contem^date 
such ways?" 

i24. A stbanobr's vnew op thb tocatiok ot i tongue, shaken to call attention to aiDMNmoe- 
CoNPVcivs. £ was a small town on the borders ments, or along the wajs^to call people tofsHNr 
of Wei, referred to a place In the present dis. 



was retixing from Wei, the prince of which 
could not employ him. This was the UK (up. 

8d tone),=:^ jh. The Ist and dd ^ are 
read Aeen, low. 3d tone,=^ ^% Ma' '^ 
introduce,' or 'to be introduced.' ^ in jSf-^ 

-— ' In the case of a Keun-tsze's coming to this.' 
rfjj^, low. dd tone, 'to attend upon/ ^ ^ 

•5^, 'Two or three sons,* or 'gentiemen,'s:* my 
friends.' The same idiom occurs elsewhere. The 
^ ^ WM a metal beU with a wooden 



Heaven would employ Conf. to proclaim sod 

call men*a attention to the truth and ri^t (^)^ 

25. Thb comfakativb mkuts or thb munc 

09 Shuk akd Woo. ^S9 was the name of As 

music made by Shun, perfect in melody sod 

sentiment, ^r was the music of king Wes^ 

also perfect in melody, but breathing the nuo^ 
tial air, indicatiye of its author. 

26^ Thb disbeoabd op what it sassirnAL 
YiTiATBs ALL sBBvicxs. The meaning of tiie 

ch. turns upon jfej" jM=b j^ >^, ^'' 1^ ^ 

^^, 'wherewith.' ^£ is eas. to mlers^ fi to 

ceremonies, and ^[ to mourning. If tiiey bs 

wanting, one has no standpoint to Tiev whit 
are only shams or sembUncet. 



COKTUCIAN ANALECTS. 



29 



BOOK IV. LE JIN. 





AT- 




m 




0k ^i 0» "F- 











JHAPTER 1. The Master said, '^ It is virtuous manners which 
stitute the excellence of a neighbourhood. If a man in select- 
a residence, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he 
Vise? 

Jhafter II. The Master swd, " Those who are without virtue, 
not abide long either in a condition of poverty and hardship, or 
i condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest in virtue ; the wise 
ire virtue.** 

CADtso OP Tni8 Book. — J9 ^^ 4j|p DP. 

toe in a neighbourhood — No. IV/ — Such U 
tie of this fourth Book, which is mostly occu- 

irith the subject of ^^. To render that term 

iably by benevofence, would by no means 
many of the chapters. See II. 1,2. Virtue, 
general term, would answer better. The 
idiment of virtue demands an acquaintance 
ceremonies and music, treated of in the 
Miolc ; and this, it is saia, is the reason why 
»ne subject immediately follows the other. 

BrUB FOR THB SBLBCTION OF A RB8IDBNCB. 

rding to the ^^ ijBi 5 families made a 

and 5 tK a JB i which we might style, 

sfore, a hamltt or village. There arc other 
lates of the number of its component 

ebolds. 1^, up. 2d tone, a verb, * to dwell 
^> up, 8d tone, it tiie same as jjS^ ' wise^' 



'wisdom.' So, not nnfrequently, below. Friend- 
ship, we have seen, is for the aid of virtue (I. 8, 
8), and the same should be the object desired 
in selecting a residence. 
2. Onlt true virtus adapts a max for tub 

VARIED CONDITIOlf 8 OF UFB. %1, ' tO bind,* iS 

used for what binds, as an oath, a covenant ; 
and here, the metaphor being otherwise directeil, 
it denotes a condition of poverty and distress. 

5pd, 'gain,' * profit,* used as a verb,ss w*! ^to 

desire,' * to covet.' ^r JT^^ * to rest in virtue,' 

being virtuous without effort. ^J ^I^, *to 
desire virtue,' being virtuous because it is tlie 
best policy. Obs. how ^B[ following ^^ and 

491 makes those terms adjectives. >|\ ^^, 

<maynot,'=s^ ^, < cannot.' The inability 
is moral. 



r 



30 



COMVUCIAN ANALECTS. 




pnct rSRI Af^ 

-Sa imai gg 



^lb> t 






Mi^ 





T 



It 






^h%\ 



Chapter III. The Master said, " It is only the truly virtuous 
man, who can love, or who can hate, others." 

Chapter IV. The Master said, " If the will be set on virtue, 
there will be no practice of wickedness/' 

Chapter V. 1. The Master said, " Riches and honours are what 
men desire. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should 
not be held. Poverty and meanness are what men dislike. If it 
cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be avoided. 

2. " If a superior man abandon virtue, how can he fulfil the 
requirements of that name? 

3. "The superior man does not, even for the space of a single 
meal, act contrary to virtue. In moments of haste, he cleaves to it 
In seasons of danger, he cleaves to it." 




8. Only ik ths good man asb emotions of 
|X>VB AND HATBBD RIGHT. TMs ch. Containing 
an important truth, is incorporated with the 

i^0^i$'''^^- ^ and ^ (read looo) 
are both Terbs, up. 8d tone. 

4. Thb tibtuous will pbbbbbvbs fbom all 

WICKEDNB88. >«a=^j^, not merely — * if,' but 

'if really.' Comp. the apoetle's sentiment, 1. 
John, ill. 9, * Whosoerer is bom of God doth 
not commit sin.' 

5. The devotion of the Keun-tszb to 

viBTUE. 1. For the antecedent to ^P^ in the 
recurring ^& ^P^, we are to look to the folL 
verbs, !^ (up. 2d tone) and d^ . We might 

translate the first >f^ J;^ ^ f^ J^i '^ ^% 

cannot be obtained, &C.,' but this would not suit 
the second caae. ^ j^, 'the way/ j. e., the 



proper way. If we supply a nom. to Jj^ Md 

^ it must be ^ -y*.— He wiU not 'abids 
in,' nor * go away from,* riches and honours. 2. 
^, read looo, up. 1st tone, * how.' ^, ' name,' 
not reputation, but the name of a kenvrlszi, 
which he bears. 8. j^ ^ j^ ^, 'The 

space in which a meal can heJmitlMi;* ^ ^ 

(interch. with ^ ^) ^^ ^ ^ are wcU- 
known expressions, the former for haste snd 
confusion, the latter for change and danger, 
but it is not easy to trace the attaching of those 

meanings to the characters. W^, ' to fall dowiu' 
and fjjti the same, but the for. with the faoeup* 
the other with the face down. i|^ "j^ j^t 
Comp. Horace*! * Omnk in hoc 



C0N7UCIAK ANALECTS. 



31 










iM ira ^ ^ 

&.Z ^ - ^ H ^ 





1^ 








Tntk 



y\4, ;^> vT *—: ilU» 






Chaptbh VL 1. The Master said, " I have not seen a person 
who loved virtue, or one who hated what was not virtuous. He 
who loved virtue, would esteem nothing above it. He who hated 
what is not virtuous, would practise virtue in such a way that he 
would not allow any thing that is not virtuous to approach his 
person. 

2. "Is any one able for one day to apply his strength to virtue? 
I have not seen the case in which his strength would be insufficient. 

3. " Should there possibly be any such case, I have not seen it." 
Chapter VII. The Master said, " The feults of men are char* 

acteristic of the class to which they belongs By observing a man's 
iaults, it may be known that he is virtuous,"* 



6. A LJUIENT BBCAUSE OF THE RABITT OF THB 
LOTS OF VIRTCE; AKD ElTCOrBAOSMBNT TO PBAC- 

TI8B YiBTirB. 1. The fint four ^jt beloDg to 
t)ic verbB ^K and ^?, and give them the force 
<rf {wrliciples. In ^yf?-^ ^, ^ belong* 

Commonly, ^a*he or those who,* but some- 
times also—* that or those things which.' 1^ 

"^AR' '^ ^^ ^*' ^orr., char, lb, translates 
the sentence wrongly— * He who loves virtue 
and bcnevoteaoe can ^re nothing more said in 



Us praise.' Z, 
of doubt' 





hete is ^^^ 'a particle 
, a transpos., as in I. 26, 



7. A MAN 18 NOT TO BB UTTEBLT CONDEMNED 

BECAU8B HE HAS FAULTS. Such is the Senti- 
ment found in this ch., in which we may say, 
however, that Conf. is liable to the charge 

brought against Tsze-hea, 1. 7. ^^jlj^'t^ 
stands absolutely,— 'As to the faults of mep.' ^^ 
— ;^ A , and ]J|i^— ^»— 'Each man follows 

his class.' Obs. the force of y&j, 'what goes 

beyond.' The faults are the excesses of the 
general tendencies. Comp, Goldsmith's line^ 
' A&d eY«a his failings kuU V> xix\^x&'% «w^ 



82 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 








^ 9& 




•• laafcl ^4Xt i I3«:J ^'^ •T'* lais 




it 












Chapter VIII. The Master said, " If a man in the morning hear 
the right way, he may die in the evening without regret." 

Chapter IX. The Master said, " A scholar, whose mind is set 
on truth, and who is ashamed of bad clothes and bad food, is not fit 
to be discoursed with." 

Chapter X. The Master said, " The superior man, in the world, 
does not set his mind either for any thing, or against any thing ; 
what is right he will follow.** 

Chapter XI. The Master said, "The superior man thinks of 
virtue ; the small man thinks of comfort. The superior man thinks 
of the sanctions of law ; the small man thinks of favours which k 
may receive.^^ 

Stf--^ to be ditoooned with,* L e^ «bofil ^, of 

^tnith,* which perhaps is the best tnuulatioa 
of the term in places like this. 

10. RlOHTKOUSKSSS IB TUS BITLB OF m 
KjBUSf-TBSB'S FKACnCB. 

'The relation of the 

t. e., to all things presenting themselves to him. 

j^, lead teihj is explained by J^ ^. *to sat 

the mind exclusively on.' We may take the 
last clause thus : — * his is the according with, 

and keeping near to (^j^y low.adtone,=^ « 

|9 ) righteousness.' This gives eadi char, its 

signification. 
11. Tub diffbremt loirDnrot of thb am* 

RiOBAiTDTHB SMALL MAB. ^fi IS here emphatic^ 
^'cheriihei and plans about.' -j^, 'earth,' 'tfas 

ground,' U here defined—^ i^ ^ ^' '*• 
rest or comforts one dwells amidst.* May it 
not be used somewhat in our sense of wurth^f 
— 'thinks of what is earthly.' 



S. Thb DtFOBTABOB or Kifownro thb bioat 
wxT. One is perplexed to tfansUte «^ here. 

Choo define, it-fp 4ij ^ /Jf^ ;^ ag 'the 

principles of what is right in events and things.' 
Better is the expL "^ |/[| ^ ^ aj:,— ^ 

m ^ 'It :$: jl' 'il '• *« path'-ie., 
0f action — 'which is in accordance with our 
nature.' Man is formed for this, and if he die 
without coming to the knowledge of it, his 
death is no better than that of a beast. One 
would fain recognize, in such sentences as this, 
a vague Apprehension of some higher truth or 

m[, than Chi. sages have been able to propound. 

— ^Ho An takes a diflT. view of the whole ch., 
and makes it a lament of Confucius that he was 
likely to die without hearing of right principles 
prevailing in the world. — *(>>uld I once hear of 
the prevalence of right principles, I could die 
the same evening.' 

9. Thb PURSUIT or TBDTH should raisb a 

MAN ABOTB BEIKG AflHAMSD or POVSBTT. JS 



B IB ins JKUi«a \fr tna 

kttM-tsxe to the wondi 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



33 



0. 



oaa& 




&o JL» S ili -(Sf 



^ 




-•- 




7> 




m.^^ 




X^BM 






/»9 



<Uit 







il&Vo 









iiL^ 




^21 



>fi^ >^ 





in^.^ 



PI 

Chapter XII. The Master said, "He who acts with a constant 
lew to his own advantage will be much murmured against." 

Chapter XIIL The Master said, " Is a prince able to govern his 
ingdom with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety, 
rhat difficulty will he have? If he cannot govern it with that 
omplaisance, what has he to do wath the rules of propriety?" 

Chapter XIV. The Master said, "^ man shomd say^ 1 am not 
oncerned that I have no place, I am concerned how I may fit my- 
elf for one. I am not concerned that I am not known, I seek to be 
rorthy to be known." 

Chapter XV. 1. The Master said, "Sin, my doctrine is that of an 
U-pervading unity." The disciple Tsfing replied, "Yes." 

2. The, Master went out, and the other disciples asked, saying, 



12. Ths consequence of selfish com duct. 

jjr, up. 2d tone, ss'^, 'to accord with,* *to 

e alongside/ — ' He who acts along the line of 
tin.' 

13. TlIE INFLUENCE IN GOVERNMENT OF CERE- 
OKIES OBSERVED IN THEIR PROPER SPIRIT. 

fi 31 ^ & — ft •» *• *•' *''^y *^ * 

endiadys. ^S=9S ^r^ fif * * ^^^ sincer. and 
lbs. of cer.,* the gptrit of it, as we should say. 
«nP- jfiP "> L 12. ^^yjp^, *to govern.' 

his mean, is found in the Diet ^|[p HjS ^, 

»IILd. 
14. Ad^sinq to SELF-GunvATioN. Comp. I. 

I. Hen, as there, "jj^ not being imper. we 
nst «qq^j a nominatiTe. ^jf, 'a place,' u e. 



an official situation, f/ji l/j[ '^ is to be com- 
pleted ^xVMl^^^- 

15. COXFUCIUS' DOCTRINE THAT OF 1. PERVAD- 
ING UNITY. This chap, is said to be the most 

profound in the Lun Yu. 1. ^- •§ — • j/j[ 

"S" ^ ;— To myself it occurs to translate, 

* ray doctrines have one thing which goes thro, 
them,' but such an expos, has not been approv- 
ed by any Chin. comm. — • |/J[ @ ^ are 
made to contain the copula and predicate of 

b: ;g, and ^ , it i. »ld, ;ff^ ^ ^ ^ <%. 

< refers to all affairs and all things.' The 2d par. 
shows us clearly enough what the one thing or 
unity intended by Conf. was. It was the heart, 
man's nature, of which all the relations and du- 
ties of life are only the development and outgo- 



34 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 




>!♦> 




^. B>^% 0. A H. 



%2 




ws 



31 # 




im 



. J* 



a 



g^.g| E. ^ 0, 







mi- 



iffi< 





1^ ,S ^J."^ 



i 




^ 



,*What do his words mean?" Ts&ng said, "The doctrine of our mas- 
ter is to be true to the principles of our nature and the benevolent 
exercise of them to othei's, — ^this and nothing more." 

Chapter XVI. The Master said, "The mind of the superior man 
is conversant with righteousness ; the mind of the mean man is 
conversant with gain." 

Chapter XVII. The Master said, "When we see men of worth, 
we should think of equalling them; when we see men of a contrary 
character, we should turn inwards and examine ourselves." 

Chapter XVIII. The Master said, " In serving his parents, a 
son may remonstrate with them, but gently ; when he sees that they 
do not incline to follow his advice^ he shows an increased degree 
of reverence, but does not abandon his purpose; and should they 
punish him, he does not aUow himself to mumu;." 

^^^' J^ '^^ 7&^ which seem to be two things, 

arc both formed from ^\, ^he heart,' Jffi^ being 

compounded of pu, 'middle,* 'centre,' and 

j(Ji, and ^ of ^ *a«,' and j^]Jfc. The 'cen- 
tre heart'=I, the ego, and the 'as heart'=the I 
in sympathy* with others, jft is duty-doing, 
on a consideration, or from the impulse, of one's 



own self; itg is duty doing, on the principle of 

reciprocity. The ch. is important, showing that 
Conf. only claimed to unfold and enforce duties 
indicatcti by man's mental constitution. He 

was simply a moral philosopher. Obs. p#, up. 

2d tone,=*yes.' Some say that P^ \ must 
mean Tsang's own disciples, and that had they 
been those of Conf., we should have read ^ 

•^. The criticism can't be depended on. ffi P^ 

^ is a very emphatic — 'and nothing more.' 

IG. How RIOHTEOUSXB^S AND SELFISHlfESS 
DISTLNGL'IAH THE SUPERlOK MAN AND TUB 9MALL 



MAK. |^s=|^, 'to understand.* 'j^ is here 

to be dwelt on and may be compared with the 
Hebrew tih, 

17. The UB^soifs to bb ubarkbd fboh o>- 

SBRVXIVO HEX OF DIFFERBXT CIIARACTEES. Of 

the final particles S and -tb , it is said, ^ 

something of a repressive, expansive, warning 
force.' 

18. How A SDK MAT REMOITSTBATB WITH HIS 
PARENTS ON THEIR FAULTS. See the JjB ^^ 

XII. i. 15. ^, up. l9t tone, ' mildly,*=s4]ii 

^^ is the will of the parents. ^^ {([['^ JS 
JIlP ^ ^f 'again increasing his filial rever- 
ence,' the ^ Uj; ^ :^ of the ^ m. 
>^ w ^' °ot abandoning his pnrpose of le- 
monstrance, and not as ^^ ]» sftjt in the 



36 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 








/>> 






++ 




m. 




\ >»> 





*)L J- M m^ 

Chapter XXIV. The Master said, "The superior man wishes to 
be slow in his words and earnest in his conduct." 

Chapter XXV. The Master said, "Virtue is not left to stand 
alone. He who practises it will have neighbours." 

Chapter XXVI. Tsze-yew said, "In serving a prince, frequent 
remonstrances lead to disgrace. Between friends, frequent reproofs 
make the friendship distant." 



7; 



24. Rule of the Keun-tszs about his 
words ahd actiokb. 

25. The virtuous are kot left aloke; — 

AN emcouraoement TO VIRTUE, j^, ' father- 
less;* here=:8olitarj, friendless, ^g >j^ ]^^ 



of virtue to be left to stand alone.* |K» see cL 

I ; here, generally, for friends, associates of like 
mind. 

26. A LESSON TO GOUK8ELLOR8 Ain> FRIEKOS. 

M, up. 4th tone, read M^ 'frequently,* uodep* 
stood here in ref. to remonstrating or reproTiq^ 



•^*^>^S^t^S^t^>^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^S0*^^^^^^^^'^^^^r%^^f^ 



BOOK V. KUNG-YAY CH'ANG. 







v5 




^m 











m.z.0,0 









<&- 






iJe 




Chapter I. 1. The Master said of Kung-yay Ch*ang that he might 
be wived; although he was put in bonds, he had no^ been guilty of 
any crime. Accordingly^ he gave him his own daughter to wife. 

2. Of Nan Yung he said that if the country were well governed, h? 

Heading of this book. — /L j^ -^ ^S 
*y . Kung-yay Chiang, the surname and name 



of the first individual spoken of in it, heads this 
book, which is cliiefly occupied with the judg- 
ment of the sage on the character of several of 
his disciples and others. As the decision fre- 



quently turns on their being possessed of that 
jVn, or perfect virtue, which is so conspiouoof 
in the last book, this is the reason, it is said, 
why the one immediately follows the other. At 
Tsze-kung appears in the book several tim^ 
some have fancied that it was compiled by bis 
disciples. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



37 












■ffi.„4 



^ 0. 






0.^«/ 

would not be out of office, and if it were ill governed, he would escape 
punishment and disgrace. He gave him the daughter of his own 
elder brother to wife. 

Chapter II. The Master said, of Tsze-tseen, " Of superior virtue 
indeed is such a man! If there were not virtuous men in Loo, how 
could this man have acquired this character?" 

Chapter III. Tsze-kung asked, "What do you say of me, Tsze? 
The Master said, "You are an utensil." "What utensil?" "A gemmed 
sacrificial utensil." 



1. Ck>NFCCin8 IK ICARRIAOB-MAKINO WAS 
OniDSD BY CHARACTKB, AND NOT BY POKTUNB. 

1. Of Kang-yay Chiang, tho' the son-in-law of 
Coof^ nothing certain is known, and his tablet is 
only 3d on the west, among the it w§kk$4. Silly 
legends are told of his being put in prison from 
his bringing suspicion on himself by his knowl. 
of the language of birds. Choo He approves the 

interpr. of ^& lu mean, 'a black rope,' with 

which criminals were anciently bound (JM) in 

priBoii. 3t, and in par. 2, up. 3d tone, 'to wive,' 

*to give to to wife.' ^^, in both par.,=='a 
daintier.' 2. Nan Yung, another of the dis- 
ciples, is now 4th, east, in the outer hall. The 
discuMions about who he was, and whether he 
is to be identified with ]^^j[£> And several 

other aliiuety are very perplexing. See DQ ^^ 

g|[^,1.10,ll.a„d||^|^.1.24. g/to 

lay, or be laid aside,' here, i . e., from office. ^, 

*to put to death,' has also the lighter meaning 
of 'disgrace.' We cannot tell whether Conf. 
is giving his impress, of Yung*s ch^., or refer- 
xing to events that had taken place. 

2. TbB KffJNTSZB FORaiBD BY XKTSRGOVBSB 



I WITH OTHBR Kbun-tszb. Tsw-tseen, by sur- 
name ^i (r='Sk^ '^^ ^^ to be t. 9. "f^)) and 
named ^3^ ^C, appears to have been of some 

note among the disci, of Conf., both as an 
administrator and writer, tho' his tablet is now 
only 2d west, in the outer hall. What chiefly 
disting. him, as appears here, was his cultivation 
of the friendship of men of ability and virtue, 

yS^ ^l is more than *thu man.' It is ^j^ 

|[r A , 'a man such as this.' See the g:|r 

jS^ in loc. The first ^ is 'this man;* the 
second, *this virtue.* The paraphrasts complete 
the Ust clause thus:--^ /i^ f <? ^ ^ 
J^ ]# jhr ^^ S^f ' what friends could this 
man have chosen to complete this virtue?' 

3. WUBRBTO TaZE-KUNO HAD ATTAIXKD. ScO 

I. 10, 11. 12. The ^ ]^ were vessels richly 

adorned, used to contain grain-ofierings in the 
Imper. ancestral temples. Under the Hea dyn., 

they were called ^^, and j^, under the Yin. 

See the Le Ke, XIV. 27. While the sage did 
not grant to Tsze that he was a Keun-tsze (11. 
12), he made him *a vessel of honour,' valuable 
and fit for use on high occasions. 



38 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 




^t^m 




Chapter IV. 1. Some one said, "Yung is truly virtuous, but he 
is not ready with his tongue." 

2. The Master said, " What is the good of being ready with ihe 
tongue? They who meet men with smartnesses of speech, for the 
•most part procure themselves hatred. I know not whether be be 
truly virtuous, but why should he show readiness of the tongue?" 

Chapter V. The Master was wishing Tseih-teaou K'ae to enter on 
official employment. He replied, "I am not yet able to rest in the 
assurance of this." The Master was pleased. 

Chapter VI. The Master said, "My doctrines make no way. I 
will get upon a raft, and float about on the sea. He that will ac- 
company me will be Yew, I dare to say." Tsze-loo hearing this was 

was j9||r, changed into HB, on the aocenko 
of the Emperor jy -@*, A. D. 155, wfaote 
name was also ]Str, The difif. in the ch. ii with 
ffir — what does it refer to ? and with ^~- 



4. Of Yen Yukg. Readiness with the 

TONGUE NO PART OF VIRTUE. 1. -fO' SSi Stylcd 

Mm j3 , has his tablet the second, on the east 

of Conf. own tablet, among 'the wise ones.' His 
father was a worthless character (see VI. 4), 

but he himself was the opposite. ^^ means 

•ability,' generally, then * ability of speech,' 
often, though not here, with the bad sense of 
artfulness and flattery. 2. Conf. would not 

grant that Yung was ^^, but his not being 'G^ 

was in his favour rather than otherwise. |ll ^^ 

(read beg. SeeDict.),' smartnesses of speech.' ^j^ 

is here *why,' rather than *how.' The first B 

B9 ^^ is a gen. statement, not having, like 
the sec, special reference to Yen Yung. In the 

as one sentence; — *I do not know how the 
virtuous should also use readiness of speech.' 
This is not so good as the received interpretation. 

5. TSEIII-TEAOU K^AE'S OPINION OF THE 
QUALIFICATIONS NBCE88ART TO TAKING OFFICE. 

Tscih-teaou, now 6th, on the east, in the out. 
hall, wa* styled -^ •^. His name originally 



what is its force? In the ch. abont the dis- 
ciples in the |^ ^^, it is said that K*ae wm 

reading in the Shoo-king, when Conf. spoke te 
him aN)ut taking office, and he pointed to the 
book, or some particular passage in it, sayings 
*I am not yet able to rest in Uie assataiiceeif 

been so. Obs. the force of the J^ ; — 'Tbeteis 

as yet my want of faith of this.' 
6. Confucius proposing to withdraw 

FROM TIIE world: — A LESSOR TO TsZE^UMk 

Tsze-loo supposed his master really meant to 
leave the world, and the idea of floaliiig slong 
the coasts, pleased his ardent temper, while hs 
was delighted with the complimeat paid to 
himself. But Conf. only expressed in this way 
his regret at the backwardness of nea to re* 

ceive his doctrines, jjjf^ ^fr Jfj^ "jar ia diC of 
interpretation. Choo He takes jar as being ht 
'to cut out clothes/ 'to estimate, diflcrimi^ 





CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^t,% 



39 






4.^ 



^^ii$m 






i^s pt' 0. k ft ^ ^ 



4 





0. 






m^ 



lirn^l J C 




H. 






4o'pr 

glad, upon which the Master said, "Yew is fonder of daring than I 
am. He does not exercise his judgment upon matters." 

Chapter VII. 1. Mang Woo asked about Tsze-loo, whether he 
was perfectly virtuous. The Master said, "I do not know." 

2. He asked again, when the Master replied, "In a kingdom of a 
thousand chariots. Yew might be employed to manage the military 




might be employed as governor, but I do not know whether he is 
ner^Bctlv virtuous 

4. *'WhatdoyousayofCh4h?" The Master replied, "With his 
sash girt and standing in a court, Ch'ih might be employed to con- 
verse with the visitors and guests, but I do not know whether he 
is perfectly virtuous." 

Mle/ andhenoe the mean, in the transl. An old 1. ;^ ^ >f6, See H. 6. '2. =*^ ^;2l H' 



eomm., fi} 3^) keeping the mean, of jjdj^, ex- 

meaniflig is not to be found in the raft.' An- 
other tAd inciter makes >k] =^|f » ^nd putting 

a stop 9tA ezpl. — 'Tew is fond of daring ; He 
cannoi go bejond himself to find my meaning.' 
S^ heres=< I d«re to say.' 

7. Qjr TacB-Loo, Tsz£-tbw,and Tbzehwa. 



see I. 5. ^^, properly, 'revenues,* 'taxes,' but 

the quota of soldiers contributed being regul. 
by the amt. of the rev., the term is used here 

for the forces, or milUary levkt. 8. yS^^ see III. 

«• W fH :^ ^. '" °pp- ^"^^ZM' 

was the secondary flef, the territory appropri- 
ated to the highest nobles or officers in a Q or 

state, suppos. also to comprehend 1000 fami- 



40 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





-ir 



A ^ ifco ^. ^ *n f »^ fsr 





fsr;i0.|^.-0 4. 




Chapter VIIL 1. The Master said to Tsze-kung, "Whi 
you consider superior, yourself or Hwuy?" 

2. Tsze-kung replied, "How dare I compare myself with I 
Hwuy hears one point and knows all about a subject; I hej 
point and know a second." 

3. The Master said, "You are not equal to him. I gran 
you are not equal to him." 

Chapter IX. 1. Tsae Yu being asleep during the day tin 
Master said, "Rotten wood cannot be carved; a wall of dirty 
will not receive the trowel. This Yu! — ^what is the use of i 
proving him?" 

2. The Master said, "At first, my way with men was tc 
their words, and give them credit for their conduct. Now m 
is to hear their words, and look at their conduct. It is fro 
that I have learned to make this change." 



^®** ^b5 <1 ^y^« *To be its governor.' This is a 
pec. idiom. 4. ChHh, sumamed ^^ ^^, and 

styled -7* ^£, having now the 14th place, 

west, in the out. hall, was famous among the 
disciples for his knowl. of rules of cer., and 
those especially relating to dress and inter- 
course. bB, low. Ist tone. ^£ and ^Si may be 

distinguished, the former indicating neighbour- 
ing princes visiting the court, the lat. ministers 
and officers of the state present as guests. 
8. Superiority op Yen Hwuy to Tsze- 

XUNQ. 2. ^^, *to look to/ 'to look up to,' here 

s= t;K/ to compare with.' ' One' is the begin, of 
numbers, and *tcn' the, completion; hence the 



I mean, of M J^^^^f asintfael 

te=g4:, to allow,'* to grant to.' Ho 

here the comm. of ^^ B/ , (about A 

who interprets strangely, — *I and you 
not equal to him,' saying that Conf. ti 
forted Tsze-kung. 

9. The idleness of Tsab Tr aki 
PROOF. 1. "jj^ •-?• B^, *In the case 

S^ has here the force of an ezchun.; s 

g4^ a strong term, to mark the severi 

reproof. 2. -^ Q is superflaoos» 1 

I were probably added by a transcriber. 
I they should head another chapter. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



41 






W m 








M. 
n 
? 



PTER X. The Master eaid, "I have not seen a firm and 

ling man.** Some one replied, **There is Shin Ch'ang." 

jg/ said the Master, "is under the influence of his passions; 

n he be pronounced iirnfi and unbending? " 

PTER XL Tsze-kung said, "What I do not wish men to do to 

ilso wish not to do to men," The Master said, '^Tsze, you 

ot attained to that" 

?TER XII. Tsze-kung said, "The Master's personal displays 

rincipJeSj and ordinary descriptions of them may be heard, 

courses about man's nature, and the way of Heaven, cannot 

tL" 

the lent, here if Mid to he thut of JW, *reci» 
procity/ and ^^, 'henevoleaoe,' or the highest 

▼irtne, appar. in the adv. ^ and ^, the one 

prohibitive, and the other a simple, unconstrain- 
ed, negation. The golden rule of the Gospel 
is higher than bothf--^*Do ye unto others as 
ye would that others should do unto you/ 

*to do to.* 

12. The orapual way in iraiCH CoirFUciua 
COMMON icATBD HIS PQCTHJNES. So the lesson 
of this ch. is summed up« but there is ha£dl/ 

another more pei^lexing to a traosl, ^ ^£ ia 

the comm. name for essajs, elegant literary 
compositions. Of course that mean, is out of the 
question. Whatever it figwrtd and hriiUant is 

'aT. whatever Is orderly and dtfined is S^. The 



ISirDIKO TnrUE CAVVOT coexist W|T9 

CB op THE PASSIOK8. Shin Chiang 

several aliases^ but they are disputed,) 

f the minor disciples, of whom little 

; is known. He was styled -7* B^, 

lace is Slat, Aast, in the out ranges. 

be mftderstood with reference to vir* 

r ^ iff ^ ^^ 'what the paMiona 
'jj^ ^. I have transL accordingly. 

HS DITFICITLTT OF AlTAIKjyO TO THE 
UKO TO DO TO OTHSBS A8 WE VriSU 

r TO DO lo m. It is aai(L^lH^'& yi 

(fireed, from aelflshness) is not easily 
In the i:|l j^, XIII. 8, it is said— 

a do not like when done to yourself, 
) to others.* The diff. between it and 



eomm., aoeordingly, make ^ to be the deport- 



ment and manners of the sage, and ^! his 
ordin. discourses, but Rfl is an inapprop. term 



43 



confuciah akalkcts. 



4129 





% pi 












Fi « . Fi . 





# 





± 



4= 



X 















4 






Chapter XIII. When Tsze-loo heard anything, if he had not 
yet carried it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear 
something else. 

Chapter XIV. Tsze-kung asked saying, "On what ground di^ 
Kung-wSji get that title of wan?" The Master said, "He was of aft 
active nature and yet fond of learning, and he was not ashamed to 
ask and learn of his inferiors I — On these grounds he has been styled ^ 



WAN. 



Chapter XV. The Master said of Tsze-ch^an that he had fotff*! 
of the characteristics of a superior man : — ^in his conduct of himself 
he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; m nour- 
ishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just 



with reference to the former. These things, how- 
€Ter, were level to the cap. of the disci, generally, 
and they had the benefit of them. As to his 
Tiews about man's nature, the gift of HeaTen, 
and the way of Heaven generally; — these he 
only commun. to those who were prepared to 
receiTe them, and Tsze-kung is supposed to 
have expresjHfd himself thus, tSter being on some 
occasion so privileged. 

18. The ardour of Tszb-loo in fkactmivo 
TBB Master's ikstructioks. The cond. p^ 

JS; ^ H w to be completed P^ JgEf ^ 

-^ ^T W' ** ^ ^^ translation. 
14. An example of the principle on 

WHICH honorary POSTHUMOUS TITLES WERE 

CONFERRED. "aT, Corresponding nearly to our 
" accou»i»li4lK*d/ wa« ihjs potfthum. title given to 



^ 



an officer of the stateof Wei,«Ji 

contempor. of Ckmf. Many of tais actkni krf ^ 
been of a doubtful char., which made Ta»-k«<- 
stumble at the applica. to him of so hoo. * 
epithet. But Conf. shows that, vhatercr ki 
might otherwise be, he had those qi^*^ 
which justified his being so denominated, if 
rule for posth. titles in China has been, sodi^ 
very much — */)« mortuis nil awi bomumJ 
15. The excellent qualities of Tuff* 

CH*AN. Tsze-ch*an, named ,^L ^^ ^f, vn 

the chief min. of the state of Qiing (ffiX ^ 

ablest perhaps, and moat upright, of sB (ki 
statesmen among Conf. contemporaries ^ ^ 
sage wept when he heard of his death. Tht ** 

interpret, take ttB in the sense of ^empl^ 

in jr.* but it seems to express more. ind=*(*^l^ 
tug,* * regulating.' 






CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



43 



m.E 



m 







m 







^ ^0.W 0. 

^ « ii ^ ^ #. #. 

MZ =^X w A 

AWbr XVI. The Master said, "Gan P*ing knew well how to 
*^ friendly intercourse. The acquaintance might be long, but 
lowed the same respect as at firsts 

JAPTBR XVII. The Master said, "Tsang W&n kept a large tortoise 
bouse, on the capitals of the pillars of which he had hills made, 
representations of duckweed on the small pillars above the 
^supporting the rafters, — Of what sort was his wisdom?" 
APTBR X^III. 1. Tsze-chang asked, saying, "The minister 
f^Jn, thrice took office, and manifested no joy in his counte- 
Thrice he retired from office, and manifested no displeasure, 
ide it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which 
I conducted the government; — ^what do you say of him? " " The 
r replied, "He was loyal." "Was he perfectly virtuous?" "I 
; know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous ?" 



OW TO JUJWTklS nUBNDSHIP. 



Far 



breeds contempt,' and with contempt 
p ends. It was not so with Gan PHng, 
if the worthies of Ck>nfUcia8' times. He 



rin. minister of Ts'e (W^X ^7 iMimi^ 

Bg (s' Ralmg and avertiBg calamity ') 

nsth. title. If we were to render yla, 
\ would be ' Cran P'ing, seccndics.* Obs. 
«d. to ;^ is ^. 

&B BVPSBSTTrXOK OF TSANO WaH. 

in (win is the hon. epithet, and 'jljt, see 
had been a great off. in Loo, and left a 
n for wisdom, which Conf. did not think 
rred. His full name was JK ^^ j^* 

defccnded from the duke wT (B. C. 
^ whose foil was styled -7- ^A. This 



Tsang was taken by his descendants as their 
surname. This is mentioned to shew one of 
the ways in which surnames were formed among 

the Chinese. j|£ 'a large tortoise,* so called, 

because the state of that name was famous for 

its tortoises. Jg is used as an act. ▼erb,=|S. 

The ^=.;g^j;|- j^ *tlie capitals of the 

pillars.' The i& may be seen in any Ch. house. 

There being no ceilings, the whole structure of 
the roof is displayed, and these small pillars 
are very conspicuous. The old interpr. make 
the keep, such a tortoise an act of usurps, on 
the part of Tsang W&n. Choo He finds the 
point of Conf. woi^ in the keeping it in such 
a style. 

l8. The fraise of perfect virtue is not to 
BE LIGHTLY ACCORDED. 1. Ling yin, lit., 'good 
corrector/ was the name given to the chief rain. 

of Tsoo (^^)' ^^ u still applied to officers; 



44 



CONTUCIAK AKALCCTS. 



> 






^o^3C^^ 





BMX ^ ImiM =f- M =f ^ ^"^ 













T.pT 









^^.MiJi- 



^ 




Ml 








-ft, 









2. Tsze-chang proceeded, "When the officer Ts^uy killed the 
prince of Ts'e, Ch*in Win, though he was the owner of forty hofses^ 
abandoned them and left the country. Coming to another state, he 
said^ ' They are here like our great officer, Ts'uy,' and left it. He 
came to a second state, and with the same observation left it also ;— ' 
what do you say of him?" The Master replied, "He was pure.* 
"Was he perfectly virtuous?" "I do not know. How can ht be 
pronounced perfectly virtuous?" 

Chapter XIX. Ke Win thought thrice, and then acted. When 
the Master was informed of it, he said, "Twice may do." 

Chapter XX* The Master said, " When good order prevailed in 
his country, Ning Woo acted the part of a wise man. When his 
country was in disorder, he acted the part of a stupid man. Others 
may equal his wisdom, but they cannot equal his stupidity." 

c. ^^ the prefect of a department U cAlled 
Ifl^. Ts«^w4n, itimamed ||, «id named 

WL^ ^ (* suckled by a tiger*), had 
been noted for the things mentioned by Tsze- 
cbang, bttt the sage would not concede that he 

was therefore ^^. 2. ^ wiu a great officer 

of Ts'e. Gan P'ing (ch. 16), distinguished himself 
on the occasion of the murder (B. C. 547) here 
referred to» Chin Wftn was likewise an offlcet 

olTs*e. ^ ^, ^ is a verb, «:^. |[^. 

low. 8d tone, as in I. 6, but with a diff. meaning, 
*a team of four horses.* 

19. PaoMPT DBCxsioif GOOD. Wftu was the 
jNMtb. title of ^fx5^» a faithful and disin- 



terested officer of Loo. •^i up. 8d tone, 'docs 

times,' but some say it^^^ ^ , * again cad 

again.' Comp. Robert Hall's remark, — 'In mat^ 
ters of conscience first thoughts are best.' 
20. ThIb uKCoiufoif DOT AbMnuiBiA azon* 

DiTT OP Nino Woo. Ning Woo (^pTt hoo- ^ 

See n. 6), was an officer of Wei in the times «f 
Wan, (fi. C. 685-627), the second of the #^ 
p'a, (III. 22). In the first part of his oOMu 
lifb, the state was quiet and prosperous, andilft 
* wisely' acquitted himself of his dutaea. Afti^ 
wards came confusion* The prince was ^Knu 

from the throne, and Ning Yu ('mr ^i^,^ 

name) might, like other wise men, haveretiBBl 
\ ftoia xVue dsitif«t. But he 'foolwUy/ a» iii 





CIAK AKAIECTS. 



45 









iit> M ^ ^ H.S ^Lo pf ^, 

3i ^. 0» w 1^ -if 

BAPTER XXL When the Master was in Ch*in, he said, "Let me 
m ! Let me return I The little children of my school are am- 
us and too hasty. They are accomplished and complete so far, 
they do not know how to restrict and shape themselves/' 
SAFTER XXIL The Master said, " Pih-e and Shuh-ts'e did not 
► the former wickednesses of men in mind, and hence the resent- 
ts directed towards them were few." 

HAPTBR XXIIL The Master said, "Who says of Wei-shang 
a that he is upright ? One hegged some vinegar of him, and he 
^ed it of a neighbour and gave it him." 





;ri 





n^ 



Dte to foUow the fortnnet of his prince, 
!t adroitly brought it about in the end, 
lie prince was reinatated and order re- 

Is 

Thx ahxirt of Coktucius about tbb 
[flo OF HX8 D10CIPLBS. ConfVicinB was thrice 
in. It miiat have been the dd time, when 
0* expressed himself. He was then oyer 
in, and being conrinced that he was not 
for himself tiie triumph of his principles, 
same the more anxious about their trans- 
Mi, and the train, of the disci, in order to 
Such is the com. view of the ch. Some 
owerer, that it is not to be understood of 
le disciples. Comp. Mendus, VII. ii. 87. 

HT j^ j^ "T") an affectionate way of 

ing of the disciples. i|^, 'mad,' also, ^- 

(ant,* 'hlghminded.* The dj^ are natu- 

|H, hasty and cardess of minutiss. S^ 

accomplished-like.* "8^, see ch. 12. JRrt^ 

something complete.' ^S^ see ch. 6, but 
plioL here is somewhat^ff. The anteced. 
* is all the preoed. description. 

TtaB GSNSBOBITT OF PlH-S AMD ShUH- 

AKD rrs SFFSCT8. Thesc were ancient 
iea oC the closing period of the iibangj 



dynasty. Comp. Mendus, n.i.2, 9, c< at They 
werebrothers, sons of the king of Koo-chnh (^ 

^^), named respectirely ^j^ and Sj. £ and 

Ts<e are their hon. epithets, and ^j^ and ;^ 

only indicate their relation to each other as 
elder and yotmgen Pih-e and Shuh-ts*e, how« 
ever, are in effect their names in the mouths 
and writings of the Chinese. Koo-chuh was a 

small state, induded in the pres. depart of J^ 

2K, in Pih-chih-le. Their father left his king- 
dom to Shuh-ts^ who refused to take tha 
place of his elder brother. Pih-e in turn de- 
clined the throne, so they both abandoned it, 
and retired into obscurity. When king Woo 
was taking his measures against the tyrant 
Chow, they made their appearance, and remon- 
strated ag^nst his course. Finally, they died 
of hunger, rather than live under the new dy- 
nasty. They vers celebrated for their purity, 
and aversion to men whom they considered 
bad, but Conf. here brings out their generosity. 

ments thereby were few.* 

23. Small mbanwessbs nccoNSisTBNT with 
upRioRTirBss. It is implied \^\i YiJbfs^ V^% 
the Tinegiu: u firam hii&fteU. 



46 



CONFUCIAW ANALECTS. 



± 




uw 



# 











ira ^ s W^iL^ SIS 








41W ^ 

auif'o ^%k ^1^^ 

5t^. ji a ^ 16 j£- * 

Chapter XXIV. The Master said, "Fine words, an insinuating 
appearance, and excessive respect ; — Tso-k*ew Ming was ashamed of 
them. I also am ashamed of them. To conceal resentment against 
a person, and appear friendly with him ; — Tso-k^ew Ming was 
ashamed of such conduct. I also am ashamed of it.^ 

Chapter XXV. 1. Yen Yuen and Ke Loo being by his side, the 
Master said to them, " Come, let each of you tell his wishes." 

2. Tsze-loo said, " I should like, having chariots and horses, and 
light fur dresses, to share them with my friends, and though thqr 
should spoil them, I would not be displeased." 

3. Yen Yuen said, "I should like not to boast of my excellence, 
nor to make a display of iny meritorious deeds." 

4. Tsze-loo then said, " I should like, sir, to hear your wishes." 
The Master said, " They are^ in regard to the aged, to give them rest; 
in regard to friends, to show them sincerity; in regard to the young, 
to treat them tenderly." 

25. Thb diffebbst wibhss of Txn Tcv, 
TbZB'LOO, axd CoNFUcms. 1. S| A W 

f^ J^f 'why not each tell your will?' 2. A 
■tadent is apt to translate — 'I should like to 
hare chariots and horses, &c,' bat ^^ is the 
import, word in the par., and onder the regi* 
men of JB. ^j^, up.' 93 tone, <to wear.* Ser- 

eral writers cany the r^. of JB on to ^jsod 

remoYing the comma at ^^ read 4^ |U[ to- 
gether, but this constr. is not so good. S. b 
Ho An*s compilation mK S^ is interpr.— 'sot 
to impose troublesome affairs on others.* Cboo 
Ue*8 view is better. Comp. the Tib-king, ||| 



24. Phaisb of sikcbritt, axd of Tso-k'bw 
MiKO. 15 ^ -<^ ^, we L 8. ^ :^, 

' ezcessiye respect,' J& being in dd tone, read 
tseu» Some of the old comm., keeping the usual 
tone and meaning of S , interpret the phrase 

of movements of the 'feet' to indicate respect. 
The discussions about Tso-k*ew Ming are end- 
less. See 1^ ^ ^, I. 80. It is sufficient 

for us to rest in the judgment of the comm. jB, 

that - he was an ancient of reputation.' It is 
not to be received that he was a disciple of 

Conf . J^ was the name of Conf . The Chinese 

decline pronouncing it, always substituting mow 

CSCX * such an one,' for it. 



COHFDCUN ANALECTS. 



47 



w^ 




m^ 




ffe 




t=9 k 










L^^ 






1$. 















HAPTER XXVI. The Master said, " It is all over ! I have not 

seen one who could perceive his faults, and inwardly accuse 

self." 

HAPTER XXVIL The Master said, "In a hamlet of ten families, 

e may be found one honourable and sincere as I am, but not 

md of learning." 



[.siio.4.>j^:2:=i|:2;j?i1e'*To 

th them with sincerity.' — The Master and 
iscL, it is said, agreed in being deroid of 
mess. Hwujr'i, howeyerj was seen in a 
r s^le of mind and object than Tew's. 
t sage, there was an unconsciousness of self, 
rithout any effort, he propos. acting in 
1 to his claisflification of men just as thej 
sererallj to be acted to. 

A LAIUDIT OYKB MBK'S FRK8X8TIKCB IK 

t. The Sk. has an excUunat. force. Sft, 
*i«»to.' P^ g ^ %, 'one who 



brings himself before the bar of his conscience.' 
Hie remark affirms a fact, inexplicable on Conf. 
Tiew of the nature of man. But perhaps such 
an exclamation should not be pressed too closely. 
27. Thb humblb claim of Comfucius for 

is * the designation of the place where men are 
collected togetiier,' and may be applied from a 

hamlet upwards to a city. J^^J^ jS» 

' honourable,* * substantial.' Confucius thus did 
not clium higher natural and moral qualities 
than others, but sought to perfect himself by 
learning. 



^o«ww^»i^«<^<'>«^^^^^^^^^^^^^w<>^n»mW>wmm^ 



I 



48 



CONTUCIAM ANALBCTS. 



BOOK VI. YUNG YAY. 

















Chapter I. 1. The Master said, "There is Yung !— He might 
occupy the place of a prince.** 

2. Uhung-kung asked about Tsze-sang Pih-tsze. The Master said, 
" He may pass. He does not mind small matters." 

3. Chung-kung said, " If a man cherish in himself a reverential 
feeling of the necessity of attention to business^ though he may be easy 
in small matters, in his government of the people, that may be al- 
lowed. But if he cherish in himself that easy feeling, and also cany 
it out in his practice, is not such an easy mode of procedure ex- 
cessive ? 

4. The Master said, " Yung's words are right/* 

brightness^ when all things are exhibited tooae 
another. It is the diagram of the south. The 
custom of the sages (L «., monarcha) to sit with 
their faces to the south, emd Usten to the ttff^ 
gmUations of the empire, governing towards tfat 
bright region, was taken from this.' S. Obi, 
Chung-kung was the designation of Ten Yib& 

see v. 4. ffi lias here substantiallj the suns 

meaning as in V. 21,*=yp j^ *not troubling,' 

i c, one's self about small matters. With ref. 
to that place, however, the Dict^ after the old 

comm., explains it by ^, 'great.' 3. Of Twe- 

sang Pih-tsze, we know nothing certain Imt 
what is here stated. Choo He seems to be wrong 
in approving the identifica. of him with a lte> 

sang Hoo. jg |^, 'to dweU in respect,' Is 
have the mind imbued with It. |^*ip[ l|( 



Hbaddto of this book. — ^M| -th ^Bf '^. 

''There is Tung I ' commences the first ch., and 
stands as the title of the book Its subjects are 
much akin to those of the preceding book, and 
therefore, it is said, thej are in juxtaposition. 

1. TUE GBAJIACTBRS OF YbN YuMO ANOTsZB- 

Sano Pih-tszb, as rboabos thxir adaptation 

FOB GOYEBNXBVT. 1. "pT ^S "m Q^, 'might 

be employed with his face to the south.' In 
China, the emperor sits facing the south. So 
did the princes of the states in their several 
courts in Conf. time. An explan. of the practice 

is attempted in the Yih-King, |^ ^ ch. 9, 
^, 'The diBgrun Le conveys the idet ot 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



4« 




ot 



^ ^ ^ M_^ # $f 

' * m :ltCfM i^ 5E ^ A- ^ 




1' "f*^*^ ^ ^ ^' 3S?. B. ^ 





\PTBB 11. The duke Gae asked which of the disciples loved to 
Confucius replied to him, " There was Yen Hwuy ; hb loved 
m. He did not transfer his anger ; he did not repeat a fault, 
tunately, his appointed time was short and he died ; and now 
is not mch another. I have not yet heard of any one who loves 
m €u he did.^ 

kPTER III. 1. Tsze-hwa being employed on a mission to Ts*e, 
sciple Yen reauested grain for his mother. The Master said, 
5 her a /w." Yen requested more. " Give her an yt^" said the 
r, Yen gave her five ping. 

The Master said, "When ChHh was proceedinff to Ts'e, he 
kt horses to his carriage, and wore lignt furs, 1 have heard 



IS BAXmr OF A TEUK LOTS !• LBARV. 
SUTSaiORITT TO THB OTHER DI8GIPLB8. 

SS 119 %• ^*<th&t/— 'There waa 

■ Hvny.' 'He did not tnmifer hi8 
i 4, lii« anger wai no tnmnltaary 

■ the mind, but vaa excited byflome 
SMUK, to which alooB it wai directed. 

' ^ ^,«s*He died an early death,' 

' eonregra alio the idea in the tran«L 

laat danaet are completed thua : — ^A 

tBCRIMUIATION OF C0NFUCIV8 IN BJ|- 
> OB %AUlXTVSQ officers. 1. ^H, Hp. 

^tooommisdon,' or * to be conmuMioned.* 
\ tays the commission was a private one 
ifMn\ bat this is not likely. The old ia- 
tioB makes it a public one trom the court 



of Loo ; see [Q ^ |J|[ ^, m. 9. H *^, 

'The diseipla Tea*; see IIL 6. Ten is here styled 
-^, like ^"T*! in I. 2, but only in narratiT^ 
not as introducing any wise ntteranoe* A 
/oo contslned 6 1010 (Jul^), and 4 sA% (^ X or 64 
•king. The Yu contained 160 thvng^ aiMl the ping 
16 hS (^), or 1600 sAdiy. A Mng of the present 

day is about ^th less than an English pint. 2. Tha 

^ in ^^ i^, refers to what follows. 8, Li 

Ha An's edition, another chapter commences 

here. Yuen Sze, named ^, is now the third, 

east, in the outer hall of the temples. He waa 
noted for his pursuit of truth, and carelessness of 
worldly advantages. After the death of Conf ., he 
withdrew into retirement in Wei. It is related 
that Tsze-kung, high in official station, came 
one day in great style to risit him. Sze received 
him in a tattered ooat, and Tsze-kung asking 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





MM 
phW ii . 

'MM BM^ =f-'t, M 

ilps the distressed, but does not add to the 

made governor of his town by the Master, lie 
i measures of grain, but Sze declined them. 

" Do not decline them. May you not rive 
hbourhoods, hamlete, towns, and villages? 
Master, speaking of Chung-kung, said, "If 
cow be red and homed, although man nj^ 
dd the spirits of the mountuns and riven pat 

faster said, " Such was Hwuy that for tfalee 
J nothing in his mind contrair to perfect Vv- 
attain to this on some days or in some mcntlu, 



!ll^ .^ 



have heard that 
001, and that to 
Ind it ii to be 
kung away in 
(whalCTur they 
for an offlcer <rf' 
« V. T, tbongfa 

■amc reference 
rding to undent 
ad a (ON^, have 
Dmponeut fami- 
lore than — ' the 

TeiiiaTk=' aiay 



ither of Chung. 
I character,' and 
upon hia son, 
'- The rules of 



mal Tith thoM qnal., tho' it might (pring fn* 
one not poueuing them, vould oertainljt ■! 
be unacceptable on that account to the tfUVt 
sacrificed to. 1 trentlate -^r- by 'cait,' hntil 
it not implied that the Tictim waa jmmg. ^, 
up. 2d tone,=J^, 'tolay acide,' 'topat anr-' 

5. THB HurUKioKiTi 01 Uwm TO nt opp* 
DiBcii-LEa. It is impossible to «ay wktitbffW 
■liould translate here about Hwwy in tbe f^ 
or present tenae. ^ here is not ^ '^. '^ 
oppose,' but S-^T '^ depart from.' p'R 
^,'cometolt,'t.g, the line of paled viiM 
'inthecourseof aday, or amontb.' 0^^^ 
also be, 'for a day or a nontb.' Go in ibe^ 




CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



51 





M 4. 








g, jjt 0, M 4 

^=^^ t«^ ^ ^L. ffi 

%o4 it ^ ^. 

Ho^^j^ pT 

0. f^ it 15^ ^ 
5H:^o4it^ 
4 0.^o^ it 

LJUPTBR VI. Ke K'ang asked, " Is Chung-yew fit to be employ- 
i an officer of government ? " The Master said, "Yew is a man 
Kifidon; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of 
tmment?" K^ang asked, "Is Tsze fit to be employed as an 
er of government ? " and was answered, " Tsze is a man of intelli- 
»; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of govem- 
it ? " And to the same question about K*ew the Master gave 
same reply, saying, " K*ew is a man of various ability." 
Jhapteb V II. The chief of the Ke family sent to ask Min Tsze- 
m to be governor of Pe. Min Tsze-k*een said, " Decline the offer 
me politelv. If any one come again to me with a second invi,- 
on, I shall De obliged to go and live on the banks of the W&i." 




The qualities or Tszs-loo, Tsze-kuno, 

TflZB-TEW, AND THEIR COMPETEMCT TO AS- 

IX ooYsimMENT. The prince is called '^S. 
3fr» 'the doer of goTemment ;' his minis- 
wad officers are styled :^ 'j^ ^, 'the 

j|0Y ^tf gorenunent.* -^ .^ and ^ >^ 

fet, the one expression against the otlier, the 
er indicating a doubt of the competency of 
UMiplefl, the latter affirming their more 
\ conpetency. 

'Mill TSZE-K^KEN REFUSES TO SERVE TUE 

^AXiLT. The tablet of Tsze-k'een (his name 

JB)isnow the first on the east among 

wiae ones' of the temple. He wan among 



the foremost of the disciples. Conf. praises his 
filial piety, and we see here, how he could stand 
firm in his virtue, and refuse the proffers of 
powerful but unprincipled families of his time. 

^c=^ ^ ^ J^, in the transl., and in 

^M (fow, low. 3d tone) ^ ^"^ we must simi- 

tarly undentand, :g ^ ^ ^ ^. ^, 
read Pe, was a place belonging to the Ke family. 
Its name is still preserved in .@ I|^ in tlie 

depart, of ]}^ Ml, in Shan-tung. The WAa 

stream divided Ts*e and Loo. T»zc-k*cen threat- 
ens, if he should be troubled again to retreat 
to Ts*e, where the Re Ussx\^ w>x\^ vwiX x^iwSfik. 
him. 



{ 



Si 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





^.mm^. 







a 

i 











^fc- _i- :|p. 




1 
I 





Chaptbb VIII. Pih-new bein^ sick, the Master went to ask for 
him. He took hold of his hand through the window, and said, "It 
is killing him. It is the appointment of Heaven^ alas ! That mich 
a man should have such a sickness 1 That such a man should have 
such a sickness I " 

Chapteb IX. The Master said, " Admirable indeed was the vir- 
tue of Hwuy ! With a single bamboo dish of rice, a single gourd dkh 
of drink, and living in his mean narrow lane, while others could not 
have endured the distress, he did not allow his joy to be affected by 
it. Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hwuy ! ' 

Chapter X. Yen K'ew said, ^^ It is not that I do not deli^ 
in your doctrines, but my strength is insufficient." The Ma^ 
saia, " Those whose strength is insufficient give over in the middk 
of the way, but now you limit yourself." 

8. Lambht o9 Cokfucios oveb the mortal yerb tV ;^, • It ii kllliiig hfcii,^ db, knr/^ 
sicKKssB OF PiH-NEw. Pih-new. *elder or 1-* -%-» . . . , . , <^ . -, . 

, ^r 3 .,- J ... * "aff -hU tone, generally an initial partictoBfe* now/ JIji 

uncle New,' waa the denomination of Jp^ ^ here final, and=* alas ! * 

who had an honourable place amonff the dis^ 9. The happineab of Hwot 
ciples of the sage. In the old interpr., big sickness 

it said to hare been ^& ^, *an evil disease,' 

by which name leprosy, called 43, is intended, 

though that char, is now employed for 4tch.' 
SttfTering from such a disease, Pih-new would 
not see people, and Confddus took his hand 
through the window. A differ, explanation of 
that circumstance is giren by Choo He. He says 
that sick persons were usually pla^ on the 
north side of the apartment, but when the prince 
Tidted them, in order that he might appear to 
them with his face to the south (see ch. 1), they 
were mored to the south. On this occasion, 
Pih-new's fHends wanted to receive Conf. after 
this royal fashion, which he aroided by not 

entering the house. 1^ appears as an act. pursuing when they stop. 



1^^ 

In 



OF POVEBTT. The ^S was simply a gnoa sf 
the stem of a bamboo, and tiie B( half tf * 
gourd cut into two. ^j^, See II. S. The evlogy 
turns much on ^ in ^ ^B, aa og po as d is 

'^ ^y '^» joy/ the delight which, lie t^ 

in the doctrines of his maater, conlraaled^ wilfc 
the grief others would haT« frit under sack 
poverty. 

10. A HIGH AIM AND PBRBETRRANCB 1^^ 

TO A STUDENT. Conf. would not adn^ ^'i^ 
apology for not attempting more than'1faj| m» 
< Give over in the middle of the way,' u wjl|^ 
go as long and as far as they can, dqT^ 



i 



n 

% 



COOTTJCIAN ANALECTS. 



53 




IMT 



^'^^^ 



h tJiici 1^ 







>£ 




.A^*^ 










thw 



.% xLoiY^ ^» 






>S 0» 





HAFTBR XL The Master said to Tsze-hea, " Do you be a scho- 
ifter the style of the superior man, and not after that of the 



n man* 



HAPTBB XII. Tsae-yew being governor of Woo-shing, the Mas- 
»id to him, "Have you got good men thereT^ He answered, 
ere is Tan-t*ae Meg-ming, who never in walking takes a short 
and never comes to my office, excepting on pubhc business.*' 
HAPTER XIII. The Master said, " M&ng Che-fan does not boast 
is merit. Being in the rear on an occasion of flight, when they 
J about to enter the gate, he whipt up his horse saying, * It is 
that I dare to be last. My horse would not advance.'" 

How UBABHIirO SaOVLD BE FUBflUBD. S* 

ad ^% k^ hetessadjectxfetj qualifying 

The ^ 4^, it M Mid, Iwns ^ g^, 
i ««m vmi in^iOTeiiient and ftom duty ; 
|> \ iMUving ^ ^, <for men,' with a 
b» their opfBion, and for his own material 



Ite csAKAcniB or Tait-t'ab MBB-mifo. 
Il aliowB) aooording to Chinese comm^ the 
U^ to people IB authority of their haying 
nen aboat Uiem. In this way after thdr 
fashion, they seek for a profound meaning 
remark of Gout Tan-fae Me<$-ming, who 

^led ^ ^, has his tablet the 2d east 

e the halL The aooounts of him are 
qwftirHng. Ace to one, he was rery good- 
g^ while another s^ys he was so bad-Took- 
at Colli at first AMrmed an unfaTourable 
n <tf him, an error which he afterwards 
ijed on M^l^mlng's becoming eminent. He I 



travelled southwards with not a few followers, 
and places near Soo-chow and elsewhere retain 

names indicative of his presence. S B -^y 

three particles coming together are said to 
indicate the slow and deliberate manner in 

which the sage spoke. j|^ U 5^, Comp. 
|g |g| ^ in ch. 2. |g is said to»^ ^« 

13, Trb TIBT0B OF MaVO ChB-FAX IV GOK- 

CBALEHo HIS MBRiT, But whcTe was Us YUTtUe 
in deviating fW>m the truth ? And how could 
Conf. conmiend him for doing so? These ques- 
tions have never troubled tiie commentators, 

Mang Che-fan, named ^SL was an officer of 

Loo. The defeat, after which he thus distin- 
guished himself was in the 11th year of duke 
Qae, B. C. 488. To lead the van of an army is 

called J^j to bring up the rear is H[. In re- 
treat, the rear is of course the place ^ honour. 
^ see V. 25, 4. 



C 



54 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 








\ 



mm. 



m 






Chapter XIV. The Master said, "Without the specious speech 
of the litanist T'o, and the beauty of the prince Chaou of Sung, it is 
difficult to escape in the present age." 

Chapter X V . The Master said, " Who can go out but by the 
door? How is it that men will not walk according to these ways?" 

Chapter XVI. The Master said, " Where the solid qualities aire 
in excess of accomplishments, we have rusticity; where the accomplish- 
ments are in excess of the solid qualities, we have the manners of 
a clerk. When the accomplishments and solid qualities are equally 
blended, we then have the man of complete virtue." 

Chapter XVII. The Master said, " Man is bom for uprightness. 
If a man lose his uprightness, and yet live, his escape from death is 
the effect of mere good fortune." 



14. Thb dboenbract of the aqb esteem- 
vsq olibnb8b of tomoub and bbjlutt of pbb80n. 

JIJJ, *to pray,' 'prayers;' here, in the concrete, 

ti^e officer charged with the prayers in the an- 
cestral temple. I have coined the word litanist to 
come as near to the meaning as possible. This 
T'o was an officer of the state of Wei, styled 

*7* ^ ' ^™^ Chaou had been guilty of incest 
with his sister Nan-tsze (see ch. 26), and after- 
wards, when she was married to the duke Ling 
of Wei, he served as an officer there, carrying 
on his wickedness. He was celebrated for his 

heauty of person. ffQ is a simple connectiTe, 

B= ffi, and the >R is made to belong to both 

clauses. This seems the correct construction, 
tho' unusual. The old comm. construe differ- 
ently: — *If a man have not the speech of T*o^ 
though he may hare the beauty of Chaou, &c.,' 
making the degeneracy of the age all turn on 
its fondness for specious talk. This can't be 
right. 

16. A LAMENT OVER THB WATWARDKESS OF 

mbw'b co2fDVCT, ^Sf ^, ' These ways,' in a 



moral sense ; — not deep doctrines, but ndei fi 
Ufe. 

16. The bqual blbbdino of soun excel- 

LBNCB A2a> OBNAMBNTAL ACGOMFLISHMBRS 11 
A COMPLBTB CHABACTBB. W^, 'an histoHsi^' 

an officer of importance in China. Tlie tran, 
however, is to be understood here of 'a clfifk,* 
*a scrivener in a public office,' one that is of a 
class sharp and well informed, but insinceK. 

17. Life without upbiqhthbsb is mot 



LIFE, AMD CANNOT BE CALCULATED OK. ')fo 

more serious warning than this,' says one eoo^ 
'was ever addressed to men by Confudiik' 
A distinction is made by Choo He and otben 

between the two ^b , that the let is ^ ^, 

'birth,' or 'the beginning of life,' and the 2d if 

^ iS, 'preservation in Kfe.' J^ ^ ^ 

4jb^ W, ' The being bom of man ia upii^' 

which may mean either that man at his birth if 
upright, or that he is bom for upri^tness. I 

prefer the latter view. ^ J^ i^ ^, *ll» 
Uring without it>' if we take ^ »^, or '!» 





"pT^ 



CX)NFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



r^\>^ 



55 







^ 








np 



^L.4' 



0^ 








BLAPTEB XVIII. The Master said, " They who know the truth 
not equal to those who love it, and they who love it are not 
lal to those who find pleasure in it." 

)hapter XIX. The Master said, "To those whose talents are 
)ve mediocrity, the highest subjects may be announced. To 
lae who are below mediocrity, the highest subjects may not be 
3iounced." 

[Chapter XX. Fan Ch^e asked what constituted wisdom. The 
ster said, " To give one's-self earnestly to the duties due to men, 
1, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may 
called wisdom." He asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, 
he man of virtue makes the difiiculty to be overcome his first busi- 
ts, and success only a subsequent consideration ; — this may be 
led perfect virtue." 

me it,' if H =^E* ^^ ^^^ ^^^ '^ ®^*®' 
re for more perspicoitj and fuller develop- 
t of view. An important truth struggles 
for expression, but only finds it imperfectly, 
bout uprightness the end of man's existence 
It fulfiUed, but his preservation in such case 
)t merely a fortunate accident. 
L JhrrsBXST staobs of ATTAiKimiT. The 

^ have all one reference, which must be 
or ]M, the subject spoken of. 

I. TEJLCnBRS UnST BB OVIDBD IN COMVUXI- 
XO KHOWLBDGB BT THB 8U8CBPTIVITY OF 

UtiBNEfis. In IM J^, J[^ is read up. 2d 
^ a verbal word, and not the prep. *upon,* 
]0 'TC in |M 'T^ is also verbal as in IIL 

lie w ^L J 'or mediocre people,' may have 

classes of subjects announced to them, I 
K>8e. 

•. ChI^ ELEMKKTfl IN WISDOM AMD VIRTUE. 

modfvu Qomm. take ^ here a8= A , and 



RZ^ ""A M ^ !iC. '»««» ^ 

right according to the principles of humanity.' 
With some hesitation, I have assented to this 

view, though E^ properly means ' the multi- 
tude,' ' the people,* and the old interpr. explain — 
'Strive to perfect the righteousness of the peo- 
ple.' We may suppose from the second clause 
that Fan Ch*e was striving after what was un- 
common and superhuman. For a full exhi- 
bition of the phrase Jj^fD^) >ee p|l ]^, XVI. 
Here it=* spiritual beings,' manM and others. 
i^, up. dd tone. 1^ j^, 'Keep at a distance* 
from them,' not *keep them at a distance.' The 
sage's advice therefore is — 'attend to what are 
plainly human duties, and do not be supersti- 
tious.' '4q and ^^ are, as frequently else- 
where, verbs, *put first,' *put last.' The old 
interpreters take them differently^ but aot «a 
wqH 



56 



CONTDCIAN ANALBCra. 






1 







\» 



•^^ 



K 



Chaptbb XXL The Master said, " The wise find pleasure ii 
water ; the virtuous find pleasure in hills. The wise are active ; the 
virtuous are tranquil. The wise are joyfuL the virtuous are lonfr 
Uved." 

Chapteb XXIL The Master said, " Ts^e, by one change, would 
come to the state of Loo. Loo, by one change, would come to a state 
where true principles predominated." 

Chapter XXIlL The Master said, ^^ A cornered vessel widiont 
comers. — ^A stranm cornered vessel ! A strange cornered vessel!" 

Chapter XXIV. Tsae Go asked, saying, "A benevolent man, 
though it be told him, — * There is a man in the well,' will go in after 
him, I suppose." Confucius said, " Why should he do so? A snpe- 

son of hii uncle, the famoos duke of Chov, 
prince of Loa In Conf. time, Tt<e luid dege^ 

erated more than Loo. >^ is 4^ ^£ ^ 9 

^ ^ ;^ il[> '^® ^T^tirely good and admi- 
i^e ways of the former kings.' 

28. ThI mam 1 WITHOUT TUB SBAUTT 18 VOUT. 

This was spoken (see the g^ j^) with r«LtD 

the goremments of the time, retaining andent 

names without ancient principlea. The jp[ 

was a drinking Tessel; others say a wo(& 
tablet. The latter was a later use of the term. 
It was made with comers as appears from the 
composition of the character, which Is fonosd 

from 'A^ *% horn,* 'a sharp ooffner.' In Oorit. 

time, the form was changed^ while the su^ 
was kept. 

24. ThS BBVBVOLSNT BXBBCtSB THBIB BDA* 

voLBwcB wrm prvdbncb. Tsae Go could sst M 
limitation to acting on the impulses of 
lence* We are not to suppose with 



21. Contrasts of thb wisb abd thb tib- 
Tuocs. The two first ^ are read ngatm, low. 

8d tone,s^ ^, <to find pleasure m.' The 

wise or knowing are active and restless, like 
the waters of a stream, ceaselessly flowing and 
advancing. The virtuous are tranquil and firm, 
like the stable mountains. The pursuit of 
knowledge brings joy. The life of the virtuous 
may be expected to glide calmly on and long. 
After all, the saying is not very comprehensible. 

22. Thb coHDmoH op thb statbs Tsit and 
L(X>. Ts*e and Loo were both within the pre- 
sent Shan-tung. Ts'e lay along the coast on 

the norths embracing the present dep. o^ ttf Ml 

and other territory. Loo was on the south, the 
larger portion of it being formed by the pre- 
sent dep. of ^ ^. At the xise of the Chow 

dynasty, king Woo mvested ^ ^ ^, «the 

great duke Wang,* with the principality of Ts*e, 
while his succCMor, king bhing, consUtuted the 






CONFUCIAN ANAI.BCfS» 



«f 









ff T PJt 







5^ ife:^X 






man may be made to ^o to the well^ but he cannot be made to go 
tt into it. He may be imposed upon, but he cannot be befooled." 
iAPTEB XXV, The Master said, "The superior man, exten- 
y studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of 
•ules of propriety, may thus likewise not overstep what is right." 
ZAPTBB XXVI. The Master having visited Nan-tsze, Tsze-loo 
displeased, on which the Master swore, saying, " Wherein I have 
I improperly, may Heaven reject me! may Heaven reject me!" 
lAPTER XXVII. The Master said, " Perfect is the virtue which 
cording to the Constant Mean ! Rare for a long time has been 
ractice among the people." 

tlMt he wished to show that benevolence 
^nctlcable. ^ belongs to the whole f ol- 
' dause, especUUy to the mention of a well, 
ooad ^ is for ^. ^ — 4fa indicate 
loubt in Go's mind. Obs. the hophal force 

:«d)ig. 

ThX HAPPT EFFBCT of UCARKTIIO AMD 

iBTT coMDiNBO. S* -^p hss here its 
' meaning,=B< the student of what is right 
ne.' The ;^ in j^ ^ we natnraUy 

o^ ^, bnt comparing DC. 10, ^— )^ ^ 

g, — we may assent to the obserra. that 

a Q S^j *I refers to the learner's own 

.' See note on IV. 23. ^, * the boundary 
lid;' then, 'to orerstep that boundary.' 
t^ as in v. 26, but the force here ia more 
than'alaa!' 



26. COHFUCIUS TIimiCATBS RIM SBLF FOB VISIT* 

nro THE UNWOBTHT Nan-tszx. Kau-tsw was 
the wife of the duke of Wei, and sister of prince 
Chaou, mentioned ch. 14. Her lewd character 
was well known, and hence Tsse-loo was dis* 
pleased, thinking an interriew with her waa 
disgraceAil to the Master. Great pains are 
taken to explain the incident. * Nan-tsze,' says 
one, ' sought the interview firom the stirrings of 
her natural conscience.' *It was a rule,' says an* 
other, * that officers in a state should visit the 
prince's wife.' * Nan-tsze,' argues a third, 'had 
all influoooe with her husband, and Ck)nfucius 
wished to get currency by her means for his doc- 
trine.' Whether A^ is to be understood in the 

sense of *to 8wear,'es w^, or ' to make a dedara* 

tion'>B^t[, is much debated. Evidently, the 

thing is an oath, or solemn protestation against 
the suspicions of Tsse-loo. 

27. ThB DSFBCTIVB PBACTICB of TRK PBOPLl 

nr Confucius' tuibs. See fti MS^ IIL 



58 



COKFUCUN ANALECTS. 



0.^ 





W s 





^mx^mm^^ Kj 








o ^k 




^ « ^> ^ 




t 



pf Ira 



IL 




4^^.11 



Chapter XXVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, " Suppose the case* et a 
man extensively conferring benefits on the people, and able to liesfet 
all, what would you say of him ? Might he be called perfecftfy tir- 
tuous ? " The Master said, " Why speak only of virtue in connec- 
tion with him? Must he not have the qualities of a sage? Eveo 
Yaou and Shun were still solicitous about this. 

2. "Now the man of perfect virtue, wishing to be established 
himself, seeks also to establish others ; wishing to be enlarged himsd^ 
he seeks also to enlarge others. 

3. "To be able to judge of others by what is nigh in aursebwr' 
this may be called the art of virtue." 



28. The tritb mature and abt of virtue. 
There are no higher SAyings in the Analects 

than we hare here. 1. fefi*, up 8d tone, 'to con- 
fer benefits.' Ip S^ — SCl Ib said to be 'a 

{Mirticle of doubt and uncertaintj/ but it is 
rather the interrogative affirmation of opinion. 
Tsse-kung appears to have thought that great 
doings were necessarj to virtue, and propounds 
a case which would transcend the achievements 



of Yaou and Shun. From rach eztnvigiiil 
views the Master recalls him. 2. This isthi 

description of^^^^/H^ fg, *the nol 

of the perfectly virtuous man ' as void of sll «i- 
flshness. S. It is to be wished that the, idtt 

intended l>7 g| ^ J^ ^ l>«d bcflB mil 

clearly expressed. Still we seem to hare hot 
a near approach to a positive enunciatiott (f 
'the golden rule.' 



I 



■^^^»<^^^^^>W<^^^^^<^<»»>^A^<»^^W»</W»»MM^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



59 



BOOK VII. SHUH URH. 











^m%^.An 



t:fi#. 



r^z. 




HAPTBB I. The Master said, " A transmitter and not a maker, 
jving in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare myself 
L our old P'ang." 

aAPTER 11. The Master said, "The silent treasuring up of 
jrledge ; learning without satiety ; and instructing others with- 
being wearied: — what one of these things belongs to me?" 
EIAFTBR III. The Master said, "The leaving virtue without 
>er cultivation ; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned ; 
being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge 
lined ; and not being able to change what is not good : — ^these 
the things which occasion me solicitude." 

ETC OV THIS BOOK.--|^ flg ^ ^. 'A 

■itter, and ^Book VIL' We hare in 



Dok much infoimation of a personal char- 
about Coofncius, both Arom his own lips, 
YMD the descriptions of his disciples. The 
receding books treat of the disciples and 
worthies, and here, in contrast with them, 
re the sage himself exhibited. 
knrvDcius DiscLAnts bbino an obioxka- 

a MAKBB. j|£»^ S ffil Gl' **'"P^^ 

id down the old.' Conun. say the master's 
ige here is flrom his extreme humility, 
re must hold that it expresses his true 
of his position and work. Who the indi- 
1 called endearingly *our old P*ang' was, 
lardly be ascertained. Choo He adopts 
ew that he was a worthy officer of the 
I dynasty. But that individual's history is 

s of fables. Others make ^- ^^ to be 

tsxe, the founder of the Taou sect, and 
I again make two indiriduals, one this 

tsie, and the other that ]^ jjj|B . 

CoKPOCICa' HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIM- 

|, here by most scholart read chCf up. 




8d tone, 'to remember.' J?^ refers, it is said, to 

jj||, 'principles,' the subjects of the silent ob- 

serration and reflection. 4S ^3 jj^ ^jjt ^^9 
cannot be—' what difficulty do these occasion 

the transl. 'The language,' says Choo He, 'is 
that of humility upon humility.' Some insert, 

in their expl., iH^ ^k before ^ — 'Besidea 

these, what is there in me?' But this is quite 
arbitrary. The profession may be inconsistent 
with what we find in other passages, but the 
inconsistency must staud rather than violence 
be done to the language. Ho An gives the sin- 
gular exposition of fiR j^ J^ (about A. D. 

160 — ^200) — ' Other men have not these things, I 
only have them.' 

3. Confucius' awxibtt about his self-cul- 
tiyation: — ^Another HUMBLE estimate of him- 
self. Here again, comm. find only the expres- 
sions of humility, but there can be no reason why 
we should not admit that Confucius was anxious 
lest these things, which are only put fortli as 
possibilities, should become in his case actual 



0^ 



.GONFUUIAlf AKAI.ECTS. 




_ E 4 _ 



HJi 






ft 

















^^ ^ i< in the ieiMe c«>Uuned In the Diet. 

Ily the terms "^ and ^, 'practising,' 'ex- 
amining.' 

4. Thx maknbb or CoKrocxus when tmoc- 
Qotaa^ The first clause, which is the subject 
of the other two, is literally— ^ The master's 

dwelUng at ease.* Obs. ^, up. 8d tone ; ^, 
up. 1st tone; ^, as in m, 28. 

5. How THB DMAPPMNTMBITT OF CoiOrUClUS' 
ROPB8 AVFBCTBO XVBN BIS DRBAMS. ffi ^ 

(Chow-kung)is now to all intents a proper name, 
out the characters mean ' the duke of Chow.' 
Chow was the name of the seat of the family 
from Which the dynasty so mlled sprang, and 
on the enlargement of this territory, king W&n 

divided the original seat between his sons H 

(Tan) and A (Shih). Tan was Chow ha^^ in 

wisdom and politics, what his elder brother, the 
4rst emperor, Woo, was in arms. Confocins 
had longed to bring the principles and instlttt- 
tions of Chow'kttng into practice, and in his 
earlier years, while hope animated him, had 
often dreamt of the former sage. The orig. ter- 
ritory of Chow was what is now the dis. of K«e- 

■^(llft li|)i ^. <rf ^ttn«-toeang(H |M), 



i 

\ 

1 



i 



i 



CfiAFTEB IV. When the Master was unoccupied with bunness, 
his manner was easy, and he looked pleased. 

Chaftkb V. The Master said, " Extreme is my decay. For a 
long time, I have not dreamed, as I was wont to do, that I saw the- 
duke of Chow." 

Chaftbb VI. 1. The Master said, " Let the will be set on the 
path of duty. 

2. " Let every attainment in what is good be firmly grasped 

8. " Let perfect virtue be accorded with. 

4. " Let relaxation and enjoyment be found in the polite arts." 

6. ROltBS FOB THB VULL MATVXnr* OP CBlB* 

▲CTBB. 8. ^B might be translated yirtne, bvt 
^=* perfect rirtne * foUowing, we nqniie aa- 
other term. 4. ij^, 'to Mmblefor amusilfiiij* 
heres=' to seek recreation.' ^S, see noteen^i 

in L 6. A All! enumeration makes "djt arlSi' 
Tiz., ceremonies, music, archery, chariotecrinti 
the study of characters or language, and igarss 
or arithmetic. The ceremonies were raaged Hi 
fire classes : lucky or sacrifices, nnlvcky or tks 

mourning cer.^ military, those of host aai 
guest, and festive. Music required the study m, 
the music of Hwang-te, of Yaou, of Shoiw flf; 
Yu, of T*ang, and of Woo. Archery had a nter. 
fold classification. Charioteering had the sanMi 
The study of the characters required the eta>. 
mination of them, to determine wither thefi 
predominated in their formation resembtaneslo 
the object, combination of ideas, indicatiQa aC 
properties, a phonetic principle, a principle of 
contrariety, or metairfiorical aoeommodsti^ 
Figures were managed accotding to nine nte^ 
as the object was the meaanrement of l«id, ca* 
pacity, ^. These six subjects were the taiK 
ness of the highest and most liberal educatai^ 
but we need not suppose that CooL had 
all in Tiew hefo. 



COIVFUCIAH AKAUSCTS. 



61 




H 






ITT mm -tlk mm 

I B, :^ 0, 






r P m f 

IZ ^Z B% JK 

APTBB VII. The Master said, " From the man bringing his 
le of dried flesh for my teaching upwards, I have never revised 
iction to any one." 

APTKB VIIL The Master said, '^ I do not open up the truth 
e who is not eager to get knowledge^ nor help out any one who 
t anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one 
ir of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the other 
, I do not repeat my lesson." 

:apt£R IX, 1. When the Master was eating' by the side of a 
ner, he never ate to the full. 
He did not sing on the same day in which he had been weep- 

[APTEB 3L !• The Master said to Yen Yuen, " When called 
Ice to undertake its duties ; when not so called, to lie retired ; 
ia only I and you who have attained to this." 



?m RBADnrsss of GoKruoniB to impjiKT 
cnov. It WM tlie rule anciently that 
ne pttrty waited on another, he should 
ome preeent or offering with him. Punlls 
when th^ first waitei (m their teacher, 
h offeringa, one of the lowest was « 

of jAy 'dried Hesh.^ The wages of m 

' are now called j& ^», < the ason^ of 

led flesh.' However small the oflbffng 

t to the sage, let him only see tlhe indica- 

awish to leai% and he ini|Hirted his 

«iona. 1^ J2.' ^"^ ^ tranehrted 'np- 

£. e, ^to such a man and others with 

sifts,' J[^ being up. 2d tone, or the char. 

rvnderstood in the sense of 'attending 
ImcUons,* with its nsial tone. I prefer 
wnet toterpretatien, 
'onwonrs sBQinnnn a sval nnstRs Ann 



he did net teach where his teaching was likely 
to prove of no arail* ti^i in the oomm. and 

dtot, k M^wned p ^ fr flg 5(e ai :2: 

^m. ' the iqppearance of one with mouth wish- 
ing to speak and yet not able to do sa' lliia 
bcdng the Meaning, we might have ezpeeted 

the character to be Up. ^^, *to torn,' is ez- 

for mutual testimony.' 'JK '^Sj=\i^ ^(M ^[ 
^ ^y 'I tdl him nothing more.* 

9. CONVIXJIUS' STltPATHT WITH MOUmrSBS. 

The weeping is understood to be on occasion of 
offering his condolences to a mourner, which 
was 'a rule of propriety.' 

10. The ArrAiNMBiTTs ov Hwut likx thosb 
OF CoKPucius. Thb XXCBSSITB nOU>NES8 ov 



r«r ma mscTPhm, The last ch. tells of^ ,I32-«-ca.-4*-»-, 

pe's readiness to teach, this shows that I Tswb-loo. 1* In ^JJ jg^, -3^ jg^, jg^ is ex* 



62 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



% 




S ^ :ri Ji: .ff 




w 









Jki\ 





^ # ±. It ^ f^v 5E m ^ 
»^ ^ W # 4 W P 
. ^ ^ pT 4 



W #1 Bi 01 

i 3S. SL ^ 

2. Tsze-loo said, " If you had the conduct of the armieft of a 
great state, whom would you have to act with you ? " 

3. The Master said, "I would not have him to act with me, who 
will unarmed attack a tiger, or cross a river without a boat, djang 
without any regret. My associate must be the man who proceeds 
to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans^ aDd 
then carries them into execution." 

Chapter XL The Master said, "If the search for riches is sore 
to be successful, though I should become a groom with whip iii 
hand to get them, I will do so. As the search may not be succesalcS) 
I will follow after that which I love." 

Chapter XIL The things in reference to which the Master 
exercised the greatest caution were— fasting, war, and sickness. 

plained by ^, bttt we haTe seen that ]^ foil, 
actiye verbs imitarts to them a sort of neuter 
•igniflcation. B|j^=*used.* -^j^s»*ne- 

glected.* 2. A Keum, aoc to the ^dBt con- 
sisted of 12,500 men. The imperial forces con- 
sisted of six soch bodies, and those of a great 

state of three. 8. ^ j^ )|| ||^> •^ ^^ 
king, n. ii. 1, St. 6. 4S does not indicate txmidi' 



n *> 



ly, but aoUcitude, — Tsze-loo, it would appear, 

' ^e praise conferred on H' 
and pluming himself on his bravery, put in for 



was jealous of the praise conferred on Hwuy, 



a share of the Master's approbation. But he 
only brought on himself this rebuke. 

11. The UNCBRTAtNTT AND FOLLT OF THX 

PURSUIT OF RI0HB8. It occurs to a student to 
understand the first clause — *If it be proper to 
search for riches,* and the third— 'I will do it.' 
But the transl. is ace. to the modem comm., and 
the conclusion agrees better with it. InexpL 



yfcyjj^'^t some refer us to the attendaiili 

who cleared the street with their whips whoi 
the prince went abroad, but we need not wik 

any particular allnsioii of the kind. Obs. jjQa* 

^, <if,' and then, ^e*ainoe.'— An okjecliM 

to the pursuit of wealth may be made on flie 
ground of righteousness, or on that of its va^ 
certainty. It is the latter on which GonAieiai 
here rests. 

12. What thdiob Co HFrc nia was particcp- 

LARLT CABBFUL ABOUT. JK, lead dos, Sll^ 

^R, <to fast,* or, rather, denoting the whole I*? 
ugious adjustment, eigoined befote thesA^ 
ing of sacrifice, and extending over the (e&dsps 
previous to the great sacrificial acasoni. - X 
means ' to equalize' (see IL 8), and llbecflM'sf 
those previous exercises was ^K IK Wt f^ 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



6S 



I B, 0, A- ^, 



^ 




3. 5it ■*■ B. f^ n^n m f 



^^ A ^ 

^o ^o vLo 2I0 ^ 




0. 0. 4. 0. 








z,% 



EAPTBB XIIL When the Master was in Ts^e, he heard the 
>u, and for three months did not know the taste of flesh. " I 
not think/* he said, ^^ that music could have been made so 
(Uent as this." 

H AFTER XIV. 1. Yen Yew said, "Is our Master for the prince 
rei?" Tsze-kung said, " Oh ! I wiU ask him." 

He went in a^din^ly, and said, "What sort of men were 
e and Shuh-ts*e?" "They were ancient worthies," said the Mas- 

"Did they have any repinings because of their courseT^ The 
ter again replied, " They sought to act virtuously, and they did 
what was there for them to repine about ? " On this, Tsze-kung 
t out and said, " Our Master is not for him." 



K 'to adjust what was not adjusted, to 

ce a perfect adijastinent.* Sacrifices pre- 
I in such a state of inind were sure to be 
table. Other people, it is said, might be 
MS in refer, to sacrifices, to war, and to 
Bsa, but not so the sage. 

Ths bffbct of music on Confucius. 
hmntj see II. 25. Tliis incident must hare 
ioed in the 86th jear of Conf., when he fol- 
. the duke Ch^u in his fiight from Loo to 

As related in the ^gg, 'Historical Re- 
'before the characters ^^ H , we hare wR 

'he lesmed it three months,* which may 

e OS from the neoessitj of extending the 
months orer all the time in which he did 
now the taste of his food. In Ho An's 

ras ewelesB about and forgot.' The last 
i ia also explained there — *I did not think 
kj^ ^jua/f ha4 reached this country of 



t » 



14. Confucius did not approyb of a son 
0PF09IN0 HIS FATiiKR. 1. The cldcst 8on of 
duke Ling of Wei had planned to kill his mother 
(? stepmother), the notorious Nan-tsze (VI. 26). 
For this he had to fiee the country, and his son, 

on the death of Ling, became duke (^ aVX 

and subsequently opposed his father's attempts 
to wrest the sovereignty from him. This was 
the matter argued among the disciples, — ^Was 

Confucius for (l|k low. 8d tone), the son, the 

reigning duke ? 2. In Wei it would not haye 
been ace. to propriety to speak by name of its 
ruler, and therefore Tsse-kung put the case of 
Pih-e and Shuh-t8*e, see V. 22. They having 
given up a throne, and finally their lives, rather 
than do what they thought wrong, and Con- 
fucius fully approving of their conduct,, it was 
plain he could not approve of a son's holding 
by force what was the rightful inheritance <» 

the father. ^^ fZ! jfil ^ fZ!, 'They sought 

for virtue, aud they got v\tliaa«' I.e., vmJQl '«%J^ 

the character of iWvr conduce. 



I 



64 



GONFUOJar ASALECTS. 












0> a ^. W 0. 

Chapter XV. The Master said, "With coarse rice to eat, irith 
water to drink, and my bended arm for a pillow ; — ^I have still joy 
in the midst of these thmgs. Riches and honours acquired by unright- 
eousness are to me as a floating cloud." 

Chapter XVL The Master said, "If some years were added to 
my life, I would give fifty to the study of the i ih, and then I might 
come to be without great faults." 

Chapter XVII. The Master's frequent themes of discourse ^m 
— ^the Odes, the History, and the maintenance of the Rules of pror 
priety. On all these he frequently discoursed. 

16. Thb jot or Cohfucittb TKKsnvDum ov 
cyoTWABD CIKCUM8TAN0S8. ^^, low. 8d tone, 'a 

meal,' also, as here, a verb, *to eat' M^, up. 9d 

tone, 'to pillow,' *to use as a pillow.' Critics 

call attention to TTR, making the sentiment— 

•My joy is eveiywhere. It is amid other circum- 

Btances. It is alto here.' yK^fey^-y^iss^By 

unrighteousness I might get riches and honours, 
but such riches and honours are to me as a 
floating cloud. It is vain to grasp at them, so 
imcertain and unsubstantial.' 

16. Thb yalvk which Corfvcivs set ufoh 
THE STUDY OF THE YiH. Choo He BUpposes that 
this was spoken when Conf. was about seventy, 
as he was in his 68th year when he ceased his 
wanderings, and settled in Loo to the ac^ust- 
ment and compilation of the Yih and other 
king. If the remark be referred to that time, 

an error may well be found in ^^ -r*, for 

lie would hardly be speaking at 70 of having 
50 years added to his life. Choo also mentions 
the report of a certain individual that he had 

•een a copy of the Lun Yu, which read ^§^ for 
jjjff, and ^ !oT ^ , Amended thws the mesa- 



ing would be — 'If I had tome worvyemtofliiA < 
the study of the Yih, ftc' Ho An iBterpfll 
the chapter quite differently. Referring to At 
saying, H. 4, 4, * At llfly, I knew tlie decRCstf 
heaven,' he suppoaea this to have been spok* 
when Conf. was 47, and ezplaina^'In a fij 
years more I will be fifty, and have flnaM- 
the Yih, when I may be without peat iaalr 
—One thing remains upon both views >«C- 
fudtts never chiimed, what his followers d» 
him, to be a perfect man. 

17. CoKFUCxus' xoar coxMoir TOFica. fjfi 

<The History,' t.e., the historical docaiasifl 
which he compiled into the Shoo-kiag that hi|! 

cobie down to ns in a mutilated oonditkin. B' 

also, and much less ijB, must not be vndtff 
stood of the now existing She-king and LejS^, 
Choo He explains ||| (low. 2d tone) l^ 
'constantly.' The old interpr. Ching, 
it byjp 'coWBctly,'— * Conf. would 8paik«l H> 

Odes, Ac, with attention, to the oonect 
ciation of the characten.' This does v/A 
80 good, ' 



OOMFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



65/ 




i 



I 



I 



# ;i S ^ m 

^ 0. ;i ^. 0.1^ <&■ 



H * ^ :£ A T--f 







#. 4. 0. M 



% 




^ ^ 



TER XVIIL 1 . The duke of Sh6 asked Tsze-loo about Con- 
md Tsze-loo did not answer him. 

le Master said, " Why did you not say to him, — ^He is simply 
wrho in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who 
3y of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not 
: that old age is coming on ?" 

TBR XIX. The Master said, "I am not one who was bom 
ossession of knowledge ; I am one who is fond of i^itiquity, 
lest in seeking it there '^ 

rER XX. The subjects on which the Master did not talk, 
xtpaordinary things, feats of strength, disorder, and spiritual 



rUCins' DB8CB1PTION OF HI8 GHAR- 
EINO AIXPLY A MOST BABXKST LBAR- 

^ (read M) waa a district of Tsoo 

goyernor or prefect of which had 
e' title of hung, Itt name is still 
1 a district of the dep. of ^ ^, 

th of Ho-naiL 2. ^^ sometimes 

Btenoe (Premare, ^claudit orationem*)^ 

e f^ after it«^, imparting to all 

ig description a meaning indicated 
ly or onfy. 

rUCIUS' KNOWLBDGB HOT COHNATB, 
SSULT OP HIS STCror OF AXTIQUITT. 

, aec. to comm., is a wonderful in- 

e sage's humility disclaiming what 

d. The comment of ^^ ^ff\ m|, 

» Choo He's own, is to the effect 
wwledge bom with a man is only 

|, while oeremooies, musiC/ names 



of things, history, &c., must be learned. This 
would make what we may call connate or 
innate knowledge the moral sense, and those 
intnitire principles of reason, on and by which 
all knowledge is built up. But Confiicius could 
not mean to deny his being possessed of these. 
*I love antiquity;' i. s^ the ancients and all 
their works. 

20. Subjects ayoidbd bt Confucius nc Goir« 

YBBSATioB. «,' ooufusiou,* meaning rebelllouB 
disorder, parricide, regicide, and such crimes, 
Choo He makes jjA here-ij^ ]f/fi ^ ^^ 

JP^ ^^ 'the mysterious, or spiritual opera- 
tions apparent in the course of nature.' ^^* 
^ (died A. D. 266), as giyen by Ho An, simply 

says^ ffl ||^ J^ S* ' the affairs of spiritual 
beings/ For an instance of Coikf. «f Q^i&m'^ «Q5^ 
a subject, see XL \\% 



66 



GoinrociAit ASAjJscfta. 















J 

i 



I 



Chaptbr XXL The Master said, " When I walk along with two 
others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will select their good 
qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them/' 

Chapter XXIL The Master said, " Heaven produced the virtue 
that is in me. Hwan T*uy — ^what can he do to me?" 

Chaptkr XXIII. The Master said, " Do you think, my disciplesi 
that I have any concealments ? I conceal nothing from you. Thm 
is nothing which I do that is not shown to you, my disciples; — ^thtt 
is. my way.** 

Uhapter XXIV. There were four things wliich the Master 
taught, — ^letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness. 

21. How A MAN MAT VIND IHSTRUCTOKS FOB 

HIMSELF. ^ ^ j^, 'Three men walking;* 
but it is implied that the speaker is himself one 
of them. The comm. all take iS in the sense 

oC *to distinguish/ *to determine.' — 'I will de- 
termine the one who is good, and follow him, 
&c.* I prefer to understand as in the transla- 
tion. M[ j^, 'change them,' i. e^ correct 
them in myself, aroid them. 

22. Confucius calm in danger, througii 
the assnranoe of having a divine mission. 
Acc. to the historical accounts, Conf. was pass- 
ing through 8nng in his way from Wei to 
Ch4n, and was practising ceremonies with his 
disciples under a large tree, when they were set 
uppn by emissaries of Hwan T'uy, a high officer 
of Sung. These pulled down the tree, and 
wanted to kill the sage. His disciples urged 
him to make haste and escape, when he calmed 
their fears by these words. At the same time, 
he disguised himself till he had got past Sung. 
This story may be apocryphal, but the saying 
remains,— « remarkable one. 



H 



t 



t 



28. Confucius fmactisbd mo covcsAiMnt 
WITH HIS DisciPLBB. '"^. ^^ -5^, see !£[. li 

BSi is explained by Choo He by ^, *to diov,* 

as if the meaning were, * There ia not one of 
my doings in which I am not showing my dso^ 

trines to you.' But the common signif. of S 

may be retained, as in Ho An, — ' whkfa is Bct 
given to, shared with, you.' To what the eoi- 
cealment has reference we cannot telL Obserra 

the force of ^ foU. by ^ at the end;— *T» 

have none of my actions not shared with yo% 
—that is I, Hew.' 

24. The subjects or CoHFtrcnrs iKacmM* 

There were four things which — ^not foar*M«fl 
in which — Confucius taught. "^ hereaaovtfi 

used in the relations of life.' jS»™nll'*'1B 
;^ >|> H, 'not « mgle tbeughl «oi «^ 



coinrnciAii ahalecti: 



«7 







^^^WpTE 




I 

fc* 

t 

r 

> 

9 
f 

L 







t; ^ w # # e a 

AFTER XXV. 1. The Master said, "A sage it is not mine to see ; 
I see a man of real talent and virtue, that would satisfy me/* 

The Master said, '^A good man it is not mine to see; could I 
man possessed of constancy, that would satisfy me. 

" Having not and yet affecting to have, empty and yet affect 
> be full, straitened and yet affecting to be at ease : — ^it is difEl- 
vith such characteristics to have constancy." 
APTEB XXVI. The Master angled, — ^but did not use a net. 
lot, — ^but not at birds perching. 

APTBR XXVII. The Master said, "There may be those who 
ithout knowing why. I do not do so. Hearing much and 
ing what is good and following it, seeing much and keeping it 
^mory : — ^this is the second style of knowledge.'* 

thing withoal iU reality.* These are 
ilanationa in the Pl^ ^ ^ '^. I 



to apprehend but raguely the two latter 
( as distinguished from the second. 
turn PAUCITY or true umsf in, and trb 

aooBVxaii op, Cohpugius' timb. -7- Q , 

I rappoeed by some to be an addition to the 

hat being so, we haye in the ch. a climax 
raeter: — the man of constancy, or the 
learted, stedfast man; the good man, 
his single-heartedness has built up his 
the JCnui'tose, the man of virtue in large 
ions, and intellectually able besides ; and 

i, or highest style of man. §Bj from 

]y and -^, *ear, mouth, and good,*ss 

e^ apprehensire of truth, and correct in 
oe and action. Comp. Menoius, YU. ii. 24. 



36. Thb HUMAViTT OP Covpuciut. j|||| is' 

properly the large rope attached to a net, by 
means of which it may be drawn so as to sweep 

a stream. *x!t '^ shoot with a string tied to 

the arrow, by which it may be drawn back 

again.' Jn*, applied to such shooting, lower 4th 

tone, read shUL ConAicius would only destroy 
what life was . necessary for his use, and in 
taking that he would not take adyantage of 
the inferior creatures. This ch. is said to be 
descriptiye of him in his early life. 

27. AOAINST ACTIWO HKEDUBBSLT. Paott 

Keen, in Ho An, says that this was spoken with 
ref. to heedless compilers of records. Choo He 

makes -f^^ 8imply=^JB, *to do things,' 

*to act.' The paraphrasts make the latter 
part descriptive of Confucius — *I hear much, 
&c.' This is not necessary, and the transL had 
better be as tndetinite aa the ohginaL 



^ 



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CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



69 



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, Confucius having retired, the minister bowed to Woo-ma K^e 
bme forward, and said, " I have heard that the superior man is 
a partizan. May the superior man be a partizan also ? The prince 
Tied a daughter of the house of Woo, of the same surname with 
self, and called her, — * The elder lady Tsze of Woo'. If the 
ice knew propriety, who does not know it ? " 

Woo-ma K'e reported these remarks, and the Master said, " I 
fortunate ! If I have any errors, people are sure to know them." 
•HAPTER XXXI. When the Master was in company with a per- 
who was singing, if he sang well, he would make him repeat 
song, while he accompanied it with his own voice. 
irfAPTER XXXII. The Master said, " In letters I am perhaps 
al to other men, but the character of the superior man, carrving out 
lb conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to." 



ftt vas the hon. ep. of Chow (ip|)i duke of 

B. a 541-509. He had a reputation 
le knowledge and obserranoe of ceremo- 
and Conf. answered the roiniBter's qnea- 
iccordingiy, the more readilj that he was 
ing to the officer of another state, and waa 
I, therefore, to hide any failinga that his 
iOTereign might haye had. 2. With all 
aowledge of proprieties, the dnke Ch'aoa 
iolated an import, rule, — that which for- 
diie intermarriage of parties of the same 
\me. The ruling houses of Loo and Woo 
branches of the imperial house of Chow, 
onsequently had the same surname — Ke 

). To conceal his Tiolation of the rule, 

m called hit wife by the surname Tsze (-^ ), 
she had belonged to the ducal house of 
. V^ up. 8d tones^. 8. Conf. takes 
nS^lflD xd hit ^eitimer yeiy lightly. 



81. Thx good nUiLowsHip of Covrucivs. 
Ob this chapter, see the p!^ ^ "^ ^ 

which states Tery distinctly the interpretation 
which I hare followed, making only two sing* 

ings and not three. ^ffH^ lower 8d tone, here« 

*to sing in unison with.' 

82. AOKNOWI^BDOKBlfT OV COHTUCIUB IN B8- 

TDCATmo HiXBBLF. ^£ here occasions some diffi- 
culty. Ho An takes it, as it often ^^9Ei <uid 

explains, 'I am not better than others in letters.' 
In the diet., with ref. to this pass., it is ex- 
plained by ffi|, 80 that the meaning would be — 
'By effort, I can equal other men In letters.' 
Choo He makes ^^ j{^^li & 'purticle of doubt,' 
■** perhaps.* But this is formed for the occasion. 
'i *an-iB-penoii-actiDg Amn-tes.' 




TO 



CONFUCIAM ANALECTS. 



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TIE pr#T 








mm MB. 




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&. B, 0, 

ChafTeb XXXIII. The Master said, ^^ The sage and the man of 
perfect virtue ; — how dare I rank myself with ihernf It may simply 
be said of me, that I strive to become such without satiety, and 
teach others without weariness/' Kung-se Hwa said, ^'This is 
just what we, the disciples, cannot imitate you in/' 

Chaftbb XXXIV. The Master being very sick, Tsze-loo asked 
leave to pray for him. He said, '^May such a thing be done?** 
Tsze-loo replied, " It may. In the Prayers it is swd, * Prayer has 
been made to the spirits of the upper and lower worlds. " The 
Master said, ^' My pra3dng has been for a long time« ^ 

S8. What CbirrnotuB diolixbd to bs con- 

n»u>i>,A»inuTR«ci,Aii»». ^tid:^ 

a>« laid to b« comUtiTes, in which case theya 
our 'Blthongh' and 'yel' More natonlly, we 

BUkj joiii ^ dirccUy with ^ J^ ^, and 

take jffifl af*iOV 'haft.' ^ B, lee ch. 18, 9. 

^ ^, added to «^ S, increasef ita em- 
phaaiflyss'joft this and nothing more.' 

S4. COXFUCIUB DSGLimBe TO BB PBATBD VOK. 

jfe 9^ together mean 'Tery sick.' ^ ^^, 
mjt if interrogative, aa we find it freqnentlj in 

Ifendns. ^^ ' To write a eulogy, and confer 

the posthnmoufl honorary title ;' also, ' to eulo- 
1^ in prayer,' i. e., to recite one's ezoeUendes 
as the ground of supplication. Tsze-loo must 
haye heen referring to some well known coliec- 

tioD of sieh prayers. In 8K B| ^Bt seems 



rather to he an expletive than tiie 

Y_ "T^ssheayen and earth, ]|||| heing lbs 
approp. desig. of the spirits of the fanner, snd 
fjf^ of the latter.— €hoo He says, 'Pn^is 

the expression of repentance and proarise of 
amendment, to supplicate the help of the spiitta 
If there may not he those things, then thcfe is 
no need for praying. In the case of the ngc^ 
he had committed no errors, and admitted of ns 
amendment. In all his conduct he had hen ki 
harmony with the spixitual intelligenoes, sal 
therefore he said, — my prw/mg koM htem far c 
long time.* We may donur to some of thsU 
expressions, hut the declining to he prayed fti^ 
and concluding remark, do indicate the satidl|^ 
tion of Confucius with himself. Here, as la 
other places, we wish that our infionsatisa 
ahottt him wen not so 



CONFUCIAN ANALBCTS. 



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CHAPTER XXXV. The Master said, ^^Extravagance leads to 
insubordination, and parsimony to meanness. It is better to be mean 
thaa to be insubordinate." 

OsAFTEB XXXVL The Master said, "The superior man is 
satisfied and composed ; the mean man is always full of distress/* 

OriAPTEB XXXVII. The Master was mild, and yet dignified; 
majestic, and yet not fierce ; respectful, and yet easy. 



88b MMAXmMB HOT 80 BAD AS nrSVliOKDINA- 

mnr. 3S^ read Ahm, like jB , and with the same 

BBeaiSiiflB 
36/CoirTRAaT nr trbib pkblihos bbtwrbn 

t»i Kxim-TBU JMD THE MBAH MAM. j fl ^, *a 



lerel plain' uied adrarbially with ^,n'ligfat* 

somely.' This is its force here, ^s:^ ^, 

* constantly.' 

87. How TABIOUS SLBXKKTS MODXTIXD OKB 
AXOTHXB IN THB GHABACXBR OF CovyUCIDS. 



«W*>WWk<WMMW«.VM*«M«MM«W*MMMMM.MMMaM>M«AM* 



V 



BOOK VIII. T'AE-PIH. 











aJl>(EM^B.Af6 



Chapter I. The Master said, "T'ae-pih may be said to have 
reached the highest point of virtuous action. Thrice he declined 
the empire, and the people in ignorance of his motives could not ex- 
prjess their approbation of his conduct/' 



HSADnrO OF THIS BOOK.- 



/^ * T'ae-plli, Book eighth/ Ab in other cases, 

tlie Hcsl words of the hook gire name to it. The 
subjects of the chapter are miscellaneous, but it 
hq^s and ends with the character and deeds 
of andent sages and worthies, and on this ac- 
coml H ffrtlows the serenth chapter, where we 
liaiva Qqn£%Gm mmself described. 



1. Thb BXCBBDur TiBTUE OF T'ax-fih. T*ae* 
pih was the eldest son of king T'ae (^^X 

the grandfather of W&n, the founder of the 
Chow djmast7. T'ae had formed the intention 
of upsetting the Yin dyn., of which T*ae-pih 
disapproyed. T*ae moreoyer, because of the 

sage yirtues of his grandson Ch'ang ( a )» ^^0 

aftei^ards became king W&n, wished to hand 



C 



72 



OONFUCIAl^ ▲KALECtS. 





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a=: 







if WW WW 

jn\ Tnv j^h\ 




Chapter II. 



1. The Master said, "Respectfulness, without the 
rules of propriety, becomes laborious bustle ; carefulness, without the 
rules of propriety, becomes timidity ; boldness, without the rules of 
propriety, Decomes insubordination; straightforwardness, without 
the rules of propriety, becomes rudeness. 

2. " When tnose who are in high stations perform well all their 
duties to their relations, the people are aroused to virtue. When 
old friends are not neglected by them, the people are preserved 
from meanness/* 

Chapter III. The philosopher Tsing being sick, he called to 
him the disciples of his school, and said, " Uncover my feet, uncover 
my hands. It is said in the Book of Poetry, * We should be appre- 
bensive and cautious, as if on the brink of a deep gulf, as if 
treading on thin ice,' and so have I been. Now and hereafter, I know 
my escape ^(Wi aU injury to my person, ye, my little children." . 



down his principalitj to his Sd.fon, Chiang's 
father. T*ae-pih obsenring this; and to escape 
opposing his father's purpose, retired with his 
•econd brother among the barbarous tribes of 
the south, and left their youngest brother in 
possession of the state. The motires of his 
conduct T*ae-pih kept to himself, so that the 

P^ple ^ "^ jjlii Mk ^f ' could not find how 

to praise him.' There is a difficulty in making 
out the refusal of the empire thru times, there 
being different accounts of the times and ways 
in which he did so. Choo He cuts the knot, by 
making * thrice **=* firmly,' in which solution we 
may acquiesce. There is as great difficulty to 
find out a declining of the trnpire in T'ae-pih's 
withdrawing from the petty state of Chow. It 
may be add^ that king Woo, the first emperor of 
the Chow dyn., subsequently conferred on T'ae- 
pih the posthumous title of Chief of Woo 

(i&), the country to which he had withdrawn, 

and whose rude inhabitants gathered roimd 
hiuL His second brother succeeded him in the 
government of them, and hence the ruling house 
of Woo had the same surname as the imperial 

iiouse of Chow, that namely of Tsze (-T-). See 
^*^- ^- •{& B ^ 8i^e emphasis to the 



2. Thb tjllub of thk rvlbs of pxoFtnsTT; 

AHD OF BXAMPLB IN THOSE IK HIGH STATIOMS. I. 

We must bear in mind that the ceremonies, 6t 
rules of propriety, spoken of in these books, am 
not mere conrentionalities, but the ordinatkiqi 
of man's moral and intelligent nature in the 

line of what is proper, j^, < to Strang' Is hen 

explained by Chow He by ^^- Ho An, aftSr 

Ma Yung (early part of 2d century), makes tt^ 

»j^ jm, ' sarcasm.' 2. There does not seem 

any connection between the for. paragraph and 
this, and hence this is by many considmd to , 
be a new chap., and assigned to the philosopher 

Tsfing. 'S' -7-, diff. here from its prcrfoiit 

usage, having reference more to the ^T or 
station of the individuals indicated, than to 
their ^ or Tirtue. Jfefe^-^Bff^. 

'old ministers and old intimacies' 4£^, ohm ' 

a rerb, ' to steal ; ' here an a4}., *mcaa.' 
3. Thb puilosopubr Tbakg's fiual ricrr 

SEEK IK HIS CABB OF HIS PERSON. VTfe.gel^itf < 

bodies perfect from our parents, and sbmiM i^ 

preserve them to the last. This is « gre«t=; 

branch of filial piety with the Ch., and this ck 

V u «ai4\<^i^\i&\x«.\% V<^^ X^^-tfeze had inadi *' 






CONPUCUN ANALECTS. 



A^ 



73: 










f-M IE m m B.J' :^ m.^ 

. Hj 3® ^ ^L ^o W M. 







AFTER IV. 1. The philosopher Ts&ng being sick, Mang King 
to ask how he was. 

Tsang said to him, '^ When a bird is about to die, its notes are 
nful ; when a man is about to die, his words are good. 
"There are three principles of conduct which the man of high 
should consider specially important : — that in his deportment 
[lanner he keep from violence and heedlessness ; that in regulat- 
is countenance he keep near to sincerity ; and that in his words 
ones he keep far from lowness and impropriety. As to such 
irs as attending to the sacrificial vessels, there are the proper offi- 
or them." 

refers to ^. 3. "^^ in "§* -^ ^ 0. in- 

^. ^, . .^24* timatea that Tfting commenced the coDYersatlon. 

etenration thote members were. ^r-TT) « ^j. —r , iii 

Ry,«^ 3^ M^ |L^ und rH are all verbs governing 

e She-kiag, IL v.i.st e. In flD ^^ we ^ ^^ . „ . js . , ... dUs. 

■ "1 "•* ^ the nouns following. ^ is read like ^, and 

^ TO" 9 • '"*® ^^^^ ^^^ i**^- with the same meaning, * to rebel agalSt,' *to 
omm. say, not so much Tsftng's satis- y^ contrary to,* that here opposed being ^\ 
IB the preservation of his person, as the 
which he had had, and would continue 
if life were prolonged, in preserving it 

m PHU^otorHKK Tsamg's otino counsels 
V OF HUB BANK. 1. ttf^ was the hon. 

IV "^ ^* ^ ^^^^^ oiBcer of Loo, and 
faog^woo, II. 6. From the conclusion 
chapter, we may suppose that he de- 

to saiUmatters below his rank, j^ 



I life-long stody. He made the disd. 
' his hands and feet to show them in 




' the truth and right/ JA was a bamboo dish with 

a stand, made to hold (raits and seeds at sacrifice ; 

"^ was like it, and of the same size, only made 

of wood, and used to contain pickled vegetables 

and sauces. "St -7- is used as in ch. 2. — ^la 

Ho An's compilation, the three clauses, begin. 

TJOf i3, are taken differently, ands:*thus he 

will not suffer from men's being violent and ia> 
suiting, &c., &c.* I prefer the modern view. 



74 



COKFUCIAI} AKALECTS. 



^ 





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BE 








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Chapter V. The philosopKer Tsang said, " Gifted with ability, 
and yet putting questions to those who were not so ; possessed of 
mucn, and yet putting questions to those possessed of little ; having, 
as thoudi he had not; fuU, and yet counting himself as empty; 
oiFended against, and yet entering into no altercation : — formerly I 
had a friend who pursued this style of conduct." 

Chapter VI. The philosopher Tsang said, " Suppose that there 
is an individual who can be entrusted with the charge of a young 
orphan prince^ and can be commissioned with authority over a state 
of a hundred fe, and whom no emergency however great can drive 
from his principles : — ^is such a man a superior man ? He is a supe- 
rior man indeed." 

Chapter VII. 1. The philsopher Ts&ng said, "The scholar may 
not be without breadth of mind and vigorous endurance. His 
burden is heavy and his course is long. 



6. The admirabli rimplicttt aitd frbbdom 
fkou bg0ti8m of a friend of tiik philosopher 
T.SANO. This fHend is supposed to have been 

Yi*n Yuen. J^, 'imprisonment by means of 

Wood/ * stocks.* The I^ict., after the old interpr., 
explains it with reference to this passage, by 

'TH WiJ S^ ffii 'altercation/ 'recompensing/ 
^ijb $ >^ ^, Ut., < foUowed things in this 

6. A COMBINATION OF TALENTS AND TIRTUB 
CONSTITUTING A KkCN TSZE. -^ J^ ^ J0|1[» 

* an orphan of six cubits/ By a comparison of 
a pasHHj^o in the Chow Le and other rcfcrencxjs 
to tlif subject, it sceuifi to be established that 



' of six cubits ' is here eqiuvalenl to ' of 15 yesn»' 
and that for erery cubit more or lesa we siKNdd j 

add or deduct five yean. See the jjfe^ ^^ ^flf^ 

where it is also said that the aodent cubit vat 
shorter than the modem, and onlyaeT.i iiL, » 
that 6 cubits=4.44 cubits of the present day. 
But this estimate of the ancient cubit is proba- 
bly still too high. King Witn, it is said, ins 
10 cubits high, ' t. e^ 7.4 modem cubits or iimr 

than Bi English 'eet. "g* ||^ ^ ^, sea 

Men. V. ii. 2. S^ amounts nearly to a questio% 

and is answered by •Ih, — ' Yes, indeed.' 
7. Tub necbssity to the acROLAS of c<mh 

PASS JLSD V1Q0U& or WKD. *j[^, 'l 







CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^ s J^ 



75 




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14. 




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IL« 



■ ■ ■ ■>% 



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rfii 

E. 

" Perfect virtue is the burden which he considers it is his to 
ain ; — is it not heavy ? Only with death does his course stop ; — 
not long ? " 

HAPTER VIII. 1. The Master said, " It is by the Odes that the 
d is aroused. 

" It is by the Rules of propriety that the character is 
blished. 

" It is from Music that the finish is received." 
HAPTER IX. The Master said, " The people may be made to 
)w a path of action, but they may not be made to understand it." 
•HAPTER X. The Master said, "The man who is fond of daring 
is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceed to insubordination, 
^ill the man who is not virtuous, wiien you carry your dislike 
lim to an extreme." 

Choo He, the first ij ii ^ J^^ fiff iSf .^»- 

dutjf, what principles require, and the second it 

He also takes pHf and yK "pX^ '^'^Slk '^^^ 
jK ]ife. If the meaning were so, then the 
sentiment would be much too broadly expre98e4. 
See |/^ ^ ^ ^, XVI. 15. As often in 

other places, the |B §4* f^^^^ ^^ meaning here 
happily ; viz., that a knowledge of the ressons 
and principles of what they are called to do 
need not be required from the people, — ^f\ pi' 



* a schcdar/ but in all ages learning has 

the qualiflcation for, and passport to, 

d employment in China, hence it is also a 

al designation for 'an officer.' ^^, low. 

ae, a nonn,ss*an office,' 'a burden borne;' 
the Ist tone, it is the verb *to bear.* 
Tub KKrKCTs of poetkt, proprirtics, and 
;. These throe short sentences are in form 

he four, ;^ |f^ ^, &c., in VII. 6, but 

be interpreted differently. Tliere the first 
in each sentence is a verb in the impera- 
uood ; here it is in the indicative. There 

!f^ is to be joined closely to the Ist charac- 

id here to the 3d. There it=our prepos. to ; 

it=6y. The terms ^i, ^[, |fe, have 

leciflc reference. 

What may, anh what may not be at- 

bi> Tu wiTU TU£ P£OPi«£. Accordiug to 



10. DiPFERKKT CAUSES OF INSUBORDIXATIOX 
---A UiSSOK TO UULUIS. 



i€ 



COHFUaAN ANAI£CTS. 



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1 





8 
I 

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Chapter XL The Master said, " Though a man have abilities iSi 
admirable as those of the duke of Chow, yet if he be proud and 
niggardly, those other things are really not worth being looked a;^ 

Chapter XIL The Master said, " It is not easy to find a man 
who has learned for three years without coming to be good." 

Chapter XIII. 1. The Master said, "With sincere faith he, 
unites the love of learning ; holding firm to death, he is perfectui^ 
the excellence of his course. 

2. ^' Such an one will not enter a tottering state, nor dwell in a 
disorgani2ed one. When right principles of government prevail in 
the empire, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he wiD 
keep concealed. 

3. " When a country is well governed, poverty and a mean c6i|; 
dition are things to be ashamed of. Wlien a country is ill governed^ 
riches and honour are things to be ashamed of." 



11. Thx woRTHLBssirma op talksit wrrd- 
OUT VIRTUS. *The duke of Chow ;• — see VII. 

S. ^ ^» 'the orerplua,' *the superfluity/ 
refefring to the 'taleuts,' and indicating that 
ahiiity is not the ^fr, or root of character, not 

what is essential, m. ^., as in ch. 1. 

12. How QUtCltLT LMARNHfO LKAD8 TO GOOD. 

This is the interpretation of K^ung Qan^kwO, 
who takes §9* in the sense of ^k* Choo lie 



the whole a lamentation orer the raritj of tht 
disinterested pursuit of learning. Bat we ai9 
not at liberty to admit alterations of the teit| 
unless, as received. It be absolutely ttiiiAfll* 
gible. ^ 

13. Tub QUAuriCATtoxs or xn o»ncR< 

WHO WILL ALWAYS ACT RIGHT IN AfXIBTlM 

AND DRCLiNiMG omcfi. 1. This par. is tvlb 
taken as descriptive of character, the effedisil 
whose presence we have in the next, and df M 

absence in the last. 2. B^ in oppos. l<LaE 

read Aeea. low. dd tone. The whole oh* soMH 
to want the warmth of generous priucJiJf'^ 
feeling. In fact, I doubt whether ita: 



takes the term in the sense of ]», 'emolu- 

,, , ,, . -^^ . , ^L ,. 1 the relation and coimectk)nwhiditht» •!»•••► 

ment,' and would change ^ into jjg, making | j^^^ ^^ ^y^^ T ^ , Jt> 



OONf CCIAS ANALBCT8. 



77 



^m^%mz 









.TM, 








01 je> ^ ^, 









iPTBR XIV. The Master said, " He who is not in any parti- 

i^iiice, has nothing to do with plans for the administration of 

ties," 

iPTER XV. The Master said, " When the music-master, Che, 

ntered on his office, the finish with the Kwan Ts'eu was mag- 

nt ; — ^how it filled the ears !" 

AFTER XVI. The Master said, " Ardent and yet not upright ; 

i and yet not attentive ; sunple and yet not sincere : — such 

as I do not understand." 

AFTER XVII. The Master said, " Learn as if you could not 

your object, and were always fearing also lest you should lose it." 

AFTER aVIII. The Master said, " How majestic was the man- 

1 which Shun and Yu held possession of the empire, as if it 

nothing to them I " 



Btxst man should mikd rib owk bubi- 
3o the sentiment of this ch. ie gener- 
if the paraphrasts, and perhaiw cor- 
Its letter, howerer, has doubtless oper- 
prevent the spread of right notions about 
[liberty in China. 

rtIK PRAISB OF THE MUBIC-MA8TBR ChB. 

Morrison nor MedhurBt gires what ap- 
ft be the meaniag of fli in this ch. 

le't diet, haa it— |G^ j^ X£ ^^ R 

Hie last part in the musical serrices is 

Mfon,' The programme on those occa- 
tnaisted of four parts^ in the last of which 
er of pieces from the /un<f or national 
as song, commencing with the Kwan- 
Vbe name Iwan was also given to a sort 
in, at the end of each song. — ^The old 
iUsn explain differently, — 'when the 
naster Che first corregti^ the cottfttsion 
Cw«i-t«*ett/ &c. 



1^ A LAXBNTAnON OTBB MORAL BBROB 
ADDBO TO HATURAL DBrflCT. S' yK ^jjf j^, 

* I do not know them/ that is, say comm., na- 
tural defects of endowment are generally asso- 
ciated with certain redeeming qimlities, as has- 
tiness with straightforwardness, &c. In the 
parties Conf. had in view, those redeeming qua- 
lities were absent. He did not understand 
them, and could do nothing for them. 

17. With what barxbsthbsb akd connif* 
noubmbbb lbabmino should bb pur8ubd. 

18. Thb lofty charactfr of Shuk and 
Yd. Shun received the empire from Yaon, B. C. 
2254, and Yu received it from Shun, B. C. 2204. 
The throne came to them not by inheritance. 
They were called to it by their talents and 
virtue. And yet the possession of empire did 

not affect them at all. y|^ Jk, — *It did not 

coBceni them>' wm as if aQtUing tQ thft\si« ^^^ 



73 



CONPUCIAII ANALECTS. 



^.A„f^ 



:^ B. 0. g ^ 




4»^^4.g^ 












Chapter XIX, 1, The Master Baid, " Great indeed was Yaou as 
a sovereign ! How majestic was he I It is only Heaven that is grand, 
and only Yaou corresponded to it. How vast was his virtue t Tke 
people could find no name for it. 

2. " How majestic was he in the works which he accbmplishedi 
How glorious in the elegant regulations which he instituted!" 

Chapter XX. 1. Shun had five ministers, and the empire waft 
well governed. 

2. King Woo said, " I have ten able ministers." 

3. Confucius said, '^ Is not the saying that talents are difficult 
to find, true? Only when the dyna4sties of T*ang and Yu met, w«« 
they more abundant than in this of ChoWj yet there was a w^oman 
among them. The able ministers were no more than nine men." 

An takes |^«^ — ' They had the empire miniaten were ^, superintendent of wo^ 
without seeQg for it.* This is not according ^ superintendent of agricultore, ^ {jO^ 

19. Tub praise of Yaoo. I. No doubt, 
Yaou, as he appears in Chinese annals, is a fit 
object of adminition, but if Confucius had had 
a right knowledge of, and reverence for, Hea- 
ven, he could not have spoken as he docs here. 
Grant that it is only the visible heaven over- 
spreading all, to which he compares Yaou, even 

that is sufllciently absurd. B|| ^^, not sim- 

p'y=ji ^' '*«'''*t^ it.' •»"* im <! 

rpf 'could equalize with it.* 2. j^ ^Q J^ 

achievements of his goverment. "^ ^^ (see 

V. 1 2)= the music, ceremonies, &c., of which he 
was the author. 

20. Tiik rcaucity or mew of talext, axd 



minister of instruction, B. BH. nnnister of 

justice, and 'fj^^^i warden of woods and msr- 
shes. Those five, as being eminent abome ifl 
their compeers, are mentioned. 2. See the Shoc- 
king, V. i. sect. il. 6. fjj^ |^, 'govenpii^ 
t. e., able ministers.' In the diet., the Bnt 
meaning given of fli is *to regulate,' and ths 

second is just the opposite, — 'to oonfoonl' 
^ confusion.' Of the ten ministers, the mostdli- 
tinguishcd of course was the duke of Chov. 
One of them, it is said next par., was a womsa, 
but whether she was the mother of king WiOi 

or his wife, is much disputed. 8. Instesd of 
the usual ' the master said,' we have here ^ 

^ ^1 ' The philosopher K^ung Mid.* Tltf* 



CONFUCIAN ANALECtS, 



79 









I JMi\ 





.%A 



j! 









.Ira it* 




4. ^^King Wan possessed two of the three parts of the empire, and 
with those he served the dynasty of Yin. The virtue of the house 
4>f Chow may be said to have reached the highest point indeed." 

Ghafteb XXI. The Master said, " I can find no flaw in the 
character of Yu. He used himself coarse food and drink, but dis- 
played the utmost filial piety towards the spirits. His ordinary 
'^garments were poor, but he displayed the utmost elegance in his 
sacrificial cap and apron. He lived in a low mean house, but ex- 
^j^ded all his stren^h on the ditches and water-channels. I can find 
nothing like a flaw m Yu." 

nothing in hiih to which I can ^int as a flaw. 
5& Ifiti '^ interpreted of the spirits of bearen 
and earth, as well ils those sacrificed to in the 
ancestral temple, hut the saying that the rich 
offerings were filial C^g) would seem to restrict 

the phrase to the latter. The WjJ was an apron 

made of leather, and coming down over the 

knees, and the J$^ was a sort of cap or crown, 

flat on the top, and projecting before and be- 
hind, with a long fringe on which gems and 
pearls were strong, 'they were both used in 

aacriflclng. ^ ^. gcneraUy the wate^clun- 
nels by which the boundaries of the fields were 
determined, and provision made for their irriga- 
tion, and to carry off the water of floods. The 
^g were 4 cubits wide and deep, and srranged 

so as to flow into the JA, which were doable 
jJH^^i •/« Tu, IJind no crevice so,' i, e., I find | the size. 



is aooounted for on the ground that the words of 

Jp^ Woo having been quoted immediately be- 

lore, It would not have done to crown the sage 

^IRilb his usual title of the Jla«fer.' The style 

of tibe whole chapter, however, is different from 

^Mbafof any previous one, and we may suspect 

that it is corrupted. yV^ Wk is a sort of pro- 
verb, or common saying, which Conf. quotes 
ioA iUustrates. ^^^|^> (Yaou is called 

'4*angV having ascended the throne from the 
^BiMquiaateof that name, and Yu became the 

accepted surname or style of Shun.) "fe^ ttr 

1 ^S i ^ is understood by Choo He as in the 

txKuLj while the old comm. take exactly the 
opposite view. The whole is obscure. 4. This 
]^. must be spoken of King Wftn. 

'21. Thb praise of Yd. M , read Kieny up. 
tope, *a crevice," a crack,' ^^|^^ 






80 



COSTOCIAN ANALECTS. 



BOOK IX. TSZE HAN. 










T. 







a 



Chapter I. The subjects of which the Master seldom spoke 
were — ^profitableness, and also the appointments of Heaven^ and per- 
fect virtue. 

Chapter IL 1. A man of the village of TX-heang said, "Great 
indeed is the philosopher E^ung I His learning is extensive, aad 
yet he does not render his name famous by any particular thing." 

2. The Master heard the observation, and said to his disciples, 
"What shall I practise? Shall I practise charioteering, or shall I 
practise archery ? I will practise charioteering." 



HEADHfO OF THIS BoOK. — ^^ JR vBt ^. 

'The Master tf^ldom. No. 9.' The thirty chap- 
ten of thig Book are much akin to thoie of the 
■eventh. They are moftly occupied with the 
doctrine, character, and ways of Confuciua him- 
•elf. 

1. SUBJaCTS 8KLDOM BFO^KI OF BT CON- 

vuciDS. ffA is mostly taken here in a good 

•ense, not as selfish gain, hut as it is defined 
under the first of l^e diagrams in the Yih- 

^^^* — ^S ^ ^FQ* '^^® harmoniousness of all 
that is righteous;' that is, how what is right is 
really what is truly profitable. Comp. Mencius, 
I. i. 1. Yet even in this sense Conf. seldom 
apoke of it, as he would not hare the consid- 
eration of the profitable introduced into con- 
duct at all. With his not speaking of ^^ there 

is a difficulty which I know not how to solve. 
The IVth book is nearly all occupied with it, 
and no doubt it was a prominent topic in Conf. 

teachings. ^^ is not=:our /ate, unless in the 

primaiy meaning of that term,-— 'iVitem wt 



I quod dii fantur: Nor Is It detntj cr anteccdsBt 
purpose and determination, but the deciee cm- 
bodied and realized in its object 
2. AMCSBMurr of Coitfucius at trx rkkaik 

OF AH lOHORANT MAK ABOinr lilM. OimUL, oM 

and new, say that the ch. shows the exceeding 
humility of the sage, educed by his being prais- 
ed, but his observation on tiie man's reisafk 
was evidently ironical 1. For want of aootbtr 

word, I render ^ <by village.* According to 
the statutes of Chow, <flve famlliea made a M^, 

four p€ a ^, and five 2m or 600 familiesa 

tang: Who the villager was is not recorded, 
though some would have him to be the ssae 

'vnth J^ ^, the boy of whom it U said in lbs 

old Confucius was a scholar to Heang T'A.' Thtt 
man was able to see that Confucius was voy 
extensively learned, but his idea of fam^ com* 
mon to the age, was that it must be acquired if 
excellence in some one particular art In hit lip^ 

1^ ^ was not more thaa our ^Mr. £*aa^* 



COMFUCIAK ANAIJBCT8> 



It 











I ^ 3^ ^ Ho, P9 . a- :»T -a m 








r 




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#»4. 



[AFTER IIL 1. The Magter said, >^The linen cap is that pre- 
ed by the rules of ceremony, but now a silk one is worn. It is 
>inical, and I follow the common practice, 

" The rules of ceremony prescribe the bowing below the hall^ 
low the practice is to bow only after ascending it. That is arro-- 

I continue to bow below the hall, though I oppose the com^ 
practice." 

[AFTER IV, There were four things from which the Master 
mtirely free. He had no foregone conclusions, no arbitrary 
stenninationfi, no obstinacy, ana no egoism. 
[AFTER V. L The Master was put in fear in K^wang, 

He said, " After the death of king Wan, was not the causa 
ith lodged here in me ? 



OXB COVMOK nuCTICVS HtDIFFSRKUT AUD 

NOT. 1. The cap here spoken of vas 
rcMcribed to be worn in ^he ancestral 
r and made of very fine Uneo dyed of a 
irk colour. There are long discuwions 
;he number of threads thal^ vent into its 
It had fallen i«io disuse, aivl was super- 
>7 a simpler one of silk* Bather ^han be 
j:, Confucius gare In to a practice^ which 
d no principle of right, and was eco- 

X. 2. Choc He explains the ^SH^, ^S 

* 9 thus; * In the ceriemoQial int^oourse 

n ministers and their prince, it was pro- 
r th«m to bow below the raised hall. 
le pcfaee declined, on which they ascend- 
oompleted lihe homage.* See dius illus- 

^ ^^® ^ ii ^ i§> ^ ^ '^^^ 

IngdlsregaDd of the fiisst part of the cer. 
oonsidered inconsistent with the proper 
» to be observed between prince and 
sr, and therefore he would be singular in 
Bg to tho rule. 

PRAII.TIB8 FBOM WHICH CoNFUCIlTS WAS 

.Q:. it «wid.i. not prohibitive here, 



but simply negatiTe,«e^, This cHtlcism U 
made to make U appear that U was not by any 
efforl; Btk j|ffi and -ffl; more naturally ^uggest^ 
that Ckwfucius attained to these things* 

5, CONFUClirS ABSUB9D Iir A TIMS Of PANOVE 
BY HIS CONVICTION OF A DIVINE MISSION, Comp^ 

VJX> 22, but the adventure to which this ch, 
refers is placed in the sage's history before the 
other, and ue&a^ to have occurred in hi* 57th 
year, not long aft^r he had resigned o0ce, an<| 
letlt Loo* 1 . There are different opinions as to 
what state K^wang belonged to. The most 
likely is that It was a bonder tow0 of CbHn& 
and Its site is now to be found in the dep, of 
K'ae-fung in Ho-nan, The account i« that 

K'wang had suffered from E^J^i f^ officer of 

Xioo, to whom Coftf, bore «. resembIapoe ,_ A /i h9 

passed by the place moreover, a disdple, jm^jy 

who had been associated with Tang Foo in hif 
operations against K*wang, was driving him. 
These circum. made the people think that Conf, 
was their old enemy, so they attacked him, and 
kept him prisoner for five days. The accounts 
of his escape vary, some of them being eTtdoxLtV) 



r 



82 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



■^ 




J±i.m 









3. " If Heaven had vrished to let this cause of truth perish, then 
I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. 
While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the 
people of K*wang do to me?" 

Chapter VI. 1. A high officer asked Tsze-kung saying, "May 
we not say that your Master is a sage ? How various is his ability r 

2. Tsze Kung said, " Certainly Heaven has endowed him un- 
limitedl^. He is about a 8age. And, moreover, his abiUty i. 
various. 

3. The Master heard of the conversation and said, "Does the 
high officer know me ? When I was young, my condition was low, 
and therefore I acquired my ability in many things, but they were 
mean matters. Must the superior man have such variety of ability? 
He does not need variety of ability." 

4. Laousaid, " The Master said, * Having no official employment, 
I acquired many arts.'" 



fabuloua. The disciples were in fear, •f^ would 
indicate that Confncius himself was so, but 
this is denied. 2. "KT^ — ^I render by 'the cause of 

truth.' More exactly, it is the truth embodied 
in literature, ceremonies, &c., and its use in- 
stead of «b[, * truth in its principles/ is attri- 
buted to Conf . modestj. ]^ ^ky * in this,' ref . 
to himself. 8. There may be modesty in his use 
of '^, but he here identifies himself with the 

line of the great sages, to whom Hearcn has in- 
trusted the instruction of men. In all the six 
centuries between himself and king WSn, he 

does not admit of such another. .^ 7P ^, 
'he who dies fl/terward8/»a future mortal. 



6. On thb various abilitt of Covpocics i-^ 

HIS SAOBHOOD KOT THSRUIT. 1. AcCOldingtO 

the ^jj^f the ^ ^ was the chief of tbs 

six great officers of state, but the use of the de- 
signation in Conf. times was confined to the states 
of Woo and Sung, and hence the oflBcer in ths 
text must hare belonged to one of them. Ses 

the &j:jfi&, tn he. The force of BH is as ap- 
pears in the tnmsl. 2. fiu. is responded to by 
Tsze-kung with |^ , 'certainly,* while yet by tho 
use of a«h he gives his answer an air of bea- 

tancy. j^ >^, 'lets him go,* i. e., does notr^ 

strict him at all. The officer had found tht* 
\ saig^QKA v>i C^Til. VEL bia various ability ;• 



V 



CONTUCIAN ANALECTS. 



83 






r 



t 








t 











^^H VIL The Master said, "Am I indeed possessed of 

i^§^ ? I am not knowing. But if a mean person, who ap- 

^^v^ empty-like, ask anything of me, I set it forth from one 

p tue other, and exhaust it.'* 

lA^BR VIII. The Master said, " The funo bird does not come ; 

river sends forth no map : — it is all over with me." 

;EAPTer IX. When the Master saw a person in a mourning 

9S, ^r any one with the cap and upper and lower garments of full 

fls, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they 

re younger than himself, he would rise up, and if he had to pass 

them, he would do so hastily. 



jl^i 'moreover,* Tszo-kung makes that 

itjr <xAy an addit. circum. 8. Coof. explains 

Pp^sew. of Tarioua ability, and repudiates 

^g enen. to the lage, or eren to the Keun- 

4. Laou was a disciple, by surname K'in 

I), and styled Tsie-k'ae (-7- §B )> or Tsxe- 

^ (jp SM^' ^^ ^ supposed that when 
I conrersations were being digested into 
present form, some one remembered that 
I had been in the habit of mentioning the 
A, gifen, and accordingly it was appended 

e chapter. 'T"3zr us^^^^^tes thai it was a 
^t saying of Confucius. 

CoxruClVS DISCLAIMS THB K90WLAD0B 
KCTKD TO HIM, AMD DBCLAaBB HIB XAR- 

^ iv TBACoiifO, The first sentence here 
(obably an exclamation with reference to 
i^nuurk upon himself as haring eztraor- 

knowledge. PjJ ^ ^ i^, *exhi- 

|]=sg^ l|j[> '^ agitate,*) its two ends,' 
scuis it from beginning to end. 

''or WAUT or AUSFICIOUS OMKNfl, CORF0- 
TBS DP THB UOPK OV TUB TRIUMPH OF 

TR1BB8. The fung is the male of a fa- 
iird, whieh has been called the Chinese 



I phosnix, said to appear when a sage ascends the 
I throne or when right principles are gping to 
triumph thro' the empire. The female is call- 
ed 




In the days of Shun, they gambolled 

in his hall, and were heard singing on mount 
K'e, in the time of king W&n. The rirer and 
the map carry us farther back still, — to the 
time of ihiH-he, to whom a monster with the 
head of a dragon, and the body of a horse, rose 
from the water, being marked on the back so as 
to gire that first of the sages the idea of his 

diagrams. Conf. indorses these fables. ^^ 

2| ^ ^1— we V. 26, and obs. how ^ 

and ^^ are interchanged. 
9. Conruoius* SYMPAmr with sorrow, rb- 

SPBCT FOR rank, AND PITT FOR MI8FORTUNB. 

, read tsxe, is ' the lower edge of a garment ' 




and joined with S*, read r«*Ky, * mourning gar- 
ments,* the two char, indicate the mourning of 
the second degree of intensity, where the edge is 
imhemmed, but cut even, instead of being rag- 
ged, the terms for wliich are mr ;&. The 
phrase, however, seems to be for *■ in mourning ' 
generally. A^, up. 3d tone, 'young.* 



1 



84 



OONFCeiAH AKAIfCtS; 



1t 







I* ^ 




/C^ >6Sr S3 ^ a <% 













JI*¥ 
















^mm^z 



CflAPTilB X. 1. Yen Yuen, in admiration of the Master's dodrim 
sighed and said, " I looked up to them, and they seemed to hem 
more high j I tried to penetrate them, and they seemed to hw 
more firm ; I looked at them before me, and suddenly they seemd 
he behind. 

2. " The Master, by orderly method, skilfully leads men on. 1 
enlarged my mind with learning, and taught me the restmints 
-propriety. 

3. "When I wish to give over the study of kis doctrines^ I cam 
do so, and having exerted all my ability, there seems something 
stand right up before me; but though i wish to follow and lay h 
of itj I really find no way to do so. ' 

Chapter XL 1. The Master being very ill, Tsze-loo wished ^ 
disciples to act as ministers to him« 

2, Durinff a remission of his illness, he said, " Long has the c 
duct of Yew been deceitful I By pretending to have ministers wl 
I have them not, whom should 1 impose upon ? Should I imp 
upon Heaven? 

10. YfiK YoEk's ADirtRATtoir or nts maatIir's : 

tKKTRIVItS, AND HIS OWN PROtiKKBS IN THEM. 

1. P^ /^ |gj. * iighingly aighcd.' ^ and 

the other Verhs here are to be translated in the 
paat tense, as the ch. seems to give an account 

of the progress of Hwny's mind. ^^J^^^^ 
^, * suddenly.' 2. ^^ ^ | ^, ' to lead for- 

^=J^ ^. an adt., * uprightly/ Moftily.' 
^ J^, *to follow it/ t. e., to advance there- 
upon to it.' ^^, in the sense of ^tt. ^j^pg 



the means Whereby to Use my strength.' 

P^, *yea, indeed.*— »It was this which J 
him sigh. 

11. CottFUClUS' I>ISt.IKK O^ PRlAKNSION, 

dONTENTMBNT WltH HIS CONDlttON. 1. 

^was causing/ or wanted to cause. Conf 
been a great officer, and enjoyed the sernc 
ministers, as in a petty court. Tsto-loo « 
have surrounded him in his great sickneai 

), with the illusions of his farmer flti|^ 




I 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



85 










\ 







Tip 












BcLk 




a 













5¥ 



0.#fir^ 




-3^ ite ^: 

^^ TtTT -T^ 





7^5E 






M 



3. *' Moreover, than that I should die in the hands of ministers, 
I It not better that I should die in the hands of vou, my disciples ? 
bd tViough I may not get a great burial, shall I die upon the road?" 

ChaptiSr XII, Tsze-kung said, "There is a beautiful gem here, 
Should I lay it up in a case and keep it? or should I seek for a 
jood price and sell it ? " The Master said, " SeU it 1 Sell it ! But I 
irould wait till the price was oifered." 

Ohaptek XIIL !• The Master was wishing to go and live 
ynong the nine wild tribes of the east. 

2, Some one said, "They are rude. How can you do such a 
thing ? " The Master said, " If a superior man dwelt among them, 
wh«.t rudeness would there be ? " 

Chapter XIV. The Master said, "I returned from Wei to Loo, 
and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the Imperial 
songs and Praise songs found all their proper place." 

Ivooglit Oft bhnsell this rebuke. 3. j^=»|f(t 

9^, a conjUfLctioa, 'letting it be that,'^al* 
though. 

12, fiow TRS DSfiZSB FOS OFFICE SHOULD 
as ^OALOtBB BT SELF^BSSTIdCT. ^ Ib lateTFOg. 

bere. as in VII. 25. There being no nominative 
t» M, like the 'I' in the transl., we might 

^teader, 'should it be put, &c' ^?, read hea, 

Nipt M tone, =t:|B, 'price/ ' valtte.' The disciple 
^ to eKcil ffom Coftf. wl^ hedecUxied o0ve 



(^m) of them, the yellow, white, red, &c. 2. 

^U J^ 'ji^, — ^the ^p^ refers to his purpose to 

go among the K 
14. Confucius* ser vices in coerectino the 

WOWS OF BM NAXIVJS BXAXfi A»V APJUailKU II&E 



SO much, and insinuated the subject in this way. 

13. How BARBARIANS CAN BE CIVILIZED. 

This ch. is to be understood, it is said like V. 
6, not as if Conf. really wished to go among the 
£, but that he thus expressed his regret that 

his doctr. did not find accept, in China. 1. B^, 

see IIL 5. There were nine tribes or varieties 



ilbEMLe-.. 



86 




^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



P^i lasfcl .S^ 









^ 0.4o 0. -^ ^E K. £. 0. € 

;ii fBf n ai # 



n % % m 












Il\l 




Chapter XV. The Master said, " Abroad, to serve the high minis- 
ters and officers; at home, to serve one's father and elder brother; 
in all duties to the dead, not to dare not to exert one's-self ; and not 
to be overcome of wine: — ^what one of these things do I attain to?** 

Chapter XVI. The Master standing by a stream, said, " It passes 
on just like this, not ceasing day or night ! " 

Chapter XVII. The Master said, " I have not seen one who 
loves virtue as he loves beauty." 

Chapter XVIII. The Master said, " The prosecution of learning 
may be compared to what may happen in raising a mound. If 
there want but one basket of earth to complete the work, and I stop, 

Book or Pobtrt. Conf. rettumed fyom Wei to 
Loo in his 69th year, and died 5 yean after. 

The J|^, (read n^o, low. 3d tone), and the ^§, 

are the names of two, or rather three, of the divi- 
along of the She-king, the former being the 
'elegant' or * correct' odes, to be used with 
music at imperial festirals, and the praise-songs, 
celebrating principally the Tirtues of the foun- 
ders of different dynasties, to be used in the 
services of the ancestral temple. 

15. COKFUCIUS* YBRT HUMBLE BBTIHATB OF 

HIMSELF. Comp. Vn. 2, but the things which 
Confucius here disclaims are of a still lower 
char, than those there mentioned. Very re- 
markable is the last, as from the sage. The 

old interpr. treat j^ ^ jf^ ^ "^^ » they 

do in YII. 12. ^ 6^ stand together, indicat. 
men of superior rank. If we disting. between 
them, the ^^L may express the princes, high 

oflicers in the imperial court, and the B|, the 
kfgh oMcen ia the princes' courts. 



16. How ClONFUClUS WAS AFFECTED BT A 

SUNNING STREAM. What does the ti in the 
transl. refer to? »* and ^|(P indicate some- 
thing in the sage's mind, suggested by the 
ceaseless more, of the water. Choo He makes 

it ^ ifj^ J^ '^,==oup 'course of nature.' 

In the ^ 2^ we And for it ^ ^, ' events,' 

'the things of time.' Probably Choo He is cor^ 
rect. Comp. Mencius, lY. ii. 18. 

17. Thb rabitt of a sibcbbb lotx of tn- 
TUB. '&J as in I. 7. 

18. That lbabnbrs should hot cbasb fob 
iktbrmit tubir labours. This is a firagment, 
like many other chapters, of some convenatioOv 
and the subject thus illustrated must be sup- 
plied, after the mod. comm., as in the truuU- 
tion, or, after the old, by ' the following of vir- 
tue.' See the Shoo-king, V. ▼, 9, where the 
subject is virtuous consistency. We migkt 



COKTUCaAlf ANALECTS. 



87 




1^ 






1 IIH pT ^ 7i it 0, 

^ 1 fi- 





opping is my own work. It dmy be compared to thromng 
the earth on the level ground. Though hut one basketful is 
Id at a time J the advancing with it is my own going forward." 
AJPTER XIX. The Master said, " Never flagging when I set 
anything to him ; — ah ! that is Hwuy." 

APTKB aX. The Master said of Yen Yuen, "Alas I I saw his 
mt advance. I never saw him stop in his progress." 
APTEB XXI. The Master said, " There are cases in which the 
springs, but the plant does not go on to flower 1 There are 
where it flowers, but no fruit is subsequently^ produced 1 " 
AFTER XXII. The Master said, "A youth is to be regarded 
respect. How do we know that his future will not be equal to 
resent ? If he reach the age of forty or fifty, and has not 
himself heard of, then indeed he will not be worth being re- 
d with respect." 

[If, bat a good senae cannot be made 
taking it so. jM|,=*tho*ofi/y/asman7 



in VI. 24. The lesson of the ch. is— that 
I acquisitions individually small will 
ely amount to much, and that the iearn- 
rer to gire over. 

[WUT THB SAIUrBBT STCDBIIT. 

OK VUOIUS* FOKB RSGOLLBCTIOH OF HwiTT 

ODBL BTVD£KT. This is said to hare 
9kca alter Hwuj's death* ^-^ looks 



as if it were so. The ^^^ *not yet,* would ra- 
ther make us think differently. 

21. It 18 THB BlfO WHIOB GBOWK0 THB WOBB:. 

22. How AUD WHT A YOUTH SHOULD BB BB- 

GABOBD WITH BBSPBOT. The samo person is 
spoken of throughout the ch., as is shown by 

the "Mk in the last sentence. This is not rery con* 

elusiye, but it brings out a good enough mean- 
ing. With Conf. remark compare that of John 
Trebonius, Luther's schoolmaster at Eisenach^ 
who used to raise Yiift cap to\\\a'P>iV^^^'^^'^^'^' 
ing the schoolroom) and tsiK^t m V^ t^Mwsio^'- 




S8 



QOSTVCUS ANALECTS. 



m 



-i-t 



^ s ^ ift 



5^ T B f- Jfn fftJ 



Ok It 





i^ ^ B. 





pT H ^ ^-fsr 

:¥ MiJ t^ 4 # ¥. ^ 1 

^«^ pT 4ij M E W 




If #^o7; 











tr 




k /w BW 



Chapter XXIII. The Master said, " Can men refuse to assent 
to the words of strict admonition ? But it is refonning the conduct 
because of them which is valuable. Can men refuse to be pleased 
with words of gentle advice ? But it is unfolding their aim which 
is valuable. If a man be pleased with these words, but does not 
unfold their aim, and assents to those, but does not refonn his con- 
duct, I can really do nothing with him." 

Chapter XXIV. The Master said, "Hold faithiiilness and sin- 
cerity as first principles. Have no friends not equal to youiaeli 
When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them." 

Chapter XXV. The Master said, "The commander of the forces 
of a large state may be carried off, but the will of even a common 
man cannot be taken from him." 



^There are among these boys men of whom Qod 
vill one day m^e burgomasters, chancellors, 
doctors, and magistrates. Although jou do not 
yet see them with the badges of their dignity, 
it is right that you should treat them wiUi re- 

apect.' ^ ^b, 'after bom,' a youth. See^^ 

J^j n. 8. 

23. ThB HOPKLSBSVXaS OF TUB CA8B OP 
THOSE WHO ASSENT AND ATPROYE WITHOUT BB- 

FORMATION OB SBBIOCS IHODQRT. ^t ^^ j^ 

S, 'words of law-like admonition.' ^5, is 

the name of the diagram, to which the dement 
of ' wind ' is attached. Wind enters everywhere, 
hence the char, is interpreted by 'entering;' 

mad also by 'mildness,' 'yielding.' 





'^t * words of gentle insinaation.' In j^j^ 



^ '^, an anteced. to ^ is readfly fooad 

in the prec. ^, but in ^^ J^ '^ "B", such 

an anteced. can only be found in a roundabout 
way. This is one of the cases which shows the 
inapplicability to Chinese composition of our 

strict syntactical iq^paratoB. ^^ as in cb. 10. 

24. This is a repetition of part oC L 8. 

25. Thb will unsubduablb. ^^ W, M 

YIL la ||||, read sftwos, lower 8d tone,-)^ 

^||l, 'a generaL' Qfg, 'mate.* We find in ^ 
diet. — 'Husband and wife of the common peo- 
ple are a pair (jjfl^ QC V and the applica. of the 
term being thus fixed, an indiTidual man ti 
called 1^ ^, an iadiridiial woman ^C ||f* 



CONFUCIAN ANAIBCTS. 



\v 



V 



89 





HmMM 




± 




3. # 0fm B. lit ^^' ± b: 






» • A/'* "^ 



^' 




t; 




4.f«4ii 



HAPTKR XXVI. 1 . The Master said, ** Dreesed himself in a tat> 
d robe quilted with hemp, yet standing by the side of men dressed 
irs, and not ashamed ;-«-ah ! it is Yew who is equal to this. 

^^ ^ He dislikes none, he courts nothing ;-^what cw be do but 
t is good?'" 

Tsze-loo kept continually repeating these words of the ode^ 
n the Master said, ^' Those things are by no means sufficient to 
ititute perfect excellence/' 

HAi^TER XXVII, Tha Master said, **When the year becomes 
, then we know how the pine and the cypress lire the liuit to lose 
r leaves." 

HAPTKR XXVIII. The Master said, "The wise are free from 
lexities ; the virtuous from anxiety ; and the bold from fear." 
OAPTSR XXIX. The Master said, "There are some with whom 
nay study in common, but we shall find them unable to go along 
L us to principles. Perhaps we may go on with them to prin* 

TsZIpUX/S bsatk coxtkjctmsvt iv tq» 

', ]it:T failuhb to sekk tiir mo hist aims. 

the coMCr. of this par., comp. ch. 19. The 

I the fo^. The S^, read h6, is probably 

dger. It is described as nocturnal in its 

, yicWng a soft, warm, fur. It sleeps 

and is carniToroos. This last character- 

I aot aliogeiher inasplicable to tlie bad- 

Soe the ;^^, 9^^ > ^^ ^^« ^l^e* 

L. iii. 8. St. 4. 8, ^ ^, not ' all his life,' 

[ucntly, but ' coHtinually.' Tsze-loo was a 
f impulse, with many fine points, but not 
mtly reflcctlTe. 



27. Mem ^9B known in Xllf M or 4PFEB#ITTr 

^ J^' '^^® after-withering,' n meiopis for 
their being erergreens. 

28. Sbqubn'ces of wisdom, rnTinib Ain> ]|ra» 

VERT. ^ ^ ^ ^.— this U ope of the sayi> 

ings about virtue, which in CN|lf true pf pioui 
trust in Ood. 

29. How pfrriomrT firpirippA^ stor at 

DIPFERKNT 8TAOB8 OW FROGRKSS. MilTe literal- 

ly rendered, tills ch. would be— *It may be pos- 
sible with tome parties together to study, bnt it 
may not yet be possible with them tA ^ ^n^ \a 

principlet , &c; ^, the ir^i^X ol «b %XM^-l«s^ 



90 



COKPUCIAN ANALECTS. 













ciples, but we shall find them unable to get established in those 
along with us. Or if we may get so established along with them, we 
shall fitid them unable to weigh occurring events along with us." 

Chapter XXX. 1. How the flowers of the aspen-plum flutter 
and turn ! Do I not think of you ? But your house is distant 

2. The Master said, " It is the want of thought about it How 
is it distant ? " 



thei) *■ to weigh.' It is nsed here with ref. to oc- 
curring erents, — ^to weigh them and determine 
the application of principles to them. In the 

old comm., i& is used here in opposition to jfiC, 

the latter being that which is always, and 
ererywhere right, the former a deyiation from 
that in particular circumstances, to bring things 
right. This meaning of the term here is de- 
nied. The ancients adopted it probably from 
their interpretation of the second clause in the 
next ch., which they made one with this. 

30. Thb vecbssitt of aEFLEcnoN. 1. This 
ii from one of the pieces of poetry, which Conf, 
did not admit into his collection, and no more 
of it being preserved than what we have here, 
it is not ^together intelligible. There are long 

Asputes about the IS jSk. Choo He makes 

it a Idnd of small plum or cherry tree, whose 
IwkTes are constantly quiyering, even when 



n A 



there is no wind, and adopting a 

book of the Tsin (^) dyn., of SA for ||, 

and changing ^F into fSfL he makes out tbe 
meaning in the transl. The old oomm. keep the 
text, and interpret, — * How perreraely contraiy 
are the flowers of the T*ang-tae ! ' saying thai 
those flowers are first open and then skut 
This Tiew made them take |^ in the last di, 
as we have noticed. Who or what is meaot bj 
BB in ^St IS , we cannot tell. The two 

^^ are mere expletirefl, completing tiie riiytlaa 

2. With this par. Choo He compares VH. sa- 
The whole ch. is like the 20th of the last book, 
and suggests the thought of its being an addi- 
tion by another hand to liie original oompilft- 
tion. 




V 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



di 



BOOK X. HEANG TANG. 





4,T "i « « 





If* * 



^^^ 



n 

K AFTER I. 1. Confucius, in his village, looked simple and six\- 
, and as if he were not able to speak. 

AVhen lie was in the prince's ancestorial temple, or in the 
t, he spoke minutely on every point, but cautiously. - 
a AFTER II. 1. When he was waiting at court, in speaking with 
>fficer8 of the lower grade, he spake freely, but in a straight- 
ard manner ; in speaking with the officers of the higher grade, 
id so blandly, but precisely. 

When the prince was present, his manner displayed respect- 
measiness ; it was grave, but self-possessed. 

DINO OF THIS B00K.-^5 ^ 'SJ +• ^' ^"^ *^® ^''^•' '^^^'''^ ^^ * ^""^ ""^ '^^^ 

iIlage,NolO/ This book is'different in ^«"»«' ^an dyn, the M contained 2,600 
iracter from all tlie otliers in the work. 
t4iind hardly any sayings of Confucius, 
descriptive of hi» ways and demeanour 
iriety of places and circumstances. It is 
interesting, but, as a M'hole, it dues not 
en our veneration for the sago. We seem 
>w him better from it, and to Western 
after being viewed in his bedchamber, 
Iress, and at his meals, he becomes divest- 
. good deal of his dignity and reputation, 
is something remarkable about the style. 

in one passage is he styled -?^, * The 
.' He appears either aa j(\j -4?*, * The 

iphor, K*ung,* or as 3*-?^ > *The superior 

A suspicion la thus raised that the 
cler had not the same reliition to him as 
npilers of the other books. Anciently, 
jk formed only one chapter, but it is now 
ed under seventeen divisions. Those di- 
^ for convenience in the trandlation, I con- 
to denominate chapters, which is done 
some native editions. 
)kmk *nour of Confucius in his villagk, 



families, and the ^£ only 500, but the two 

terms are to be taken here together, indicating 
the residence of the Sage's relatives. His native 
place in Loo is doubtless intended, and perhaps 

the original seat of his family in Sung, jm 

f ^ iU " expl. by Wang Sub *mild-like,' and 

by Choo He, as in the transl., thinking proba- 
bly that, with that meaning, it suited the next 

clause better. 2. '||E,read p^een, lower Ist tone 
=^, *to debate,' *to discriminate accurately.' 

W= ^ . In those two places of high ceremony 

and of government, it became the sage, it is 
said, to be precise and particular. Comp. III. 15. 

2. Dbmkvxour of Co.vFt'cirs at court 
with otiisk officers, and IJKFOKE THK PRI>'CB. 

1. SB may be taken here as a verb, lit.=*court- 

ing.' It was the custom for all the officers to 
repair at daybreak to the court, and wait for 

the prince to give them audience, H^ •t^> 

'great officer,' was a giiu^itsA. iwim^, ^'^^\\vi>a\i\fe 



( 



92 



dONlWCIAH AltALECtSi 




^o"^ 4o4o^ 









m ^ ^w ^n ^.gf & 

Chapter III. 1. When the prince called him to employ ht^ in 
the reception of a visitor, his countenance appeared to change, and 
his legs to bend beneath him. 

2. He inclined himself to the other afficere among whom herfood, 
moving his left or right arm, as their poskivn required^ but keeping 
the skirts of his robe before and behind evenly adjusted. 

3. He hastened forward, toith his arms like the wings of a biul. 

4. When the guest had retired, he would report to the priacf^ 
"The visitor is not turning round any more." 

Chapter IV. 1. When he entered the palace gate, he seetoed 
to bend h^ body, as if it were not sufficient to admit him. 

nuncio, in iminedlflte coniman.9 with himMl^ 



to all the higher miniaten in a court. At the 
imperial court they were divided into three 

clattes,—^* highest,* 'middle,* and 'lowest,' Jh , 

l-Hf Ny l)ut the yarious princes had only the 

first and third. Of the first order there were 

properly three, the 6^ t>r nobles of the state, 

who were in Loo the chiefs of the 'three fami- 
lies.' ConfUcius belonged himself to the lower 

grade. 2. jj^ ^v 'the feet moving nneasily/ 

intiicating the respectful anxiety of the mind. 

£S, low. 1st tone> here appear* in the phrase 

E^ ^^ iffj m,i in ft new sense. 
8. Demeanour of ConfIjcius at the of- 



was the J|^ jS, the next was the & M, 

and below were one or more 4^5 jS, Conf. 

must have been the shiny piti, bowing to tlie 
right as he transmitted a messtige to the sAaa^ 
/>in, who was an officer of the higher grade, and 
to tlie left as he comuiun. one f^ni htm to tiK 
s/ttutu pin, 3. The Iiost having come out to 
receive his visitor, proceeded in with him, it it 
said, followed by all their intenmncios in a 
line, and to his manner in this movement tbii 
par. is generally referred. But the duty of §«• 
ing the guest ofi; thcsubj. of next par., l')el<mgv<l 
to the sftang pittj and could not be performed by 
Coiif. as merely a »/itu(/ pin. Hence arises t 
difiiculty. Either it is tVue that Conf. was at 






^rciAL &KC£PTioif OF A VISITOR. U Tile vlsitor I one time rained to the rank of the highest dig 



is supposed to be the prince of another state. 
On the occasion of two prince^ meeting there 
was much ceremouyv The vbitor haVing arrived, 
remained outside the front gate, aifd the host 
inside his reception room, which was in the 
ancestral temple. Messages passed between 
them by means of a nnmbef Of oflicers called 

^p, on the side of the visitor, and i^, on the 

tide of the host^ who formed a zigzag line of 
communication from the one to the other, and 
paitsed their questions and answers along, till mi 
Understanding aboVlt the visit was thuB officially 

effected. >^ j^ $U ^> exphiidcd by ^ 

j^ ^9, ' the appearance of tuniihg Vound and 

inclination.' I suppose I haVe express the idea 
in the transl. 2. This shows Conf. manner when 
engaged in the transniission of the messages 
hetween the prince and his visitor T\ie vAn\:«'« 



nitarics of the state, or he was temporarily 
employed, for his knowl. of cereni., alter the 
first act in the reception of visitors, to dischar^ 

the duties of one. Assuming this, tlK' ^ ^ 

is to be explained of some of his niovenwnti 
in the reception room. IIow could he hUny 
forward when walking in tile with the utlier 

internuncios ? See the ME ^ g^, II. 23. 4. 

ij^v^ f^, 'would return the commUsioa^* 

1. e., he had seen the guest ofi*. acconling to hit 
duty, and rejwrted it. The ways of China, it 
appears, were mucli the same anciently as nuv. 
A giteSt turns round and bows repeatedly is 
leaving^ and the host can't ix'turn to his place, 
till these salutations are ended. 

4. Demkanoue of Confucius is the cocet 

AT AN AirrnKNCK, 1. T\\c imp(»rial court cnn- 

\ »\a\.^jA ^i^ t^Nit ^\\»V5w%, e«ch UuTing its pecaliir 



CONFUCIAN AHALECTS. 



9S 



-.it 



s 



Mn 




M^^ 



^ m 



1 



D 
Q 



iM: 











- "JL' 



When he was standing, he did not occupy the middle of the 
•way; when he passed in or out, he did not tread upon the 
shold. 

When he was passing the vacant place of tfie prince^ his counter 
'.e appeared to change, and his legs to bend under him, and his 
Is came as if he hardly had breath to utter them* 

He ascended the dais, holding up his robe with both his 
Is, and his body bent; holding in his breath also, as if he dared 
breathe^ 

When he came out from the audience^ as soon as he had 
ended one step, he began to relax his countenance, and had a 
tied look. When he had got to the bottom of the steps, he 
meed rapidly to his place, with his aims like wings, and on 
pying it, his manner still showed respectful uneasiness. 
HAFTEK V. 1. When he was carrying the sceptre of his prince^ 
eemed to bend his body, as if he were not able to bear its weight, 
lid not hold it higher than the position of the hands in making 

That of a prince of a state consisted on- . ^, jjl ^ v u .-i * • 

18 the T|/, now empty, which Confucius passes 

in his way to the audience In the inner apart- 
ment. 4. ^C see IX. 9. He is now ascending 

the steps to the *^^ 'the dais/ or raised plat- 
form in the inner apartment, wlicre the princo 
held his council, or %kvq entertainments, and 
from which the family rooms of the palace 
branched off. 5. The audience is now over, and 
Conf. is returning to his usual place at the for- 
mal audience. K^ung Gan-kwd makes the jxf 

to be the ^y^ in par. 3, but improperly. j|^ 

after ^g is an addition that has somehow crept 
into the ordinary text. 
6. Demeaitour of Confucius wkex wdvuyi* 
upicd a particular spot calic'd ^. This id o» A FttlB»Dl*\ ^HUk%*\. V- ^^^xsxvjXjfe 



:faree, whose gates were named B [, 4f|| 

g. Tlie ^ p^ is the foo, or first of 

The bending his body when passing 
fh, high as the gate was, is supposed to 
te the great reverence which Conf. felt. 

"ff P^=^f|' J^p^. .He did 

and opposite the middle of the gate- way.' 

^te had a post in the centre, called ^, by 

it was dividc<i into two halved, appropriat- 
ngress and egress. The prince only could 
in the centre of either of them, and he 
!ould treiul on the tlireshold or sill. 3. 
le early formal audience at day-break, 
tlie prince came out of the inner apart- 
and received the homage of the officers, 



n 



:94 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 






m "Um-' 















¥«RI 





a bow, nor lower than their position in giving anything to anoi 
His countenance seemed to change, and look apprehensive, an 
dragged his feet along as if they were held by something to 
ground. 

2. In presenting the presents with which he was charged^ he ^ 
a placid appearance. 

3. At his private audience, he looked highly pleased. 
Chapter VI. 1. The superior man did not use a deep pm 

or a puce colour, in the ornaments of his dress. 

2. Even in his undress, he did not wear anything of a red or 
dish colour. 

3. In warm weather, he had a single garment either of coars 
fine texture, but he wore it displayed over an inner garment. 

4. Over lamb's fur he wore a garment of black ; over fawn's 
one of white; and over fox's fur one of yellow. 

on tttch a mission, and supposes that thli 
and the preced., are simply summaries (tf 



translated * sceptre,* in the sense simply of * a 
badge of authority.* It was a precious stone, 
conferred by the emperor on the princes, and 
differed in size and shape, according to their 
rank. They took it with them when they at- 
tended the imper. court, and, ace to Choo He, 
and the old interpr., it was carried also by their 
representatiyes, as their Toucher, on occasions 

of embassies among themselyes. In the xm 

^^Fg^, II. 88, however, it is contended, appar. 

on suif. grounds, that the sceptre then employed 

was different from the other, ffi^ up. 1st tone, 

' to be equal to,* *able for.* 2. The prec. par. 
describes Conf. manner in the friendly court, 
At his first interview, showing his credentials, 
and delivering his message. That done, he had 
to deliver the various presents with which he 

was charged. This was called ^,= j|S^. 8. 

After all the public presents were delivered, 
the ambassador had others of his own to give, 
and his interview for that purpose was called 

^P% ^9. — Choo He remarks that there is no 

record of Confucius ever liaving been employed 



manner in which he used to say duties i( 
red to in them ought to be discharged. 

6. RULBS OF CoXPTTClUa X» RKGiOU) » 

DRS88. — The discussions about the coloonl 
mentioned are lengthy and tedious. Iin> 
confident that I have given them all cons 

in the transL 1. ^ -^ used here to *« 
Confucius can hardly have come from thek 
ofadi^iiple. ji^='ai5W^#^ 
deep azure flushed with carnation.* ||[H 
^, 'adeepred;*itwa8dippedthrioeiA» 

dye, and then twice in a black.* ^, ^^^^ 

ment,* i. «., for the edgings of the c^j 
sleeves. The kan, it is said, by Choo fle** 
K^ung Qan-kw«^, was worn in ft**^"* *JS 
tsow in mourning, on which account 0^ 
would not use them. See this and the sflfl? 

of the colours denied in the )j^ ^ jfi. 
2. There are five colours which go bj ^^ 



™o a« 








^ 






^-\>xm^ 







CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, y- 95 

^, ;fe ^, tt ^ 

*JL % 'jl^ m W ^ ^»* 

—r 

u Bt ^. m„ m. 4^ 

5. The fur robe of his undress was long, with the right sleeve 
diort. 

6. He required his sleeping dress to be half as long again as his 
body. 

7. When staying at home, he used thick furs of the fox or the 
badger. 

8. When he put off mourning, he wore all the appendages of 
the girdle. 

9. His under-garment, except when it was required to be of 
the curtain shape, was made of silk cut narrow above and wide 
below. 

10. He did not wear lamb's fur, or a black cap, on a visit of 
condolence. 

11. On the first day of the month, he put on his court robes, 
and presented himself at court. 




of jE, -correct/ vix, ||, %^,}Q, ^^, 

'azure, yellow, camatiox^ white, and black;' 
othen, among which are j|[[ and j^, go by the 

wine of jHy or * intermediate.' See the ^ 

P§ff m be Conf. would uee only the correct 
coloon, tnd moreorer, Choo He adds, red and 
reddiih-blne are liked by women and girls. 
$ JK> bis dreaa, when in private. 8. ^k and 
Jfff ^ere made from the fibres of a creeping 
1^*. the ;^. See the She-king, I. i. 2. ^ 
.31 flfif fti ^' *^^ ^^^ dispUy and hare 



Jt^ootirtnia/ The interpr. of this, as in the 



^^•y after Choo He, tho' diff. from the old 
?P^. seems to be correct. 4. The lamb's fup 
^*^ged to the court dress, the fawn's was worn 
^ ^Ihusies, the fox's on occasions of sacrifice, 
5. Conf. knew how to blend comfort anci 
°»*^eniencc " 6. This par., it is supposed, be^ 
''^to the next cb-, ^ ^^cb cue it is not th^ 



naual sleeping garment of Conf. that is spoken 
of, but the one he used in fasting. ^» lo^* ^ 
tone, *0Ter,* *0Terplns.' 7. These are the 1^ 

^ of par. 5. S. The appendages of the girdle 
Were, the handkerchief, a small knife, » aplke 
tor opening knots, &c. .^, up. 2d tone, *lo 
Put away.' 9. The ^ was the lower garment, ■ 
reaching below the knees like a kilt or petti- 
coat. For court and sac. dress, it uras m»d* 
curtain like, as wide at top as at bottom. ^ 
that worn on other occaaions, Conf. gaved tn© 
cloth in the way dewnbed. So, at i^aBt, ^^ 
H*ung Gan-kwo. JR' ^^ '*^ ^1?* »d ^^®* 
10. L«mb's fur ^« 3»^ Wack Cj^ j^y ^ 
^hite is the colour of mourmng m olJ.^-L •^ 
^ Wd .ot vllt mo«^™«, b,*^^^ ,5i»- 

1^thlziiig«»lo«'- 11. ^ ^, 'tlte, tof«**^ 
^,y of the moon," i «, the flm oj^ ' tf>o»*tU 
This wM Conf. ifWRlwfc, »&w W\vVfee ^^^ 
l» in oillce. ^''^i^^S^ 



96 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 







7i # ^ ^o^ 

7k 










%W%^.'kMm 



Chapter VII. 1. When fasting, he thought it necessary to have 
his clothes, brightly clean, and made of linen cloth. 

2. When fasting, he thought it necessary to change hb food, 
and also to change the place where he conunonly sat in the apart- 
ment. 

Chapter VIIL 1. He did not dislike to have his rice finely 
cleaned, nor to have his minced meat cut quite small, 

2. He did not eat rice which had been injured by heat or damp 
and turned sour, nor fish or flesh which was gone. He did not 
eat what was discoloured, or what was of a bad flavour, nor any- 
thing which was not in season. 

3. He did not eat meat which was not cut properly, nor what 
was served without its proper sauce. 

4. Though there might be a large quantity of meat^ he would 
not allow what he took to exceed the due proportion for the rice, 
It was only in wine that he laid down no limit for himself, but he 
did not allow himself to be confused by it. 

5. He did not partake of wine and dried meat, bought in the 
market. 




7. BdLBS 0B8BRYRD BT C0NFUCIU8 WHBN 

VASTiNii. 1. ^ffi^t read that, up Ist tone ; see 

VII. 12. The 6th par. of last ch. should come 
in aa the 2d here. 2. The faating waa not from 
aU food, but only from wine or apirita, and from 

pot herbs. Obserre the diif. between Wk and 

jR, the former ' to change,' the Ut. ' to change 

from,' ' to remoTe.' — The whole ch. may be com- 
pared with Matt. VI. 16-18. 

6. Bulbs of Comfucius aboitt his food. 1. 

Jm, 'minced meat,* ace. to the comm., was 

made of beef,, mutton, or fish, uncooked, 100 
^/V of paddy were r^uced to 30, W bring 



It to the state of & rioe. 2. ^, In Ois 

diet., is 'overdone,' hence -4^ ^{"^'wroqi 

in being overdone.' Some, howerer, ma\e the 
phrase to mean 'badly cooked,' eithec, under*^ 

done, or overdone. 4. ^^(tsae) ^^, * the breath' 

of the rice,' or perhapa, 'the life-anataiidag 

power of it,' but S^ can hardly be timnsIatiBi 

here. P^»|||f *only,' showing^ St is sd^ 

that in other things he had a limit, but the vss 
of wine being to make glad, he could not befon* 
hand set a limit to the quantity of it. 6. IM^ 
' He did not take away ginger in eaUng/ £ 
, Tb.^ Vimoe, mucutly (and it is still a custoiD), 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 



n 









W.A 





^\ ^ 






7>^ 

, He was aever without ginger when he ate, 
. He <Ud not eat much. 

. When he had been assisting at the prince's sacrifice, he did 
keep the flesh which he received over night. The flesh of hia 
ily sacrifice he did not keep over three days. If kept over three 
s, people could not eat it. 

When eating, he did not converse. When in bed, he did not 
ik. 

Although his food might be coarse rice and vegetable soup, 
vould offer a little of it in sacrifice with a grave respectful air. 
^HAPT^a IX. If his mat was not straight, ne did not sit on it. 
Chapter X, 1. When the villagers were drinking together, on 
le who carried staves going out, he went out immediately after, 
. When the vilUgers were going through their ceremonies to 
e away pestilential influences, he put on his court robes and 
d on the eastern steps. 

bated amoDg the usistiBg ndniBten the | Confncins always obtenred it. 
if hia aacrilice. Each would only get a 

and 80 it comld lie naed at once. 10. JJ}^ 

i be changed inAo 1^>» according to Ch<y> 

Ho An, however, retains it, and putting a 
la after it, join* it with the two prece^, 
nens of apare die^t. The * sacrificing ' refers 
matom something like our saving grace, 
oaster took a few grains of rice, or port of 
her provisions, and placed them on the 
d, among the saciiflcial vessels, a tribi^te 
t worthy or wortfiies who first taught the 
cookJB^. The Buddhist priests in their 
iteries have a custom of this kind, and on 
I ooeaflons, as when KHs-ying gave an 

vinnMOtia Hongkong in 1845, something 

t U sometimes observed, but any such 

ony is unknown among the common habits 

people. However poor might be his fare. 





the grave dsmeanour appropriate tfi fastiug. 

9. Rule of Confucius about his mat. 

10. Other ways of Confucius in his til- 
LAOS. 1. At sixty, people carried staves. Conf^ 

here showed his respect for age. Wt has here 
an adverbial force, t=|^. 9. There were three 

^B| ceremonies every year, but that in the text 

was called ^ the great no,* being observed in the 
vinter season, when the officers led all the people 
of a village about, searching every house to ex? 
pel demons, and drive away pestilence. It was 
conducted with great i^roar, and little better 
than a play, but Conf. saw a good old idea i^. 
it, and when the mob was in his house, he stood 
on the eastern steps (the place of a host receiving 
guests) in full dress. Some make the steps 
those of his ancestral temple, and his standing 
there to be to 8Lft&\iXQ l\i<& «v^^ q1>q^ ^qsv&s^ 



n 



98 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS?. 






\>j 




[^ M. # 







Chapteb XI. 1. When he was sending complimentary inquiries 
to any one in another state, he bowed twice as he escorted the mes- 
senger away. 

2. Ke K'ang having sent him a present of physic, he bowed and 
received it, saying, " I do not know it. I dare not taste it." 

Chapter XII. The stable being burned down, when he was at 
court, on his return he said, "Has any man been hurt?" He did 
not ask about the horses. 

Chapter XIII. 1. When the prince sent him a gift of cooked 
meat, he would adjust his mat, first taste it, and then give it away to 
others. When the prince sent him a gift of undressed meat, he Avould 
have it cooked, and offer it to tlie spirits of his ancestors. When the 
prince sent him a gift of a living animal, he would keep it alive. 

2. When he was in attendance on the prince and joining in the 
entertainment, the prince only sacrificed. He first tasted every 
thing. 



11. Traits of CoNFUcxuf' nrrKRCouRSB 
WITH OTHKR8. 1. The two bows were not to 
the messenger, but intended for the distant 

friend to whom he was being sent. 2. J^ was 

the ^J^-^ 0^ II- 20, ei al. Conf. accepted 

the gift, but thought it necessary to let the 
donor know he could not, for the preseut at 
least, avail himself of it. 

12. How Confucius valued human life- 
A EmE was fitted to accommodate 216 horses. 




8ee the ^^ gBf» i" ^<^' It may be used indeed 
for a private stable, but it is more natural to 
take it here for the B^ or state hew. This is 

the view in the ^^ ^^. 

13. Dexbanour of CoNFucins in relation 
TO HIS PRINCE. 1. He would not offer the 
covkcd meat to the (Spirits of his aucc&tgrs, uot 



knowing but it might preriously have been 
offered by tlie prince to the spirits of his. But 
he reverently tasted it, as if he had been in the 
prince's presence. He 'honoured' the gift of 
cooked food, * glorified ' the undressed, and ' was 

kind ' to the living animal. 2. The ^ here is 

that in ch. 8, 10. Among parties of equal rank, 
all performed the ceremony, but Conf, with his 
prince, held that tlic prince sacrilio^ for all. 
He tasted every thing, as if he had been a cook^ 
it being the cook's duty to taste every dish, be- 
fore the prince partook of it. 3. "^j upper 9d 

tone, ^ [^] , * the direction of the head.' Tbn 

head to the east was the proper position for a 
person in bed ; a sick man might for comfort te 
lying differently, but Conf. would not see the 
prince but in the correct position, and also in 
the court dress, so far as he could accomplish 
it. 4. He would not wait a moment, buS let 
his carriAge follow him. 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 




99 



12X1 



%.%^ 






i-A #'jni'^ 




^iscMM^^c 



n 










.m 







s 










n^\ 



'. When he was sick and the prince came to visit him, he had 
head to the east, made his court robes be spread over him, and 
w his girdle across them. 

. When the prince s order called him, without waiting for his 
riage to be yoked, he went at once. 

Jhapter XIV. When he entered the ancestral temple of the 
e, he asked about everything. 

Jhapter XV. 1. When any of his friends died, if he had no 
itions who could be depended on for the necessary offices, he 
lid say, " 1 will bury [him." 

. Wben a friend sent him a present, though it might be a car- 
je and horses, he did not bow. 

. The only present for which he bowed was that of the flesh 
acrifice. 

Jhaptek XVI. 1. In bed, he did not lie like a corpse. At 
le, he did not put on any formal deportment. 
. When he saw any one in a mourning dress, though it might 
m acquaintance, he would change countenance ; when he saw 
one wearing the cap of full dress, or a blind person, though 
night be in his undress, he would salute them in a ceremonious 
mer. • 



A repetition of m. 15. Comp. also ch. 
liese two passages make the explanation, 
at III. 15, of the questioning being on his 
entrance on office very doubtful. 

Traits of Confucius in the relation 



FRiBND. 1. ^My properly, *the closing 

the coffin,* is here used for all the expenses 
ervices necessary to interment. 2. Between 
U there should he a oommvuniy of ^qq^. 



* The flesh of sacrifice,' however, was that which 
had been oficred by his friend to the spirits of his 
parents or ancestors. That demanded acknow- 
ledgment. 

16. CONFCCirS IN BED, AT HOME, HEARINO 

THUNDER, &c. 2. Comp. IX. 9, which is here 
repeated, with heightening circumstances. 3. 

^^ is the front bar of a cart or carriage. In 

fact, the carm^Q ^t ^otiiM^:vM^ <>saR ^^ 



100 




VatmciMI AUAlECTSi 



%^ 








a^s 










§^m.^. 



1^ i^^ M, 4^ 





z.. mm 

S. To any person in mourning he bowed forward to the 
bar of his carriage ; he bowed in the same way to any one b 
the tables of population. 

4. When he was dt an entertainment where there was an 
dance of provisions sdt before hini^ he woUld change counti 
and rise up. 

5. On a sudden clap of thunder^ or a violent trind, he 
change countenance. 

Chapter XVIL 1. When he Was about to mount his cai 
he would stand straight, holding the cord, 

2; When he was in the carriage, he did not turn his head 
tound, he did not talk hastily, he did not point with his hand 

Chapter XVIII. 1* Seeing the countenance^ it instantly 
It flies round, and by and bye settles. 

2. The Master said, "There is the hen-pheasant on th 
bridge. At its season ! At its season ! " Tsze*loo made a mot 
it. Thrice it smelt him and then rose* 



only what we call a cart. In saluting when 
riding, parties bowed forward to this bar* 4. 
He showed these signs, with reference to the 
generosity of the provider. 

17^ Confucius at and m his carriagb. 1. 



The j^ was a strap or cord^ attached to the 
carriage to assist in mounting it. 2. ^\ ^ 



his head quite rotind. See the Le Ke, 
43. 

18. A fragment, which seeming]/ 
connect; with the rest of the book^ Van 
rections of clmracters are proposed, and 

views of the meaning given. Ho Ao's 

the conclusion is this. — *Tsie-loo took 

served it up. The Master thrice inislt 



j^, * He did not look round within/ u e^ turn | rose/ 4^, up^ 3d tone,=: lul . 



•AArwvwwsA^VNA'v ^Ww ^WW^wwvvv^^ 



] 



r- 



t 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



BOOK XL SEEN TSIN. 



101 



i% 







u 








ntt 





MM 




iHAPTKit L 1. The Master said, "The men of former times, in 

matters of ceremonies and music, were rustics, it is said^ while 

men of these latter times, in ceremonies and music, are accom- 

hed gentlemen* 

► " If I have occasion to use those things, I follow the men of 

Qer times." 

!hapter IL 1. The Master said, " Of those who were with me 

yh'in and Ts'ae, there are none to be found to enter my door." 

• Distinguished for their virtuous principles and practice, there 

e Yen Yuen, Min Tsze-k*een, Yen Pih-new, and Chung-kung ; 

their ability in speech, Tsae Go and Tsze-kung ; for their adminis- 

8ub8€queiitly,-^|2p ^ |^ ^ J^ ffj ifc 
^ 3fe ^ 'Si ^. But the 2A par. is 
decidedly against this interpretation. j|gfe is 
not to be joined to the svicceeding jj^ jjjg ^e, 
but j^^quoad. It is supposed that the chsr- 

acterizing the -yh j||^ as rustics, and their 

successors as keun-isze^ was a style of his times, 
which Conf. quotes ironically. We have in it a 
new instance of the various application of the 

name keun'tnec In the ^9 q*, it is said, ' Of 

the words and actions of men in their mutual 
intercourse and in the business of government, 
whatever indicates respect is here included in 
ceremonies^ and whatever is expressive of hat' 
mony is here included in mtutc' 
2. Confucius* regretful memory of bis 

disciples' fidelity. CnARACTERlSTICa OF TEK 
OP THE inSClPLV.8, 1. T\\\% "^U^ItWVCft \»»SX\«N^ 

beca made tgyf ai^ Ux^ d<o^ ^1 QrQ'Qi«\:il^>^^^^ 



HsADn^o or this Book. — -^nr jfe ^jsL 

— •, 'The former men— No. XI.' With 

Sook there commences the second part of 
Analects, commonly called the Hta Lun 

^jSj)' There is, however, no classical au- 

ty for this division. It contains 25 chap- 
treating mostly of various disciples of 
MLaster, and deciding the point of their 
lincss. Min Tsze-K^een a|^ars in it four 
i, and on this account some attribute the 
tilation of it to his disciples. Tliere are 
ations in the style of a peculiar hand. 

C05FCCIUS' PREFISRENCE OF TKE SIMPLER 
» OF FORMER TIMES. 1. 'jr' ^^^ ^ 

aid by Choo He to=^ 

ally, the expressions are, — * those who first 
iced,* * those who afterwards advanced,' i. 6., 
e stage of the world. In Ho An, the chap, 
id to spoflk of the disciples wijo had first 
ice^ to (Mccj aod those who -ksid odT^ftfl^ed 




102 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



=fm^Amt 











trative talents, Yen Yew and Ke Loo ; for their literary aC( 
ments, Tsze-yew and Tsze-hea. 

Chapter III. The Master said, " Hwuy gives me no assist 
There is nothing that I say in which he does not delight" 

Chapter IV. The Master said, " Filial indeed is Mm Tsze-k 
Other people say nothing of him diflTerent from the report of h 
rents and brothers." 

Chapter V, Nan Yung was frequently repeating the Unn 
a white sceptre-stone. Confucius gave him the daughter c 
elder brother to wife. 



many of his disciples had been remoTed by 
death, or separated from him by other causes. 
In his 62d year or thereabouts, as the accounts 
go, he was passing, in his wanderings from 
ChHn to Ts'ae, when the officers of Ch*in, afraid 
that he would go on into Tsoo, endeavoured to 
stop his course, and for several days he and 
the disciples with him were cut off from food. 
Both Chin and Ts*ae were in the present pro- 
vince of lio-nan, and are referred to the depart- 
ments of ^ Mi and ^ir ^S,, 2. This par. 

is to be taken as a note by the compilers of the 
book, enimierating the principal followers of 
Conf. on the occasion referred to, with their dis- 
tinguishing qualities. They are arranged in four 

classes (D[Q ^fV^ '^^ amounting to ten, are 

known as the -K* ^OT. The ' four classes * and 
'ten wise ones' are (^ten mentioned in connec- 
tion with the sage's school. 

3. Hwmr's silekt reception of the Mas- 
ter's TjucHiMGS. A teacher is sometimes 
htlptd by the doubts and questions of learners, 
which lead him to explain himself more fully. 

Comp. m. 8, 3. 1^ for 4>& as in 1. 1, 1, but 

E^ung Gan-kwQ takes it in its usual pronuncia., 

ss^S, <to explain.* 



4. The filial fistt or Mm Tszi 

^, as in Vm. 21, 'could pick oat no 

or flaw in the words, &c* B|[^^ (a^ 
200-250) as given in Ho An, ezplain 
had no words of disparagement for his 
in reference to his parents and brothen 
is the only instance where Conf. calls 
pie by his designation. The use of ^ 

supposed, in the ^ j^, to be a nil 
the compilers. 

5. Confucius* AFPBOBAnoir of Kai 
Nan Tung, see V. 1. ^, as in V. 19. 
translated it by 'fluently,' but, in the 
ly Sayings,* it is related that Tung lepei 
lines thrice in one day. ^ ^ > 

She-king, QI. iii. 2, St 5. The lines th 
— *A flaw in a white sceptre-stooe, i 

ground away ; but for a flaw in speech, i 

can be done.' In his repeating of tlM 

we have, perhaps, the gnrand-Tirtiie of il 

for which Tung is commended in V. 1 

^ •¥'1 where we might expect -J*, 



CONFDCIAN ANALECTS. 



103 




S 




th%}i 



4. 


















^ 7i f 9 4 fg T 



\PTER VI. Ke K'ang asked which of the disciples loved to 
Confucius replied to him, "There was Yen Hwuy; he 
to learn. Unfortunately his appointed time was short, and he 
Now there is no one who loves to learriy as he did^ 
IPTEB VII. 1. When Yen Yuen died, Yen Loo begged the 
^e of the Master to get an outer shell for his soris coffin. 
The Master said, " Every one calls his son his son, whether he 
lents or has not talents. There was Le ; when he died, he 
coffin but no outer shell. I would not walk on foot to get a 
or him, because, following after the great officers, it was not 
r that I should walk on foot." 

iPTEB VIII. When Yen Yuen died, the Master said, "Alas I 
jn is destroying me ! Heaven is destroying me 1" 

followed by a double objective. In burying, they 
used a coffin, called is&, and an outer shell, with- 
out a bottom which was called j€R. 2. ^- iljIZ 

•^d(^ J^ ^, lit., * I follow in rear of the great 

officers.' This is said to be an expression of 
humility. Confucius, retired from office, might 
still present himself at court, in the robes of 
his former dignity, and would still be consulted 
on emergencies. He would no doubt baye a 
foremost place on such occasions. 

8. CONFVCIUS FBLT HwUT'S DEATH A8 IF IT 

HAD BEEN HIS OWN. Thc old interpr. make this 
simply the exclamation of biUet wrwsv . 'Y>aa 
modern, perhaps conccWy^ mi)sA \2cl^ Occl^^ Va^.'- 



3W HWUT LOVED TO LEARN. ScC VI. 2, 

le same question is put by the duke 
I the same answer is returned, only in 
•xtended form. 

W COKFUCIUS WOULD KOT SELL HIS CAR- 
> BUT A SHELL FOR YbN YuBK. 1. A 

hronological difficulty belongs here. 
Locording to thc * Family Sayings,' and 
torical Records,* roust have died several 
fore Confucius' son, Le. Either Uie dates 
are false, or this ch. is spurious. — ^Yen 
father of Hwuy, had himself been a dis- 

he sage in former years. "^ J^ ^9( (i. q, 

text),--thi8 is the Idiom noticed in V. 7, 

nrooU almost seem to be an actave verb 



( 



104 



CONTUCIAN ANALECTS. 





i^z.t,mmi^ 






4. T* =f»=f m.'^ B. 
T « JBl P1-A ift mm 












0. 




A 





m 






i¥i^mm ^.^M 



Chapter IX. 1. When Yen Yuen died, the Master bewailed 
him fjjcceedingly, and the disciples who were with him said, " Sir, 
your grief is excessive ? " 

2. "Is it excessive?" said he. 

3. " If I am not to mourn bitterly for this man, for whom should 
I mourn?'* 

Chaptbe X. 1. When Yen Yuen died, the disciples wished to 
give him a great funeral, and the Master said, " You may not do 80.'* 

2. The disciples did bury him in great style. 

8. The Master said, " Hwuy behaved towards me as hb father, 
I have not been able to treat him as my son. The fault is not mine; 
it belongs to you, disciples." 

Chapter AI. Ke Loo asked about serving the spirits of the dead. 
The Master said, ^' While you are not able to serve men, how caa 
you serve their spirits?" Ke Loo added^ "I venture to ask about 
death ? " He was answered, " While you do not know life, how can 
you know about death ? " 

gredient to be grief that the man waa gone to 
whom he looked moat for the traoamlsaion of 
Ilia doctrinea. 

9. CONFUCIUB TINDICATB8 HIB OIUUT ORIBF 

roR THB DEATH OF HwuT. 1. BS la the loud 
wail of grief. Moaning with teara ia called ^m, 
S. ^ ^«^ ^, 'Thia man.' Hie third 
definition of ^ in the dJcL ia ^j^^J^ 
ffi^ 'a term at definite tedication.' 
10. CoHFucfva* DisaAnaFAcnoir with thb 

MUMD WAT IN WHICH HWOT WAS BUBIED. 1. 

The old interpretera take P^ K aa being the 
dtsdplea of Yen Yuen* This is sot natoosi^ 






and jet we can hardly nnderatand how tka 
disciplea of Confucius would act ao directif 
contrary to hia e^preaa wishea. Coof. object^ 
to a grand funeral as inconsiatent withdia 

porerty of the family (see ch. 7). 8. jA Utf 

* regarded me,' but that t^m would hardly lalt 

the next dauae. ^P, aa in the last ch. IVi 

paaa., indeed, is cited in the diet, in iUuatratiai 

of that uae of the term. "^ ^^ -^, aee IQ. 

24. 

11. CoiTFirCIUB ATOn>8 AJISWKSI2IO QiTBaTmii 
ABOUT SBBVmO 8FIBITS, AKI> ABOUT fiKAXB. ^ 

Jfb are here to be taken together, and vote- 
%VvQ4^thQst»izit8of the dead. Tbk appeaa 



\ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



105 



^^ ^ B» a 4. R f- ^ ^ 





A t# ffi ^T ^ 0. 

^ ^ ^f # * 



A :i JftF 





5E 4o^ 











Uo 



Chapter XII. 1, The disciple Min was standing by his side, 
ting bland and precise; Tsze-loo, looking bold and soldierly; Yen 
¥ and Tsze-kung, with a free and straightforward manner. The 
iter was pleased. 
L He said, '* Yew there ! — ^he will not die a natural death,** 

Jhapteb XIII. 1. Some parties in Loo were going to take 
rn and rebuild the Long treasury. 

I. Min Tsze-k'een said, " Suppose it were to be repaired after its 
style ; — ^why must it be altered, and made anew ?' 

. The Master said, ^' This man seldom speaks ; when he does, 
is sure to hit the point." 



Confucius using only ^ in his repiy, 
from the oppoiition betveen K^ and J^. 

I man alire, vhile ^^ in man dead— ^ ghost, 

rit. Two riews of t)Nt replies arc found in 
leatators. The older ones sa^ — * Confucius 
AT Ke Loo, and gave him no answer, because 
s and death are obscure and unprofitable 
cts to talk about.' With this some modern 

m agree, as the author of the ^1 ^j^, but 

s, and the majority, say-*-* Confucius an- 

$d the disciple profoundly, and show0d 
how he should prosecute his inquiries in 
roper order. The service of the dead must 
the same spirit as the service of the living. 
ience and siicrificc are equally the exprcs- 
>f the filial heart. Death is only the natural 
nation of life. We are bom with certain 
and principles, which carry us on to the 
i our course.' This is ingenious refining, 
ifter all, Confucius avoids answering the 
rtant questions proposed to iiiiu. 



12. COVFVCIOS BAPPT WITH RIB DI8CIPUI8 
AnOUT IIIM. HU WABV8 TsiU'LOO. 1. f& ^r^p 

like ^ -4p, VL 8, 1. ^, read hang, low. 84 
tone. 2. Ther9 wanting hera the Jp* Q a$ 
the commencement! aome would change the A^ 
at the end of the Ist, par. into Q, to supply the 

blanlc. ^ ^ ij^'"'^ '" ^"^ ^^^^ '^ 
ference to the appearance and manner of Tsze^ 

^"^' ^' ^^ ^^^ ii j^' ^' ^^^" as«the fin^l 

^. Some say that it indicates some uncer«- 

tainty as to the prediction. But it was verier 
fled; see on II, 17* 
13. Wise advice of Mik Sun agaikst ubs^p 

ifBss BXPBNUYTPRB. 1. ^B ^l , Qot *the peo* 

pie of Loo,' but as in the trapsl,,— certain oflif 
cers, disapprobation of whom is indve^t«d V^^ 

tfiinpiy calling tUem K. TVlq VQ^\a«W3^\L^% 



\ 



106 



COSFUCIAN AKAUECTS. 




^.Tn 










MT^m^m^^AM. 



mm 










Chapter XIV. 1. The Master said, "What has the harpsichord 
of Yew to do in my door 1^" 

2. The other disciples began not to respect Tsze-loo. The Master 
said, " Yew has ascended to the hall, though he has not yet passed 
into the inner apartments." 

Chapter XV 1. Tsze-kung asked which of the two, Sze or Shang, 
was the superior. The Master said, " Sze goes beyond the due meaiiy 
and Shang does not come up to it." 

2. "Then," said Tsze-kting, "the superiority is with Sze, I 
suppose." 

3. The Master said, "To go beyond is as wrong as to fall short." 
Chapter XVI. 1. The head of the Ke family was richer than 

the duke of Chow had been, aind yet K*ew collected his imposts for 
him, and increased his wealth. 




is collected from the rest of the chapter. 

is 'a trcasaiy/ as disthiguishcd frcim ^g^ 

• granary/ and from JH, *an arsenal.' *The 
Long treasury' was the name of the one in 
qucsfioft. 2. The use of W is perplexing. 
Choo lie adopts the explanation of it by the 
oM comm. as=s S, * affair,' but with what 

propriety I do not see. The character means 
*a Hiring of cowries, or cash,' then *to thread 
top^cthcr,' *to connect.' May not its force be 
here, — 'suppose it were to be carried on — con- 
tinued — as before ' ? 8. ^^ as in ch. 9. u) , up. 

3d tone, a rerb, *to hit the mark,' as in shoot- 
ing. 

14. CoNFIICIOa' ADMONITION AND DKFRNCR 

OF T»zK-u>o. 1. The form of the harpsichord 
seetfis to come neahsr to that of the snih than 

aity other of our instruments. The |^ is a 
kindred iustruuent with the >^, couunui^y 



called *the scholar's lute/ See the Cbioete 
Kepository, vol. VIII. p. 3S. The nusic mxle 
by Yew was more martial in its air than brflt- 
ted the peace-inculcating school of the sm^ 
2. This contains a defence of Yew, and an il- 
lustration of his real attainments. 

15. Compakison of Sze And Siiano. Ex- 
cess AND DEFECT EQUAtXY WSOVO. I. @, 

herc^Bfe, * to overcome,' 'be superior to^' be- 
ing interchanged with w in par. 2. We find 
this meaning of the term also in the dicticmarf. 

16. CoNFUCIDS* INDIGNATION AT TIIB SCrPOBl 
OF USURPATION AND EXTOBTIOV BT ONE OF HISDIS- 

ciPLBB. 1. ^^ 1^, see III. 1. Many iltesCn- 
tions might be collected of the encroaidinienti 
of the Ke family, and its great wealth. "J^^ 

S^ ^gf^, 'for him collected and ingatbered,' 

t. «., all his imposts. This dauae and tbe opsI 
imply that K^w was aiding in the matter of 
laying impoifts Oft tke people. *i. "-BtA tito 



\ 



^ •» 



eonmsctm asm.£cts. 



107 




f^M'f. 














I ^ ^ liL 



2. The Master said, **He is no disciple of mine. My little chil- 
dren, beat the drum and assail him." 
Chapter XVIJ. 1. Ch*ae b simple. 

2. Sin is dull. 

3. Sze is specious. 

4. Yew is coarse. 

Chapter XVIII. 1. The Master said, "There is Hwuy ! He ha* 
nearly attained to perfect virtue. He is often in want." 

2. " Tsze does not acquiesce in the appointments of HeaveUy and his 
goods are increased by him. Yet his judgments are often correct." 

Chapter XIX. Tsze-chang asked what were the characteristics of 
the GOOD man. The Master said, " He does not tread in the footsteps 
of others, but, moreover, be does not enter the eliamber of the sage.'* 

dmm and asiail him,' — this refers to the 

of ezecutin;; criailnaU in tlie market ] 

by brat of drum coUectang the peopl 

their crimeB. Comm., however, nay that the 

Maater only required the disciples here to tell 

IC'iew of his faults and recover him. 

17. CUARACTRRa OF THR FOUR l>lfl€IPI.ES — 

Cit^AR, Hiif, SzR, AjiD YsrW, It is supposed a 

•^ n is missing from the beginning of this 

di. Admitting this> the sentences are to be 
translated in the present tense, and not in the 
past which would be required, if the chap, were 
simply the record of the compilers. 1. Ch^ae, by 

**''™"^® m> '^ styled -T- ^^ (of ^^ there 
«re several aliases), has his tablet now Uie 5th 
west, in the outer court of the temples. He 
iras sn^dl and ugly, but distinguished for his 
alncerity, filial pic^, and justice. Such was 
the conviction oi his impartial justice, that in 
^ time of peril he was saved by a man, whom 
be had formerly puoislied with cutting off his 

feet. 3. HS^, read ji'eiA, is defined in the diet., 

^-'practising airs with little sincerity.' — Con- 
fkicius certainly does not here flatter his fol- 
lowers. 

IS, HWUT AXD TSZB CONTRA 8TED. lu Ho 

An*9 ooDipilation, this ch is jimed with Uie 



le practice | preceding as one. 1. Mf, herc=^, 'nearly/ 
place, and **'* ^*t* 

[e to hear ^ near to.' It is often foupd with S^ follow- 
ing, both terms together beingsour *ncariy.' 
To make out a meaning, the old compi* supply 

^g jM' ' ^^^ ^^^ ^^ doctrines of the sages/ 

and the n^odern supply ^^, 'the truth and 

Hght.' fit} up. 3d tone, * emptied,' u e., brought 

to extretpity, poor, distressed. Hwuy's being 
brought often to this state is mentioned mere- 
ly as an additional circumstance about him. in- 
tended to show that he was happy in his deep 
poverty* Ho An preserves the conmient of some 
one, which is worth giving here, and ace. to 

which, ^t^JBS rt'* *cmpty — hearted,' freo 

^^^** IBS 

from all vanities and ambitions. Then Ht=» 

TO?, 'always.' In this sense JH jg^ ^^ ^^^^ 

formative element of Hwuy's character. 2. ^p^ 

' to receive,' here=s' to acquiesce in.* ffl^= lK» 
* to form a judgment.' 
19. The good uan. Comp. VII. ih. By 9E 

^ Choo He uii!4ei%lWiOA--S6 "^l^"^^ =^ 




108 



CONFnCIAH ANALECTS. 




W^fS 






|?4S#|fc. 













i 





A 

Chapter XX. The Master said, " If, because a man's discoarse 
appears solid and sincere, we allow him to be a good man^ is he really 
a duperior man ? or is his gravity only in appearance ? " 

Chapter XXI. Tsze-loo asked whether he should immediat«ly 
carry into practice what he heard. The Master said, " There are 
your father and elder brothers to he consulted ;-'^vA\y should you 
act on that principle of immediately carrying into practice what you 
hear?" Yen Yew asked the same, whether he should immediately 
carry into practice what he heard, and the Master answered, " Imme* 
diately carry into practice what you hear*" Kung-se Hwa said, 
*'Yew askea whether he should carry immediately into practice 
what he heard, and you said, ' There are your father and elder 
brothers to he coristUted,^ K'ew asked whether he should immediately 
carry into practice what he heard, and you said, 'Carry it immediately 
into practice.' I, Ch4h, am perplexed, and venture to ask you for 
an explanation." The Master said^ " K'ew is retiring and slow ; there- 
fore, I urged him forward. Yew ha& more than his own share of 
energy; tnerefore, I kept him back." 



fIS ^ff *^^^ 0^ fine natural capacity, biA 

who has not learned.' Sach a man will in matiy 
things be a law to himself, and needs not to 
follow in the wake of others, but after all his 
progress will be limited. The text is rather 

enigmatical. A ^^, comp^ cli. 14, 2. 

20. Wb mat kot hastiLV Judg e a m a h to Bfc 

oooD FkoM HIS DisOOtillSB. gfii is here * speech,^ 

'couTersation.' In Ho An, this ch. is joinetl 
to the preceding one, and is said to give Addi- 
tional characteristics of *the good man,' men- 
tioned on a diff. occasion. — ^Tlie construction, 
however, on that view is all but inextricable. 



Yew OF now Comfucius dealt wrrn his i>tt- 

CIPLBS ACCORDIKG TO Til KIR CHARACTEBS. Oil 

Tsze- loo's question, comp. V. 13. ^S ffiF ^ 
^^, * Hearing this (:^anything), should I do it 
a£o«» or not?' ^ ^=tT >2l "^ *** 

hf Choo He with Kfe, *to orercome,* 'to be 

supefiof to.' But we can well take it in its 
radical signification of *to tinite,* as a hand 
grasps two sheaves of com. The phrase ti 
equivalent to our English one in the transL 

^^Ya^\»sVt>tb& Vsfit vorc ^Id ii called ^ ^. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



109 






MSJ 




^^m 












n Hl> 







Mi^^m^ 



y^o^iW^ fSj 














Cf 




ffl E >2lr S 

CiLVPTER XXIL The Master was put in fear in KSvang and 
Yen Yuen fell behind. The Master, on his rejoining hirn^ said, " I 
thought you had died." Hwuy replied^ "While you were alive, how 
should I presume to die?" 

Chapter XXIIL 1. Ke Tsze-jen asked whether Chung-yew and 
Yen K'ew could be called great ministers. 

2. The Master said, " I thought you would ask about some ex- 
traordinary individuals, and you only ask about Yew and K*ew ! 

3. " What is called a great minister, is one who serves his prince ac- 
cording to what is right, and when he finds he cannot do so, retires* 



22. Ybn Y\7ffir's attaChshsiit to Covfuciub, 

AKD CONFIDEHCS IN UIB MISSION. ScC IX. 5. 

If Hway's answer was anything more than plea- 
santry, wc must pronotkncc it foolish. The 
comm., however, expand it thus : — *I knew that 
you would not perish in this danger, and there- 
fore I would not rashly expose my own life, 
but preserved it rather, that I might continue 
to e^joy the benefit of your instructions ' If 
we inquire how Hwuy knew that Conf. would 
not perish, we are informed that he shared his 
nittter's assurance that he had a divine mission. 
—See Vll. 22, DC. 5. 

23. A QRKAT MIKI8TBR. ChUHO-TBW AND 
Yjm K*EW ONLT ORDINAHY MINISTEBS. The 

paraphrasts sum up the contents thus : — 'Conf. 
represses the boasting of Ke Tsze-jen, and in- 
dicates an acquaintance with his traitorous 
purposes.' 1. Ke Tsze-jen was a younger brother 

•f Ke ttwan, who was the ^ J^ of IIL 1. 



Having an ambitious purpose on the dukedom 
of Loo, he was increasing his officers, and having 
got the two disciples to enter his service, ho 
boastingly speaks to Conf. about them. 2. 

yA -TT -7^» lit-> *I supposed you wertj 



PI 



making a question of («sabout) extraordinary 
men, and lo! it is a question about Yew and 

K*ew.* '^ss^ ; its force is rather diflP. from 

what it has in II. 8v but is much akin to that in 

"!•«• *• :^ E *• «pi^ed fl E fi: 

}^ ^., * flimply fitted to rank among the num- 
ber of offloekv.' ^L often means what is merely 
'offldaL* ^ ^> *an official paper.' ^ 
&, * mere officials.' <€. ^supposes nn anteoe- 
deat] sack aa db , '\bftix t&&&\^«' 



110 



OOK^dAH AKAUSCTS. 








m "fmM 










I 
« 
I 



4. " Now, as to Yew and K*ew, they may be called ordiniiy 
ministers.^ 

5. Tsze-jen said, **Tlien they will alwa3rs follow their chief;— 
willthev?" 

6. The Master said, ^^ In an act of parricide or regicide, tfaej 
would not follow him." 

Chaptsb XXIV. 1. Tsze-loo got Tsze^-kaou appointed governor 
ofPe. 

2. The Master said, " You are injuring a man's son." 

3. Tsze-loo said, "There are (there) common people and officers; 
there are the altars of the spirits of the land and grain. Why 
must one read books before he can be considered to have learned?'' 

4. The Master said, " It is on this account that I hate your glib- 
tongued people." 

Chapter XXV. 1. Tsze-loo, Tsing Sih, Yen Yew, and Kung-se 
Hwa, were sitting by the Master. 

2. He said to them, ^^ Though I am i| day or so older than you; 
don't think of that 



24. How nuELiMiirAKT studt is VaCSSBAXT 

TO THE XXKRCI8B OF OOVXRNM SltT : — ^ RK|>ROOF 

or T8ZB-LOO. 1. J&,— tee VI. 7. This com- 

inaiidaatoh^[> is probably what Min San there 
refuaed. Ttze-loo had entered into the aenrice 
of the Ke familjr («ee last ch.), ajotd recommended 

(uh) Tflze-kaou as likely to keep the turbulent 

Pe in order, thereby withdrawing him from his 

•tidies wt& the Master. 2. M^ in the sense 

of ^S, *to injure.* 3^ as in ch. 9, 3. It 

qualifies the whole phrase A J^ -^t and is 



not to be joined only iHth J^. IQj deoiauio^ 

ting Tste-kaoa-— < a man's son,' Goof. latiiBalai^ 
I suppose, that the lather was ii^itred ay weU. 
His son ought not to be so dealt irith. 3. Tl^ 
absurd defence of Tsze-loo. It is to this effscti 
— * The whole duty of man is in treating ocfaer 
men right, and rendering what is due to spiiitod 
beings, and it may be learned practically wjAr 

out the study you require.' 4. -j^ M^, 'oo 

this account,' with reference to Tsxe-Ws refity^ 

25 The aims or Tsze-loo^ Taaso Sift 
Yen Tew, and Kuko-se Hwa, ako Coxfccics 
RfiMAJU&s A^CT ifihaL Comp. Y. ? • 29. I* ns 



#.2 




CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



4^ 



111 





fsi -B. ^ liJl ;i 





u^mtit 











^ +. ZM m. M. 0. m m 

3. " From day to day you are fi»ying, * We are not kno^vrti,* If 
some prince Were to know you, what would you do ? " 

4. Tsze-loo haatily and lightly replied, '^Suppose the cliae of a 
state of ten thousand chariots ; let it be straitened between other 
large states^ let it be snifering from invading amiies; and to this let 
there be added a famine in com and in all v^etables :-^if I were 
intrusted with the government of it^ in three years* time I could make 
the people to be bold, and to recognize &e rules of righteoiid con« 
duct/' The Master smiled at him. 

5. Turning to Yen Yew^ he saidj "R'ew, what are yolir wishes?'* 
K^eiv replied, "Suppose a state of sixty or seventy fe square, or one 
of fifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it ;-'-^ tbre6 
years' time, I could make plenty to abound among the people, A^ 
to teaching them the principles of propriety, and music^ I miist wait 
for the rise of a superior man to do thai.^ 

Muter, «nd fan irtih tfast tfaey tliould tU 
taclinoli»portan<%toH. 1n^3^j^^ 
we have a not uocommon mTeraloiL It a 
^ iiX ^ ^ J^> ^^^'^'^ coiuider me to 
be your ■enior.* 8- Jg'^^Jg;^^. 'the 
lerel, onUiiafj, oonne of your lives.' ^t tij^ 

M^1a[ m 18 M ^. •''»* ^^^ ^ 

ODxiBider to be your use V ut^ what course of 
action would jrou pursue? 4. ^5JR wt^ an adr., 

-s'hastilj/ ^« ace. to Choo He,=i^ ^^ 

ace. to Fwtt Uee&^^l^) '«U9aSwiMl^ ^ 



diadples mentioned here are all fartiiliar to jSb 
exc^ing Taftng Sib. He was the father Of 
the more celebrated Ts&ng Sin, and himself by 

name Teen (II&). Thefolirare mentioned in 

tlie order of their age, and Teen wotild have 
answered immediately after Tase-loo, bnt that 
Conf. passed him by, tim he #aa occnpied with 

ids harpsichord. % ^r, up 2di tone, 'senior.* 
BCajty understand ^Bt j£, 'ye** as nom. to the 
first J|p^j[, bitt it is better with Choo He to take 

JI^^JH, 'although.' — g, <one day,* 

irould seem to indicate the importance which 
tfas disgiplea attacfaad to tfaa acBionty of ibcir / 



112 



CONFUCIAN AKALGCTS. 



1ft "t 





.yi* <=i> ^ir +EB Txr 



m % MM 





M,^ 

m 




•ifiira: 0.0. 











0» 






^ W /\ 








6. " What are your wishes, Ch4h," said the Master next to Kimg-^e 
Hwa. ChHh replied, " I do not say that my ability extends to these 
things, but I should wish to learn them. At the services of the 
ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the Princes with the Em- 
peror, I should like, dressed in the dark squaremade robe and 
the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant/' 

7. La^t of ailj the Master asked 'Psang Sihj " Teen, what are your 
wishes?" jteen^ pausing as he was playing on his harpsichord, 
while it was yet twanging, laid the instrument aside, and rose, 
"My wishes," he said, "are different from the cherished purposes of 
these three gentlemen." "What harm is there in that?" said the 
Master; "do you also, as well as they, speak out your wishes." Teen 
then said, " In this^ the last month of spring, with the dress of the 
season all complete, along with five or six young men who have 
assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the E, 
enjoy the breeze among the rain-altars, and return home singing.** 

ed a sigh and said, " I give my approval to Teen." 



The Master heaved 

In the Chow Le, 500 men make a jM^, and 5 M^y 
or 2,500 men, make a 6jR. The two terms to- 
gether hare here the meaning giren In the transL 
'^ ^y 'managed it.' ll^, lower 8d tone, 

blends its force with the foil. ^. 33^=|^I» 

* towards.* ^ ^, *know the quarter to 

which to turn, the wa^ in which to go.' 5. At 
the beginning of this paragraph and the two fbl- 

iowiag, we must supply -5^ Q. |[U«'^« 



'or.' 6. ]||;2:.^;$:refer.lotlie|g||,. 

in p. 6. 'iv is the name for oocaaioQal or iiK 
cidental intenriews of the princes with the em^ 
peror, what are called JS& ^< B bebngs to 
occasions when they all presented tKemselret 
together at court The f&, (and from te 

colour called yf^ i&)t ^^ ^ ^^ ^ c^ 
mony, so called fh>m its straight make, iti 
component jmrts haying no gathers nor sUmtiBf 

v;U\>Vu^s^, 'SL \S ^^ ^^ iMaa» ol a. cap ol 



GOBTDOIAN ANALECTS^ 



113 



^04 
>» 





MM 



i=f- 





i 




^N mi\>x^ 

ii ^ f ^^ ^ 



^F 3S^ in #^ « 



MiJ 






y 



i 



KM. A W ^ 




n 
a 



^0?4 





-^-t 








The three otheni having gone out, TsKng Sih remained behind, 
said, "What do you think of the words of these three friends?" 
Master replied, '* They simply told each one his wishes/' 

Tem. pursued, '^Master, why did you smile at Yew?" 
0. He WAS answered, ^' The management of a state demands the 
s of propriety. His words were not humble ; therefore I smiled 



mu 



1. Teen again said^ "But was it not a state which K^ew proposed 
liimself ?" The reply was^ " Yee; did you ever see a territory of 
Y op seventy fe, or one of fifty or sixty, which was not a state ? " 

2, Once more^ Teen inquired^ " And was it not a state which 
h proposed for himself?" The Master again replied^ " Yes; who 
pnnces have to do with ancestral temples, and audiences with 
£mperor ? If Ch'ih were to be a ^xndSl assistant in these services^ 

could be a great one ? " 



Knif; I^ h«d differeat namea nnder dif- 
\ djnuwtiott fS means a Xiur. The cap 
10 named, a^ ^displafiug the MAif.' 7* 
s [p;, 'panainR* <atoppijag/ 8o,iDthedlctp 

m adr^ escpreiaing |J)e twaaging aound of 

atraneftt ^, read »oo, low. 8d tone, the 

2« 'amnset,' 'the close of a period of 

_ (»p, 84] tone) ^, 'capped men,* 

ng W9M in China a cuatom similar to th^ 
ling the toga virilu among the Bamana« 

kplaceat^O. y^ ia not * to bathe,' but Is 

irith reference to some custom of washing 
lods and dQtb&iUMonw stream iu^ 3d 





month, to pnt away evil influences. ^P was 
the name of a sacrifice, accompanied with prat- 
er, for rain^ Danofng morements were em*' 

ployed at it, hence the oam&^l^^* 11- ^g 

^ Q is to be supplied before p^, and -^ 

p*J before ^^. Similar supplements must bo 
made in the next paragraph. — ^It does not appear 

whether T^n, e^en at the last, understood why 
Conf. had laughed at Tsze-loo, and not at the 
others. * It was not,' say the comm.,' ' because 
Tsze-loo wa# extravagant in his aims. They 
were ^11 thii>kjlng of great things, yet not greater 
than they were able for. Tsze-loo's fault waa uv 
the levity with wViich Yve \v«A \!iT<ic\«cBv^\C\^ 



114 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 



BOOK XII. YEN YUEN. 1^ 














„„ m,^ |7 m Hff T ^.^,t 



M^ 





%mmno^M.-^^ 




Chapter I. 1. Yen Yuen asked about perfect virtue. The 
Master said, "To subdue Ones-self and return to propriety, is perfect 
virtue. If a man can for one day subdue himself and return to pro- 
priety, all under heaven will ascribe perfect virtue to him. Is tbe 
practice of perfect virtue from a man himself, or is it from others?" 

2. Yen Yuen said, " I beg to ask the st^ps of that process." The 
Master replied, " Look not at what is contrary to propriety ; listai 
not to what is contrary to propriety; speak not what is contrarv to 
propriety ; make no movement which is contrary to propriety." Ven 
Yuen then said, " Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, 
I will make it my business to practise this lesson.' 

is not exactly selfishneM, but selfichneM if 
wliat abides by being attached to the body, and 

hence it is said that selfishness is Q.' iLnd 

sulxluing and putting away the sef/^ but mln 
duing and patting away the selfish denrts ilk 
the self: This 'selfisluiess in the self* is of a 

three-fold character: — ^first, ^[ Pg , said hf 

Morrison to be < a person's natural constitutiai 
and diitposition of mind:' it ia^I think, verr uuib 
the ^»xtM4t mvi^wH or * animal man ;* aeotfa^ 

ears, the eyes, the mouth, the no0e;*ke..m 
dominating influences of the senset; and tSti^ 

P^ ^, "Thou and I,' L e^ the hiOt trf viffb- 
x^vX^. VisisA Qoivuaely^ the pL is widi m tkt 



Hbadiko op thw Book.— jS3 V^ ^ -p 

^^ *The twelfth Book, beginning with Yen 

Yuen.' It contains 24 chapters, conyeying 
lessons on perfect virtue, government, and other 
questions of morality and jmlicy, addressed in 
conversation by Confucius chiefly to his dis- 
ciples. The diflerent answers, given about the 
same subject to diflerent questioners, show well 
how the sage suited his instructions to the 
characters and capacities of the parties with 
whom he had to do. 

1. How TO ATTAIN TO PER7BCT TIRTCE : — ^A 

coxTBRSATiox WITH Yex Yuex. 1. lu Ho An, 
5E ^L " explained by J^ ^, *to restrain 
the body.* Choo He defines ^] by ftk^ 'to 
overcome,' »nd g^ by ^ j^ ^ :^, * the 
aelflsh desires of the body.' In the >^ WL it 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



115 








» 




Jhh\ 



n ^.% MM '^.^ M. t::. 

HAPTER IL Chung-kung asked about perfect virtue. The Mas- 
»id, " It isy when you go abroad, to behave to every one as if you 
5 receiving a great guest ; to employ the people as if you were 
rt:ing at a great sacrifice ; not to do to others as you would not 
I done to yourself; to have no murmuring against you in the 
itry, and none in the family." Chung-kimg said, "Though I 
ieticient in intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business 
ractise this lesson." 
HAIDER IIL 1. Sze-ma New asked about perfect virtue. 

The Master said, " The man of perfect virtue is cautious and 
in his speech." 



1^, to be the A /|^ as opposed to the 

j^ ' the mind of man ' in opposition to the 

of reason/ See the Shoo-king II. ii. 9. 
refractory 'mind of man,* it is said, 

t ^ ^b, *i8 innaue,' or, perhaps, 'con- 
In all these statements, there is an ac- 
edgment of the fact — tlie moral \y abnormal 
ion of human nature — which underlies the 
ian doctrine of original sin. With ref. to 
boTe three-fold classification of selfish 
I, the second par. shows that it was the 
I order of tbem — the influence of the 

, which Conf. specially intended. ^S^Si 
note on j3B, VIII. 2. It is not here 
net. ChooHedeflnesitr-^jg;^^ 

the specific dirisions and graces of hea- 

principle or reason.' This is contiunally 
leparted from, on the impulse of selfish- 
ut there is an ideal of it as proper to man, 
b to be sought — * returned to ' — by orer- 

; that. ^^ is explained by Choo He by 

to allow.' The gloss of the "tt ^ is— 

t -tZTf *^*^ praise his perfect virtue.* 
hole sentence thus seems to become a 
>Utitude. Perhaps 7 "T^ is only=K 
rery body,' or *any body.' In Ho An, 
taken in the sense of 'to return,'— 



*the empire will return to perfect rirtue,' sup- 
posing the exemplifier to be a prince. In tho 
next sentence, which is designed to teach that 
every man may attain to this virtue for himself, 

f^-'or.' 2. ^ refers to ;^ g^ :^ j^. 

g =>^ g , * a list ' or 'index.' ^ is used 

as an active verb; — 'I beg to make my business 
these words.' 

2. WnKRP.IV PBRFKGT VIRTUE IS RRALIZRD : 
— ▲ COlfVKRSATION WITH CHLlfG-KUMG. From 

this ch., it appears that reverence (w) and re- 
ciprocity (f^^)t on the largest scale, are perfect 

virtue. ^S 0^, — 'ordering the people,' if apt 

to be done with haughtiness. This part of the 
answer may be compared with the apostle'a 
precept — 'Honour all men,' only the 'all men* 

is much more comprehensive there. f^.m^'yT 

'^,-comp. V. 11. :^^,^^,=*ahroad,' 

'at home.' Paou Hcen, in Ho An, however, 
takes the former as denoting the ' prince of a 
state,' and the lat, ' the chief of a great oflTcer's 

establishment.* This is like the interpr. of ^ 

in last ch. — ^The answer, the same as that of 
Hwuy in last ch., seems to betray the hand of 
the compiler. 
3. Caution in spbakiko a characteristio 

OF PERFHCT virtue: — A COlfVKRHATIOM WITH 

TszE-MKW. 1. Tsze-new was the designation or 
Sze-ma Kang (Wii ^^ ^!q,\ ^\v(^^ \»X\^ \» 



116 



COKFOCIAN ANALBCTt. 




^ 4^ ^ 

5fsr 





Xj 









^ 









^A 




W 



4 '"^ W 






3. " CautioilS and slow in his speech ! " said New ;— " is this what 
is meant by perfect virtue?" The Master said, " When a man feel* 
the difficulty of doings can he be other than cautious and slow in 
speaking ? " i 

ChafteA Vf. 1* S:ie>-ma New asked about the superior man. 
The Master said, " The superior man has neither anxiety nor fear." 

3^ " Being Without anxiety or fear I" said New ;— " does tliii( 
constitute What we call the superiof man ? 'V 1 

3, The Master said, " When internal examination discovers n<MJ 
thing wrong, what is there to be anxious about, what is there to 
fear?" 

Chaptbr V. 1. Sze-ma New, full of anxiety, said, " Other meai 
all have their brothers, I only have not." \ 

2. Tsze^hea said to him, "There is the foUowing saying which I 
have heard :— i 



now the 7th eaat in the outer ransefl of the dia- 
ciples. He belonged to Sung, ana was a brother 
ofHwanT^y, VII. 22» Their ordinary dUrname 

was Heang ( |^) )i but that of Hwan could alio be 

used by them, as they were descended from the 
duke so calledk The office of * Master of the 

horse* ( ^ ^^) had loUg been in the family, 

and that title appears here as if it were New's 

surname. 2. ^^W fi|| f{j^ Uhe Words 

commg forth with difficulty/ 3. ^ ;^, ^ 

^p^,— comp. on J^ in the note on Vll* 10, et al. 

1^* Doing being difficult, can speaking be with- 
out difficulty of utterancet' 

4. How THB KaUN-TSaS has KmtHBIt AN- 
XIETY KOR FBAB, AHD CONSCIOUS RBCTITUDA 

FBEBS FBOM THE8B. 1. ^^ is OUT 'anxlCty,' 

trouble about coming troubles; ^& is *fear,* 
vhea the troubles have arrived. 2. )^, is 'a 



chronic illneSs }' here it is itndentood wHknft 
to the mind, UuU displaying no ajoipUMBi ^, 
disease* j 

5. Consolation offibbd bt Tsbbhra^ 

TsZE-NBW ANXIOOa ABOUT THB PKMtL OV WB 

bkothkb. 1 . Tsale-new's anxiety was occasMBol; 
by the conduct of his eldest brother Hwan l^i 
who> he knew. Was contemplating rebdl&o%'. 

which Would probably lead to his death. 9l 
^, <elder brothers* and 'younger hroOa^^ 

but Tsse-new was himself the youngeat of kblv^ 

mily. The phrase simply^^brothera.' 'Alllrtii 
their brother8,*-«i\ e», all can test quietly iM^ 
out anxiety in their relationi 2. It is natofllj^ 
supposed that the author of the obserratioo w^ 

Conf . 4. The St i^ aays that the expr^r^m 



Within the four seas are brothera,' X% 

y^ BQ > ' ^^'^ ^^^ mean that ail undef 
have the same geucalogicai register/ 




T30imJClA» ANALECTS. 



117 





lE t.^,& 0. 



^m.^f-'^nM 













fBT '/S ii ^. 



I ^'^ Death and life have their determined appointment ; riches 
honours depend upon Heaven.' 

. " Let the superior man never fail reverentially to order his 
I conduct, and let him be respectftil to others ana observant of 
priety ^— then all within the four seas will be his brothers. What 
the superior man to do with being distressed because he has no 

HAFTER YL Tsze^chang asked what constituted intelligence. 
Master said, ^^ He with whom neither slander that gradually 
A imh the mindj nor statements that startle like a wound in the 
I, are successful, may be called intelligent indeed. Yea, he with 
>m neither soaking slander, nor startlmg statements, are success* 
may be called far-seeing.*^ 

6. What coNSTmtKs tKTBLLroBNCK : — ai>^ 
DRissKD TO Tszi-GHANO. TsieHshaiig, it it 
Bald, was always seeking to be wise about things 
lofty and distant, and therefore Conf. brings 
him back to thing^ near at hand, which it was 

more necessary for him to attend to. ^^ JH 
^ ^ff, * soaking, molatening, slander,' which 
unperceited sinks into the mind. ^^J^ 

jjM (s&and interchanged with |^), ^statements 

(iTwiongs which startle like a wound in the 
flesh,' to which in the surprise credence is given. 

He with whom these things yR ^,-~are 'n<l 
go»* la iatelligebt,-^yea» far-seeing. j|^^^ 
;^gg. So» Choo He. The old interpr. differ 

in their viewof ^^t, M' '^« ^^ 
says— 'The Skin iiscefve« dust which gradually 
accumulates.' Th\a iiuik^^ \^i<i ^\a«a^ %!fQtS2fK)« 
j moiii with Ui« Cqcqusc. 



T. Is tilat^ when a man so acts, other men 
pre and respect him as a brother. This, no 
, is the ektent of the ssy ing. I hate found no 
idofy glois on the phrase—* the four seas.' 
jondintlie Shoo-king, the She-king, and 

&-ke lathe B j|||, a son of Lexicon, 

indent, which was once leckoned among 
ng, it is explained aS a territorial desig- 
I, the name of the dwelling-place of iQl 
kriiafous tribes. Bat the great Yu is 
tented as having mode the four seas as 
KiCcfaeB, to whidi he drained the waters 
Uing * the middle kingdom.' Plainly, the 
it conception was of their own countiy as 
eat liabitable tract, north, south, east, and 
xf which were four seas or oceans, be- 
whose shores and their own borders the in- 
ing space was not very great, and oocu- 
wild hordes of inferior races. See the 

^ ^ ^' ^ 24.— Comm. con- 
*sze-hea's attempt at coiMolatiOB altoge- 
ULe gf the mafk* 



118 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 




^ bM ^M M -k. 








^ >^ j5p^ ^ . 



J^ 0.±o"4r 



'M^n% 





^ ^ # 0.W ^o0.jE 




L 



Chapter VIL !• Tsze-kung asked about government- The Mas- 
ter said, " Tlie requisites of govemvient are that there be suflBciency 
of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the 
people in their ruler." 

2. Tsze-kung said, " If it cannot be helped, and one of these 
must be dispensed with, which of the three should be foregone first?' 
"The military equipment," said the Master. 

3. Tsze-kung again asked, " If it cannot be helped, and one of 
the remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should 
be foregone? The Master answered, "Part with the food. From 
of old, death has been the lot of all men ; but if the people have 
no faith in their rulers^ there is no standing for the state, ' 

Chapter VIII. 1. Kih Tsze-shing said, "In a superior man it 
is only the substantial qualities which are wanted ; — why should we 
seek for ornamental accomplishments?" 

7. RbqUISITBS 111 aOVBBRXEKT: — xootrrKR- 

B^TioN WITH Tbzs-chahq. 1. ^^ primarily 

means * weapons.' ' A soldier,* the bearer of such 
weapons, is a secondary meaning. There were 
no standing armies in Couf. time. The terra 
is to be taken here, ase* military equipment,* 

'preparation for war.* ^g ^»"^>^ refers 

to ^ J^, *theip ruler.* 8. The difficulty 

here is with the concluding clause-* jlE ig 

yK j£^» Transferring the mean, of ig from 
par. 1, we naturally render as in the transl., and 

^\ XL'^H >?^ JJL> '^® ^^*^ ^"^ °^^ 
stand.* This is the view, moreover, of the old 
interpreters. Choo He and his followers, how- 
ever, seek to make much more of ^g . On the 

1st par. he comments, — *The granaries being 
full, and the military preparation complete, 
then let the influence of iustructiou procc*^ 






So shall the people have futh in their r^m^ 
and will not leave him or rebel.' On the 8d 
par. he says, — * If tlie people be withoat Ibodi 
they must die, but death is the ineviuble lot 

of men. If they are without ^g , thoo^ they 

live, they hare not wherewith to establish them- 
selves. It is better for them in such case to 
die. Therefore it is better for the mler to d^ 
not losing faith to his people, so that the peo- 
ple will prefer death rather than lose faith » 
him.* 
8. Substantial qualriks akd AoooxFUHi* 

XKNTB Iir THE KSDlt-TtSB. 1. TSTO shJng VSS 

an offloer^f the stote of Wei, and, disticsscd If 
the pursuit in the times of what was men^ 
external, made this not sufficienUy weli-49onii* 
dered remark, to which Taae-kniif; rapiied, in, 
ace. to Choo He, an equally one-nded muum, 

I. i^ J^ [^ 1^ » t^^ expanded In te 

it 1^-n ffl * f^ 73r Wif! 

'why mifi accomplishments m wder I9 jme* 



CONFUCIAN ANALKCTS.- 



119 



















Tsze-kung said, "Alas! Your words, sir, show you to be a 
jrior man, but four horses cannot overtake the tongue. 

" Ornament is as substance ; substance is as ornament. The 
of a tiger or leopard stript of its hair, is like the hide of a dog 
oat stript of its hair." 

HAPTER IX 1. The duke Gae inquired of Yew J6, saying, "The 
' is one of scarcity, and the returns for expenditure are not suffi- 
t; — what is to be done?" 

Yeto Jo replied to him, " Why not simply tithe the people." 

"With two tenths," said the duke, "I find them not enough; 
5w could I do with that system of one tenth?" 

Yew Jo answered, " If the people have plenty, their prince will 
be left to want alone. If the people are in want, their prince 
lot enjoy plenty alone." 



tee V 2. We may interpret this par., as 

transL, patting a comma after 3^. So, 

He. But the old interpr. seem to hare 

ight on, without any comma, to -m , in 

I ease the par. would he — 'alas! sir, for 
ay in which you speak of the superior 
' And this is the most natural construc- 
3. The mod. oomm. seem hypercritical in 
Dming Tsze-kung's language here. He 
.tiba desirableness of the ornamental ao- 
ishmenta, but does not necessarily put 
(m the same level with the substantial 
ie*. 

Li«HT TAXATION THS BEST WAT TO flB- 
BIB «OVBBllXENT FBOH BMBARRASSUEUT 

fABT OF FUNDS. 2. By the statutes of 
how dynasty, the ground was divided 
AqtoMnts cultivated in common by the 
m- l<)CMed upon them, and the produce 
Irided equally, nioe tenths being giY$n to 



the fanners, and one tenth being reserved as a 
contribution to the state. This was called the 

lawof i|^, which tcrm»^£, 'pervading,' 'gen* 

eral,' with ref., apparently, to the system of 
common labour. 3. A former duke of Loo, 
Seuen (B. C. 608-590), had imposed an addi- 
tional tax of another tenth from each family's 
portion. 4. The meaning of this par. is given 
in the transl. Literally rendered, it is, — ' The 
people having plenty, the prince— with whom 
not plenty? The people not having plenty, 
with whom can the prince have plenty?' Yew 
Jd wished to impress on the duke that a sym- 
pathy and common condition should unite him 
and his people. If he lightened his taxation to 
the regular tithe, then they would cultivate 
their allotments with so much vigour, that hit 

receipts would be abundant. They would be 

able, moreover, to help their kind nilex in «sv^ 

I emeigeiicy. 



120 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTRi 



"> 















Chapter X. 1. Tsze-chang having asked how virtue was to bo 
exalted, and delusions to be discovered, the Master said, "Hold 
faithfulness and sincerity as first principles, and be moving con- 
tinually to what is right ; — this is the way to exalt one'* virtue. 

2. "You love a man and wish him to hve ; you hate him and wish 
him to die. Having wished him to live, you also wish him to die* 
Thb is a case of delusion. 

3. "* It may not be on account of her being rich, yet you come 
to make a difference/" 

Chapter XL 1. The duke King, of Ts^e, asked Confucius about 
government. 

2. Confucius replied, " There is government^ when the prince is 
prince, and the minister is minister ; when the &ther is father, and 
the son is son.** 

3. " Good !" said the duke ; " if, indeed ; the prince be not prince, 
the minister not minister, the father not father, and the son not 
son, although I have my revenue, can I enjoy it?** 



10. How TO BXALT TDITUS AVD DI80OTXS 
DSLU8IOXS. 1. ^ J^ "is »~**^ L ^* 2- ^0 

Kuter lays nothing about the ^|!^, 'discrimin- 

atingy' or *di0covering,' of delations, but gives 
an instance of a twofold delusion. Life and 
death, it is said, are independent of our wishes. 
To desire for a man ei^er the one or the other, 
therefore, Is one delusion. And on the change 
of our feelings to chimge our wishes in reference 

to the same person, is another, ^i'^j^ A • 

^But ia this Confucioi haxdly api^ean tA ^ 



the sage. 8. See the Sbo-king, IL St. 4. st. 3. 
I have translated soconling to the meaning is 
the She-king. The quotation maj he twisted 
into some sort of aooordaaoe with the pieced* 
ing par., as a case of delusion, but the comm. 

Ch4ng (^^) ^ probably oorrect in snpposiog 
that it should be transferred to XVL 13. 
11. Good oovBRviavT ootaims ohlt wnv 

ALL THB BSLATnrB DUTIBB AJUS H AlMTAHnCD. U 

Conf. went to Ts'e in his 86th year, and findiag 
the reignins duke — styled King after his destli 
-^K)yer8hadoVed by his ministers, and thinUng 
^i^\\»iiii^«ai^bia eldest son fiixa the saooci- 



I A 



, V 



C- • ' 



' » ! 



\ . 




' 1 




CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



131 



^± 




t. 




4» 




m -ffiik 0k 








7\^ XkiBo 



B.^, 
:& 




A 




Chapter XIL 1. The Master said, "Ah I it is Yew, who could 

tU half a word settle litigations !" 

2. Tsze-loo never slept over a promise. 

Chapteu XI IL The Ma-ster suid, "In hearing litigations, I am 

e any othijr body, Whftt is neceesary, is to cauBe the people tp 

v'e no litigations/' 

Chapter XIV, Tsze*chang risked about government. The Master 

d, " llie art of governing is to keep its affain before the mind with- 

t weariness, and to pmctise tlij?m with undeviating consistency." 

Chaiter XV, The Ma-st(ir said, " By extensively studying all 

irning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of pro* 

iety, one may thus likewise not err from what is right." 

I, he ihniwd hU aoiwer to the qoeitioii about plained bf ^|ft, * beforehand.* — < Tsce-loo mad« 

reramcnt accordingly. 3 ^|^ ^ ^£, *al- no proniisei beforehand.' 
wgb I hare the grain,' i t^ my re^e»uc, the l^- '^*> prkveitt BKiraBmui to D^TSRuim 

be of the produce of the country, ^ ^ Wtwatioks. See the ^^ jl^, IV. |g, a« 

i ^ ^ (^ ^, comp. ff ^. XL 0PP««- *o M (P"^ chO U iwed of cItU caoBef 

i'aball I be able ^ cat it ?*^in^lmating a 
Ml of the 4anfQpr ke was ejippused to from bin 
ivbonlinate offlceni» 

'1 With what vark Tmv^poo cqom> set- 
J'-rrjaATioxa, 1. We traaslate here — *couId,' 
■ not-«-^caii/ becaiMe Coof, i« not rcfcr- 
V to facts, bm^ aimply praising the disciple's 

"iictet. ^ *= =^ ^, * half a wonl/ 

^is par. fa a note by the compilers, stating 
'et abo«t Tave-loo, to illustrate what the 

^ said of him. jfS is explained by Choo 

^ i^> **• le«^e/ *tp let remain.' Its prim. 
>>. #a-^* to pi^s a nighjt.' We have in English, 
'>en in the tranal., a corresponding idiom.-^ 

to An, j^ ^ is taken a8=()g S, «one- 
t wonds,' mean, that Tsze-loo could judge 
^j oa heviBg half • case. /S again is ex- 



(^ ^ Q g^), ax^d the o^her of criminal 
(^ m ^}. Little stress is to be ^4 
on the 'I.' -S. |g ^ simply»*0ne man is 
as good as a^otljer/ >iuch str^m is tP bp )aii} 
on ^H, ass* to influence to.* 

14, The A)(T o^ aQT^RN^i^.Q, Jj^i^oppoi* 

to ^, must be an sctire veil^ and is explained 

by Choo He as in the translation. J^ refers 

to j^, or, rather, that aspect of gOTem- 
ment about which Tsze-chang was inquiring. 

U^-'^ ^im--^ '^'^ ^^ i"t ^^ 

same;' j^ ^"=^^1(0 — '» 'externally 
and internally the same.' 

15. ilAUDLY IlIfifUUSHT TSOM VL 15. 



122 



CONFVCIAK AKALECTS. 











0. 








I 



i 

P 

! 
I 



( 

i 



Chapter XVL The Master said, "The superior man seeks to 
perfect the admirable qualities of men, and does not seek io perfect 
their bad qualities. The mean man does the opposite of this." 

Chapter XVII. Ke K*ang asked Confucius about government 
Confucius replied, " To govern means to rectify. If you lead on M< 
j)eople with correctness, who will dare not to be correct ? " 

Chapter XVIII. Ke K'ang distressed about the number of thieves 
in the state^ inquired of Confucius aboitt how to do away with them, 
Confucius said, " If you, sir, were not covetous, although you should 
reward them to do it, they would not steal." 

Chapter XIX. Ke K'ang asked Confucius about government, 
saying, " What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good 
of the principled?" Confucius replied, " Sir, in carrying on your 
government, why should you use killing at all ? Let your evinced 

ambitious.' 'e ^^^M^ ^S* 



1 



I' 



t 



16. Opposite influekcb upon othsrs of 
nib sdpbiuor man amd tux mean man. 

17. govbrnmbkt moral in its bmd, and 

SrriCIENT BT EXAMPLE. 

18. The people are madk thietes by the 
XXAMPLK OF thkir ritlbrs. This is a good in- 
stance of Conf. boldness in reproving men in 
power. Ke K'ang had confirmed himself as 

head of the Ke family, and entered into all its 
usurpations, by taking off the infant nephew, 

who should hare been its rightful chief. J^ ^^ 
«=>J> '^, ' did not covet,* i. e., a position and 
influence to which you hare no right. >^ -?■ 



19. Killing not to bb tai.kbd of bt bcleri; 
thb bffbct of their examplb. In G^ ^ 




» ]^ " an active ▼erb,^^, ot J^^, 

Ho complete,' 'to perfect.' ^t& is used in s 
vague sense, not positive virtue, bnt=*Datare,' 
'character.* Some for p would read ^^ 

Jim, 'to add upon,' but J[^ itaelf must ben 

luive substantially that meaning. ^^ H ^ 

the wind upon it.' 



CX)KPUC1AN ANALECTS. 



123 



m.^ 





'^^ 



^.'fm^o'f'A 



d^h^lL 










ITS. ^0,0,^1iKS, 

lAMm^<^±MM=f- 

\mmz=f 

1 ff W ^"l^ ^ li i^> 

r 

es be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation 
een superiors and inferiors, is like that between the wind and 
;rass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it." 
lAPTER XX. 1. Tsze-chang asked, "What must the officer be, 
may be said to be distinguished ? '* 

The Master said, "What is it you call being distinguished?" 

Tsze-chang replied, " It is to be heard of through the state, to 
3ard of through the family." 

The Master said, "That is notoriety, not distinction. 

"Now, the man of distinction is solid and straightfonvard, and 
\ righteousness. He examines people's words, and looks at their 
tenances. He is anxious to humble himself to others. Such 
,n will be distinguished in the country ; he will be distinguished 
lC family. 

" As to the man of notoriety, he assumes the appearance of vir^ 






i^^ M.tmM. T- 



Thb KAN OV TR(7B DISTINCTIOIT, AND THE 

F NOTORiBTT. 1. -I- *a scholar/ 'an 
' The two ideas blend together in China. 
j[S ^g, ' to reach all round.' It includes 
le ideas of being inflaential, and that in- 
! being acknowledged. 8. If ~J^ be under- 

f ' an ofBcer/ then ^^^J assumes him to 

ninister of a prince of a state, and ^ ^^, 
i is only the minister of a great officer, 
the head of a family. If, however; ^ 



be understood of 'a scholar/ ^J will= Ml ^ , 
* the country,* * people generally,* and ^^ will=a 
i^ SLf ' ^^^® circle of relatives and neighbours.' 
5. -Aj ^, see I. 2. "K ^» — ^ is the verb. 
The diet, explains it-|^ «&» g ± fl5 
Nulu * ^ descend. From being on liigli to be- 
come low.' But it is here rather more stilL l\ 
Kj *to come do^ii^wiVyN oilier m^-u^ 



\ 



134 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTg. 




:tfl 




wBWKm 



0. SJ 







^ 






4%^\ 



^ ^ B.^ s 







*^» # 



^ 
^ 





K M. # ^-"F, 






^^^.^ ^,^# 






^^ ^ ^ 

Ao i£ ;i # Wi.t, 

tufe, but his actions are opposed to it, and he rests in this clmractef 
without any doubts ahoilt himself. Such a man will be heard of in 
the country ; he will be heard of in the family*" 

Chaptbr XXL 1. Fan-ch*e rambling with tile Master under fA^ 
trees about the rain-altars^ said, " I Vdrltiire to ask hoW to exalt vir 
tue, to Correct cherished evil, and to discover delusions." 

2. The Master said, "Truly a good question ! 

3. " If doing what is to be done be made the first business, and 
success a secondary Consideration ;-^is not this the way to exalt vir- 
tue? To assail one's own wickedness and not assail that of others} 
—is not this the way to correct cherished evil ? For ti morning's 
anger, to disregard one's own life, and involve that of his parents; 
—is not this a case of delusion ? " 

Chapter XXII» L Fan Ch'e asked about benevolence. The Mas* 
ter said, "It is to love all men" He asked about knowledge. The 
Master said, "It is to know all ihen." 

2. Fan Ch*e did not immediately understand these amtcers, 

with ^H^^l^* i^i VI. 20, which aim ii 
the rpport of a conversation with ^an Ch*e« 



i 






21. How TO BXAIT VIRTUB, CORBECT VICR, AND 

i>iBCOVRR DXLII8ION8. Comp. cli. 10. Here, as 
there, under the last point of tlie inquiry. Conf. 
simply indicates a case of delusion, and {lerhnps 
that is the best way to teach how to dis«coyer 

delusions generally. 1. ^S ^S, sec XI. 2d, 

11 ; followed here by J^ "JC, tlicre nnist be 
reference to the trees growing about the al- 
tars. ^F, formed from *hcart* and Ho conceal,' 



»«ecrel rice. 3. ^ A ^ ^i*^^t»^- 



^ffi,— ^=^g^, 'himself,' *hi8 own.* *A 

mominjr's jlupjer * must be a tfraall thing, but 
the consequences of giving way to it are Teiy 
terrible. Hie case is one of great delusion. 

22. Anoirr berevolexcb axd \»asD0«;— 

IIOWKNOWLEDCBSIIBSKKVES BSNBTOLE'CCB. F<B 

Cli'e might well deem the Master's replies e»i|f- 

nuitical, and, with the help of Tsze-bea's ex- 

[ ^VeoiuaXvsii^) the atudeat stiU fiada it dtfktlt to 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



125 








fe 




-^c-i 





iLi 





0. 







fii 



^. M 11. t^ 




t=t 




% 



tt 




0. fe ^ 







The Master said, " Employ the upright and put aside all the 
ted ; — ^in this way, the crooKed can be made to be upright." 

Fan Ch'e retired, and seeing Tsze^hea, he said to hun, " A 
3 ago, I had an interview with our Master, and asked him about 
wledge. He said, ' Employ the Upright^ and put aside all the 
►ked ; — in this way, the crooked can be made to be upright.' 
it did he mean ?" 

Tsze-hea said, " Truly rich is his saying ! 

" Shun, being in possession of the empire, selected from among 
he people and employed Kaou*yaou, on which all who were 
3id of virtue disappeared. T'ang being in possession of the em- 
, selected from among all the people, and employed E-yin, and 
vho were devoid of virtuie disappeared/* 

HAPTER XXIII. Tsze*kung asked about friendship. The Mas* 
^id, " Faithfully admonish your friend^ and kindly try to lead 
. If you find him impracticable^ stop. Do not disgrace yourself." 

■stand the chapter. 1, 4^ here, being 

ed to, or distinct from, 4tf, Sb to be taken 
Aoing ^benevolence,* and not as 'perfect 
»/ 2. -nt, * not yet,' t. e., not immediately. 

J n. 19. 4. ^R, up. 3d tone, in the diet. 

iued by ^^, 'formerly.' $» Kuouf^yBOu, 



and £*yiti,«-see the Shoo>king, 11. iii, and lit, 
iy. Shun and T'ang showed their, wisdom-^ 
their knowledge of men — in the selection of 
those ministeFSi That was their employment 
of the upright, and therefore all devoid of virtue 
disappeared. That was their making the ct^y^^^ 
upright i--aad 8<) Ox<^ V)^« t«Bft\w^V^ ^^ 



( 



126 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 








% 




TT 




o 






Chapter XXIV. The pfhilosoher TsXng said, " The superior jpj 
on literary grounds meets with his friends, and by their friendd 
helps his virtue." 



23. pRUDBircB ni frievdship. 



read 



ihiA, as in III. 7, implying some degree of defe- 
lence. jB[«J8[» as in II. 8| 1. 



S4. Thb rBiEiTDSRiP OF TBI K*eir-ii 
^ "^^ <bj means of letters,* i c, 
liters^ studies and pursuits. 



tfWWW«A#«rf^^«#W%#WW^^MWVM«A^%#W«««MnM»«* 



BOOK XIII. TSZE-LOO. 











ShV\ 



pR«^i ^ i^ 



j@ 



Chaptbr I. 1. Tsze-loo asked about government. The Mai 
said, " Go before the people with your example^ and be laborious 
their affairs." 

2. He requested further instruction, and was answered, " 
not weary in these things." 

Chapter II. 1. Chung-kung, being chief minister to the 1« 
of the Ke family, asked about government. The Master said, *^E 



Hkadino ov this Book. — -T* SS ^^ -4^ 

" , * Tsze-loo.— Book Xm.' Herfe, as in the 

last book, we have a number of subjects touched 
upon, all beariuff more or less directly on the 
government of tne Itate, and the cultiration of 
the person. The book extends to thirty chap- 
ters. 

1. Thb sbckbt ot sncciss iir qovbrnino is 

THB UNWRARIBD KXAMPLB OV THB BULERS : — Jl 

LBS80N TO TszB-LOO. 1. To what understood 
antecedents do the ^ refer ? For the first, we 

may ropposeg;— ^ ^=^ M' ^'^ 
^, ' precede the people,' < lead the people,' that 

is, do so by the example of your personal con- 
duct, fiat we c«iuiQtiath«8eGQ&d clause I>nng 



j^ (asG3) in the same way under the Rfii 

laborious for them ;' that is, to set tbeo 

example of diligence in agriculture, Ac 

better, however, according to the idiooa 

several times pointed out, to takt J^ ^^ 

a sort of neuter and general foree to th^& 

ing words, so that the expressions arc 
pie and laboriousness.' — ^K*ung Gan-kw^^ 
stands the meaning differently r-~*set tJ 
pie an example, and then you may xoimit 

labour.' But this is not so good. & J 

old copies is jB:. Tlie meaning ooBor,^ 
samet --^ 



CO^UCIAM ANALECTS. 



13t 




first the services of your various officers, pardon small faults, 
•aise to office men ot virtue and talents." 

Chung-hmg said, " How shall I know the men of virtue and 
t, so that I may raise them to office?" He was answered, 
se to office those whom you know. As to those whom you do 
:now, will others neglect them ? " 

lAPTER III. 1. Tsze-loo said, " The prince of Wei has been 
ng for you, in order with you to administer the government, 
t will you consider the first thing to be done?" 

The Master replied, " What is necessary is to rectify names." 

"So, indeed!" said Tsze-loo. "You are wide of the mark, 
must there be such rectification ? " 

The Master said, " How uncultivated you are, Yew ! A su- 
r man, in regard to what he does not know, shows a cautious 



ve. ^ 

CllB OmUS CHinrLT TO BB ATnOCDBD TO 

BJU> xiviitbb: — iL lbsboii to Ybm Yumg. 
^ ^»— conip. Vin. 4, 8. The >& 

e the rarioni nnallcr officers. A head 

sr should assign them their dutieti and 

interfering in them himself. His biisi- 

to examine into the manner in which 

lischarge them. And in doing so, he 

oreriook small faults. 2. K^ J|[[ j^ 

<»mP llj jll ^ ^ ^, ii VI. 4, 

i the force of !^ here is not so great as 

; ch. Conf. meaning is, that Chung-kimg 
ot trouble himself about aU men of worth. 
n advance those he knew. There was no 
at the others would be neglected. Comp. 
i wid on 'knowing men,' in XLL S2, 



8. Thb suPREinc importavcb of hambs bb- 
ixQ oobrbct. 1. This conrersation is assigned 
bjr Choo He to the 11th year of the duke Gae 
of Loo, when Conf. was 69, and he returned 
from his wanderings to his natiye state. Tsze- 
loo had then been some time in the service of 
the duke Ch^ of Wei, who it would appear, 
bad been wishing to get the serrices of the sage 
himself, and the disciple did not think that hit 
Master would refuse to accept office, as he had 

not objected to hU doing so. 2. ^^ must have 

here a sjiecial reference, which Tsse-loo did not 
apprehend. Nor did the old interpr., for Ma 

Yung explains the J|£ ^ by j£ "g" j^ 

J^ ^^, *to rectify the names of all things.' 

On this view, the reply would indeed be 'wide 
of the mark.' The axv^wet \% %>a^Xv[v\Si^^ S>ca 
tame as the xep\y lo 4vi!kL<^ IS^^^ ^1 *^^''^ «Xys<^x» 



{ 



128 



CONFUCIAH ANALECTS. 





■> 



i^ ^> f-. IJi IJJ ¥}\% 

^ ^f ^ i^ 13 

5. " If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with 
the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the 
truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on td success, 

6. "When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties 
and music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not 
flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When piuiish- 
ments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to 
move hand or foot* 

7. "Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that tbe 
names he uses may be spoken appropriately^ and also that what he 
speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man 
requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect," 

Chapter IV 1, Fan Ch'e requested to be taught husbandry* 
The Master said, " I am not so good for that as an old husbandman,'* 
He requested also to be taught gardening, and was answered, ^*I 
am not so good for that as an old gardener." 

govern, in XIL 11, that it obtains when the I enables us to understand better the climax that 
prince is prince, the father father, Ac ; that is, ' ft^"*^*'* ♦»»«• <«•• •«#w>«-o;«^«, o«^^. -^ -#}ii mi* 




when each man in his relations is what the name 
of his relation would requircr Now, the duke 
Ch*uh held the rule of Wei against his father; 
•ee VII. 14. Conf., from the necessity of the 
case and peculiarity of the circumstances, al- 
lowed his disciples, notwithstanding that, to 
take office in Wei ; but at the time of this con* 
versation, Ch^uli had been duke for nine years, 
and ought to have been so established that he 
could have taken the coarse of a filial son with- 
out subjecting the state to any risks. On this 
account, Conf. said he would begin with rec- 
tifying the name of the duke, that is, with re- 
quiring him to resign the dukedom to his fa- 
ther, and be what his name of son required 

him to be. See the S il. in loo. This view 





follows, tho' its successive steps aK still ml 
without difficulty. J^ ^ ^,~^ may hb 
taken as an exclamation, or aB«v4s it not?' ^ 

^ ^»~~^^ ^^ ^^^ >n ^he same sense as in 
II. 18. Tlie phra8e=Ma putting-aside-Iikf/ 
t. e., the sup. man reserves and revolves what ke 
is in doubt about, and does not rashly «pp^ ^ 

* Proprieties* here are not ceremonial rmw, hat 
border,* what such rules aro design^ to dis* 
play and secure. So, ^ music' is equlvalaotto 

* harmony.' pji] , 8d tone, is the verb ; ^ ||f 

=^do not hit the mark.' 

■ ■"•-.1. 

4. A RULER HAB NOT TO OCCUFT Jltt^fi^ 
WITH WHAT 18- PROPERLY THE BUKIIOBII W WE 

PBOFLE. It ifl to be 8uppo««d Uui|Fi»Cb^ 



CONVnCIAN ANALECTS, 



129 






K4 




HT 



^oJj\ k 















7> 

Fan Ch^e having gone out, the 3Iwter said, "A small man, 
led, is Fan Sen!" 

" If a superior love propriety, the people will not dare not to 
eyerent. If b^ love righteousness, the people will not dare not 
libmit to hk example. If he love good faith^ the people will not 
\ not to be sincere. Now, when these things ob^in, the people 
I all quarters will come to him, bearing their children on their 
:s. What need has he of a knowledge of husbandry ? " 

H AFTER V. The Master s«id, ^^ Though a mftn may be able to 
ie the three hundred odes, yet if, when intrusted with a govern- 
tal charge, he knows not how to act, or i^ wh^n sent to any 
•ter on a mission^ he cannot give his replies unassisted, notwitt- 
ding the extent of his leamifig^ of what practical u«e is it?" 

t this time in office somewhere, and think- 
the Mauler, aa the yillager and high offi- 
id, IX. 2 ank 6, that hts kj9k9!M''le4Re em- 
1 almost erery suljeat, lie imagined that 
ght get ieuons from him o;^ j4ic Uro si^b- 
le specifies, which he might use for the 

t of the pec^le. X, jSt ^ properly the 

sowing/ and H9, 'a kitchen-garden/ but 

le osed generally, as in the transl. 3. Tp|, 

eelings,* ' desires,' but sometimes, as here, 

•ense of 'sincerity.* ^S, often joined 

hL is a cloth with strings by which a 
i« strapped upon the back of its mother 



should learn. Conf. intended that it should bs 
repeated to Fan Ch'e. 

$. I/^TEBAKY ACQUIREMENTS USELESS WrTH- 

OOT yuKoncAi. auuty. ^c ^ ^, — see 11. 
2 g£, 'to croon over,* as Chinese students do; 
here,='to have learned.' ^&=jf^, 'alone,' ie^ 
unassisted by the individuals of his suite. ^^ 
' many,' refer, to the SOO odes. ]^, ' also,' hero 
and in other places, sour *yet,' 'after all.' 
JiJ l^'-Jjii' ^^ " •ftid,^^, 'use,' and 
is a mere expletive, — J&SS" Ett 1^'> ^'^^ ^'^^V 
«e. — This par. shows what people in office term may have its mQTvmtxg. a% vcLX\\^Xtwc^'8^NAai^. 




130 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^ 



/mi 

















IE 



Chapter VL The Miister said, " When a prince's personal con- 
duct is correct, his government is eifective without the issuing of 
orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, 
but they will not be followed." 

CuAFrEii Vll. The Master said, " The government of Loo and 
Wei are brothers." 

CiiAPTEU VIII. The Master said of King, a scion of the ducal 
family of Wei, that he knew the economy of a family well. When 
he began to have means, he said, " Ha ! here is a collection !" when 
they were a little increased, he said, " Ha! this is complete ! " when lie 
had become rich, he said, "Ha! this is admirable!" 

Chapter IX. 1. When the Master went to Wei, Yen Yew acted 
as driver of his carriage. 

2. The Master observed, "How numerous are the people!" 

3. Yew said, " Since they are thus numerous, what more shall 
be done for them?" "Enrich them," was the reply. 

JS ^ ^ ^ difficult ezprawm. 



6. His personal conduct all in all to a 
RULER. A translator flnils it impossible here 
to attain to the .terse conciseneM of his original. 

7. TllK similar CONIiITIOX OF THE STATES OF 

X^(W) AND Wki. Comp. VI. 22. Ixw's state had 
beeii from the infiiieiic<j of Chow-kuiig, and Wei 

was the fief of his brother Fung (^^)i com- 
monly known as K*ang-8huh (Bf ^fe)- They 

had, similarly, maintained an equal and brotlier- 
ly course in their progress, or, as it was in Cun- 
fiK'ins* time, in their tlegeneracy. That portion 
of the present Uo-nan, whicli runs up and lies 
between Shan-se and Pih-chih-ie, was the bulk 
of Wei. 
8. The contentment of the officer King, 

ANO Ills INDIFFERKNCK IN GKTTINO KICK. King 

wiw a gre»t officer of Wei, a scion of Ut dacal 



house. 

Literally it is — * dwelt well in his house.* ^ 
implies that he was a married man, the hcnl </ 
a family. Tfie ^^ ^g says the phrase is 

equiralent to Ig ^^, ' managed his family.' 

Choo He cxpliiiM :gj by ]|ip JL ^4 ^ 

j^, — *it is significant of indiffercDcc and care- 
lessness.' Our word * ha ! ' expressing surprite 
and s:itisfaction corresponds to it pretty nearly. 

The ^ "^ says that the Q is not to tean- 
derstood as if King really made these atter- 
ances, but that Conf. thus riridly wpreseats 
UoYT Ue felt. 



W M 




CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^ a ^ 



m 




X 



^.m.mB B. E 0. 3C *tf 

5 





# "pT ^ ^ 
^ A ^L. ^ J&ii 0. 







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pj #. JW. 




4. "And when they have been enriched, what more shall be 
done?" The Master said, "Teach them." 

Chapter X. The Master said, " If there were any of the princes 
who would employ me, in the course of twelve months, I should have 
done something considerable. In three years, tlie govenivunt would 
be perfected." 

Chapter XI. The Master said, " * If good men were to govern a 
country in succession for a hundred years, they would be able to 
transform the violently bad, and dispense with capital punishments.* 
True indeed is this saying!" 

Chapter XII. The Master said, "If a truly royal ruler were 
to arise, it would still require a generation, and then virtue would 
prevail. " 



9. A PROPLB VUVEBOVS, WBLL-OTV, AN1> EI>U- 
CATKDv IS THE ORBAT ACHIBVEMENT OF OOTEBN- 

icENT. 1. ytt 'ft servant,* but here with the 

mean, in the translation. That, indeed, is the 
-aecond meaning of the char, given in the diet. 

10. COJIIFUCIUS* E8TIM ATK OF WHAT HB COULD 
I>0, IF EX1>L0TKD TO ADMIMISTBH THB QOVBltK' 

MMVT OF A STATB. ^S, 18 to be distinguished 

from H|, andss'a revolution of the year.* 

There is a comma at B , and |}q ]^ ^T are 

read together. }}|| ^^ does not signify, as it 

often does, 'and nothing more,' but='and have,* 

P^ being p^ j^, a sign of the perfect tense. 

— ' Given twelve month5(, and tliere would l>e a 
passable result. In three years> tlicre would be 
a completion.* 



11. What A ninn>RKD tbar» of good go- 
TBRRXENT COULD EFFBCT. Coof. quotcs here a 

saying of his time, and approves of it. fjt^t^^ 

per 1st tone, 'to be equal to.' S^ jA, 'would 

be equal to the violent,' that is, to transform 

them. ^ ^, 'to do away with killing,* that 

is, with capital punii^ments, umiecessary with 
a transformed people. 

12. In what timb a royal ruler could 

TBAMSFOBM TUB EMPIRB. ^P $^, 'oue WllO 

was a king.* The char. ^P is formed by three 

straight lines representii^ the three powers of 
Heaven, Karth, and Man, and a perpendicular 

line, goinj; throuifh and uniting them, and thus 
conveys tlie highest idea of power and influouce. 

See the diet., cliar. ^C . Here it means tUe 

highest wis<iom wiii viilvift m V\tfi\C\^vi^ ^^ss. 



132 



COWFUClAil AHAlfeCTS. 



'^ 



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X^BM 




m 

Chapter XIIL The Master* said, " If A minister make his own 
conduct correct, what difficulty will he have in assisting in goreni- 
Inent ? If he cannot rectify himself, Whdt has he to do with rectifyin«c 
others?" ^ ^ " 

CHAPTfeR XIV. The disciple Yen returning from the courts tlie 
Master said to him, "How are you so late?" He replied, "WelriMl 
government business." The Master said, " It must have been fanuly 
affairs. If there had been government business, though I am not 
910W in office, I should have been consulted about it." 

Chapter XV. 1. The duke Ting asked whether there was a single 
sentence which could make a countrv prosperous. Confucius replied^ 
" Such an effect cannot be expectea from one sentence. 

2. "There is a saying, however, which people have — *To be a 
prince is difficult ; to De a minister is not ea^yi' 



\ 'a generation,* or thirtj years. See note 
on II. 23, 1. The old interpr. take -f^ a8=*fc 

Jfir, 'tirtuous govemtnent.'-=^To save Conf. 

from the charge of vanitjr in what he saj's, in 
ch. 10, that he could accomplish in three jears, 
it is said, that the perfection which he predi- 
cates there would only be the foundation for 
the virtue here realised. 

13. Th at he BK P£R80I7ALLT corrbot bssbA- 
TIAL TO AS OFFICKR OP OOVKRNMENT. Comp. 

ch. 6. That the subject is here an officer Of 
gov., and not the fuler, apt^carS from the phrase 

^fii JSJ^ ; see note on Vl. C. With Reference to 
the other phraseology of the ch., the ^8 » 
says that ^fj& mt embraces ||P 3*, * the rec- 
tification of the prince,* and 7P ^^t * the rec- 
tification of the people.' 

14 A W 1 ROKIC AL ADMONITION TO YeN YeW OW 
tHJS VSUJiTJlfO TflL'VPfliClfiS Of tUK Rs FJlMILT. 



The point of the ch. tnmtf on the oppositioD d 
the phrases "^ j^ and ^ ^ *&»—•* '** 
dotirt of the Ke famil^^, that w, they had really 
been discussing matters of government, aflfecdn^ 
the state, and proper only for the prince's wwrt 
Conf. afibcts not to believe it, and says that at 
the chief *d court they could only have been dis- 
cussing the affairs of his house. J^ ^- l^r- 

an inversion, and J^sjS, 'although I am 

nbw not employed:* 03. y low. 3d tone.— 'IsbavM 

have been present and beard it.' Supenumnctrf 
officers might go to court on occasions of emer^ ' 
gency, and might also be couMilted on sncU, 
though the gen. rule was to allow them to xeclre 
at 70. See the Lc Ke, 1. 1. 28. 

15. How THE PROSPBEITT AWD XUllf <ff A 
COUflTRY MAY D>-J>K1«D OK TUK RULKR*8 VIKW (M^ 
HIS POSITION, Hlii FEELING ITS DIFFfCGLTT, 01 
ONI.T CUERISIIINO A IIEADSTUOXO WILL. 1. t 

should Suppose that -^ ^ (l|' ^A^Mii 



feOlTFUCIAN AKALECTS. 



133 





wn 



^% 




MM. 















^.^Tif'^prw 




^m% 



# ^o;t ?i W W W — ^iL. 

4iL» ^ B. ^ s >Fi ^ 

3. " If 'rt rtifer knows this,— »the difficulty of being a prince, — ^may 
there not be expected from this one sentence the prosperity of his 
country ? " 

4. Tlie duke then said, " Is there a single sentence which can 
ruin a country?" Confucius replied, "Such an effect as that cannot 
be expected from one sentence. There is, hoivever^ the saying which 
people have—' I have no pleasure in being a prince, only in that no 
one offer any opposition to what I say ! ' 

5. " If a rulers words be good, is it not also good that no one 
oppose them? But if they are not good, and no one opposes them, 
may there not be expected from this one sentence the ruin of his 
country ? " 

CHiVPTEU XVI. 1. The duke of Sh§ asked about government. 
2. The Master said, " Good government obtains^ tclien those who 
are near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted." 

first ^^ but it is better to take that -^ as a 
preposition ; — * May it not be expected that from 
this one word, &c.?' Similar! j, par. 4, 3Sl is a 



the correspond, sent, below were «omm. sayings, 
abotti which the duke asks, in a Way to intimate 

hia disbelief of them— ^ ^. ^ U not 

hete in the sense of *a spring,' or optimum 

mtbikf* buts^fl, in the sense of * to expect,' * to 

be expected from/ — • ^"^ — " hJ» " ^° 

li. 21 2. It is only the first part of the saying 
ou which Couf. dwells. That is called ^, the 

principal sentence ; the other is only ^9i §w, 
'aii«cwH0i7»' 3, SoDK put a tommg at the 



prep.,=our tn. "^Sl ^?>^^ W ^* *^*®^ si)ecial- 

ly of the orders, rules, &c., which a ruler may 
issue. 

16. Good oovEmrMBNT seen from its ef- 
fects. 1. ^, read ahi; see VII. 18. 2. Couf. is 
supposed to have in view tVveo^^T^«%\v(^«xA%%- 
gremj^ govt. oC T»ws Xq v^Xa'cXx {SKi>wt\w.'«»Su 



134 



CONFUCIAN ANALBCT5. 



> 



iff. *^ :t„ H: S Jo Ml] B. ^ # 







f-t.^.B, 











i^l^M 




Chapter XVII. Tsze-hea, being governor of Keu-foo, asked 
about government. The Master said, " Do not be desirous to have 
things done quickly; do not look at small advantages. 'Desire to 
have things done quickly prevents their being done thoroughly. 
Looking at small advantages prevents great afikirs £rom being ao- 
complisned." 

Chapter XVIIL 1. The duke of She informed Confueius, say- 
ing, "Among us here there are those wlio may be styled i^right m 
their conduct. If their father have stolen a sheep, they will bear wit- 
ness to the fact." 

2. Confucius said, "Among ns, in our part of the coimtsy, those 
who are upright are different from this. The father conceals the 
misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the miBConduct c^tbe 
father. Uprightness is to be found in this." 

17. Haste AND bmali* AUTANTAoie not to 

BK DESIBBD IN OOTERNIKO. KcO-foO (foOj Up. 

2d tone) was a small city in tbe western bor- 
ders of Loo. ^Ei^Stf the profadfbhiTe par- 
ticle. 

18. Natvbal i>utt and cprightness in 
S" * m « *<''*'^ village,* 'our 



COLLISION. 1. 

neighbourhood/ but 'ff\ must be taken vague- 
ly, as in the trans!.; comp. V. 21. We cannot 
say whether the duke is referring to one or 
more actual cases, or giving his opinion of what 
hU poople wqM do. Conf. reply VQuVdvDie\ivu^ 



us to the latter view. lb the ^RsBt scoooats 
are quoted of such cases^ but they are probtb^ 
founded on this chap. jA is *to steal on oc- 
casion,' •'. e^ on some temptation, as when sb- 
other person's animal conies into my groipsb, 

and I appropriate it. WQ seema to coBveyhov 
the i6etL of accosation, as well a» of' witnesiinf* 

2. {j|[^^l4'>'''^^^^P- 11.18,2. The«- 
press. does not absolutely affirm that this is up- 
right, but that in this Uiere is a better priii' 

ciple than in the other conduct. — ^Any body^t 
a Chinese will say that both the duke'k viev flf 
t.h<i vihi^i «») the 9aj^*8 wcire incoopieK'. 



OONFUCtAN AliALECTS. 



135 



J^ :r]^ Jtt^ =EB /;*? 











Pi »HE 




t.j-m. 



^1 BfM ±M±M^ 







m^Mm 








ti^ 




Chapter XIX. Fan Ch'e asked about perfect virtue. The Master 
said, "It id, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the management 
of business, to be reverently attentive ; m intercourse with others, to 
be strictly sincere. Though a man go among rude uncultivated 
tribes, these qualities may not be neglected." 

Chapter XX. 1. T«ze-kung asked, saying, " What qualities must 
a man possess to entitle him to be caUed an officer?" The Master 
said, "He who in his conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, 
and when sent to any quarter will not disgrace his prince's commis- 
sion, deserves to be called an officer." 

2. Tsze-kung pursued, " I venture to ask who may be placed in 
the next lower rank ? " and he was told, " He whom the circle of his 
relatives pronounce to be filial, whom his fellow- villagers and neigh- 
bours pronounce to be fraternal" 

3. Again the disciple asked, " I venture to ask about the class 
still next in order." llie Master said, "They are determined to be 
sincere in what they saj^ and to carry out what they do. They are 
obstinate little men. i et perhaps they may make the next class." 

but the officer. >^ W^, ' haa shame,' i. e., will 
aroid all bad conduct which would subject him 
to reproach. 2. ^^f^, is* a designation for all 
who fMTO one bodj liaving the same ancestor,* 

also called ^ jte, * nine branches of kindred,* 
being all of the same surname from the gnrnt- 
great-grandfather to the great-great-grandson. 
^=^M^, not simply 'brotherly,* in the stricft 

sense, but * submissive,* piviu^du.eVvaivavaXQ»!\ 

older than lumficU> ^. ^J^> ' VU^ «Q>^^ ^"^ ^v^^vx^^^^ 



19. Characteristics of pkrfbct virtijic. 
This is the third time that Fan Ch-e is repre- 
sented as quest, the Master about ^^^ and it is 
supposed by some to hare been the first in order. 

JS ^ (»»P- -^ *o*e)» »■ 0PP0«- to ^ ^,= 
-* dwelling alone,' *in retirement.' ^ is a verb, 

4» in V. 18, 2,«:j^, *to go to.* 

20. DxrrBRENT classes of men who l!f thbtr 
«vt»:aal deorebs may db styled officers, 
.asiD TiiK inferiority of the mass of tue 

OFFICERS OF CoNFlTClCS* TIME. 1, J[^,— COmp. 

OB JUL 20. Here U dcaote»-42ol the scholar, 



136 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





FFF 









r^mmu 





.HH. 




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2,1. A 




A#ia 
MM 





4. jTA'^^-^MTKjr^/wrf/j^ inquired, "Of what sort are those of the 
present day, who engage in government?" The Master said, "Pooh! 
they are so many pecks and hampers, not worth being taken into 
account." 

Chapter XXI. The Master said, "Since I cannot get men 
pursuing the due medium, to whom I might communicate my 
instructions^ I must find the ardent and the cautiously-<lecided. 
The ardent will advance and lay hold of truth; the cautiously-decided 
will keep themselves from what is wrong." 

Chapter XXII. 1. The Master said, "The people of the south 
have a saying — * A man without constancy cannot be either a wizard 
or a doctor.' Good ! 

2. " Inconstant in his virtue, he will be visited with disgrace." 

teem to denote caution, but yet not a cantioa 
which may not be combined with dedaion. ^ 

^^ 1S5» *^^ ^^* ***^y ^^ *^* *^^' 

22. Thk nirosTAifOB of fixitt axo ocHr« 

■TAHOT OF MIVD. 1. I tnmslate ^^ by 'wizard,* 

for want of a better term. In the Chow Li^ 
Bk, XXVI, the woo appear sastainiBg a nrt 
of offlcial statna, regularly called in to briny 
down spiritual beings, obtain showers, &c Th^ 
are distingnished as men and women, thoogv 

TSfy^ i* often feminine, 'a witch,' as opposed 

to jffi, 'a wizard.' Conf. use of the saying 

ace. to Choo He, is this: — 'Since such tmsH 
people must have constancy, how much morp 
ought others to have it I' Tlie ranking of the 
doctors and wizards together sulBdently shows 
con- 




' stone like.' The diet., with ref, 
to this passage, explains it-— /K ^ ^p, ' the 

■W**™'«' of a mall m«i.' 4. ^-^ZA 
u e., mere utensils. Comp. on II. 12. 

21. Confucius oblxgxd to comtbvt himself 
with thb abdent amd cautious as disciples. 

Comp. V. 21, and Mencius VIL ii. 87. ^ j^ 
is explain, as in the transL — IM j»[ 'fM J^, 
The g^ "ffSL howerer, gives simply— * 8^ j^ 

H ]^, ' dwell together with them,' and treats 

the ch. as if it had no reference to the trans- 
mission of the sage's doctrines, or to his disci- 

ples. i{fi -t^, ^ fg J^--comp. ch. a, 2. 

0^ is explamed in the diet, by |g ^^ 
tracted and urgent.' Oppos. to ff , it would 



what was the ^ition of the healing art te 
those days. — Ching K'ang-shing interprets diis 
^«x.c^V^\S]Admis«ibIy:^-'wizanisaDd docCsn 



CONFUCIAN ANAiaBCTS. 



13T 




M^itti 





# ^ * BMf- ^ 



#0,pri 





^*4,A 






:Ti7i 



^ 



^^^k 



WE 

4-* 



\ve "Master said, "This arises simply from not prognosticating." 
y^^^ XXIII. The Master said, " The superior man is affable, 
^ flAnlatory ; the mean is adulatory, but not affable," 
^^T^R XXI V, Tsze-kun^ asked saying, " What do you say 
^ati who is loved by all the people of his village?" The Mas* 
plied, " We may not for that accord our approval of him." 
L what do you say of him who is hated by all the people of 
llage?" The Master said, *^We may not for that conclude 
le is bad. It is better than either of these cases that the good 
5 village love him, and the bad hate him." 
AirrBB XXV, The Master said, " The superior man is easy to 
and difficult to please. If you try to please him in any way 
L is not accordant with right, he will not be pleased. But in his 
>yment of men, he uses them according to their capacity. The 

M\ — ^lit„ 'QOt yet may/ The general mean, of 

a C'hin. sentence is often plain, and yet we are 
puzzled to supply exactly the subjects, auxili* 
aries, &c., wliicli other languages require. In 
rendering the phrase, I have followed many of 

the paraphrafits, who complete it thus : — ^J^ pT 

^^iki' ^^ ^^^ ^^ jA?} howeyer, the second 
occurrence of it is expanded in the same way 
as the tirst. 

25. DlFFEREKCB BETWEEN THE SUPERIOR AND 
THE MKAN MAN IN THEIR RELATION TO THOSE BU-' 

PLOYED BY THEM. ^^1^^^ (=t^^' 

— as iu the traa8L,oi w^may t^u^vix^— ^S&^^^^ 



aanage people who ha^e no constancy/ 
is a quotation from the Yih-king, dia- 

^. 3. This is inexplicable to Clioo He. 

ing out from it the mean, in the transla- 
;h*uig K^ang-shing says :--*^ By tlie Yih 
nosticate good and cvii« but in it there is 
lostication of people without constancy.* 

tns DIFFERENT MANNERS OF THE 8Up£- 
P TUB MBAN MAN, Conip. II. 14, but 

i parties are contrasted in their more 
intercourse with others. |^, 'agreemg 
flattering. 

JOW, TO JUDGE OF A MAN FROM THE 
AND DI8LI1UN08 OF OTHERS, WE MUST 

IX CHAIUCnSKB OF THOSE OTHERS. '^ 



r38 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



■^ 




-t-*-' -t-H' TIT "yT 








:K til. M Ift. 







I 





o> 



J 

-J 



I 



mean man is difficult to serve, and easy tft please. 

E lease liiin, though it be in a way which is not accordai 
e may be pleased. But in his employment of men, he 
to be equal to everything." 

Chapter XXVI. The Master said, "The superior 
dignified ease without pride. The mean man has pri< 
dignified ease." 

Chapter XXVII. The Master said, "The firm, tl 
the simple, and the niodest, are near to virtue." 

Chapter XXVIII. Tsze-loo asked saying, "Whatq 
a man possess to entitle him to be called a scholar ? " 
said, " He must be thus,— earnest, urgent, and bland : 
friends, earnest and urgent; among his brethren, bland 

SGrrcd, but is pleased with diflSculty.* SS: ^, notour * wooden.' It=3@ J£ 
— «ee II. 12, ^ being here a verb. ^ ^, ^, see IV. 24. The glou < 
IB the opposite of ^§: j^, and= W ^|^ ;fcl* 

^^fffl >^3^Jl» *^® requires all capa- 
bilities from a single man.* 

26. The differbkt air akd bkarino of the 
0l'per1o11 amd the mean man. 

27. Natural qualities which are favour- 
able TO vx&xuE. ^, * wood/ here an adj., but 



^ffc, *slow and blunt.' 'Mc 
the idea. 



28. Qualities that xasi 
SOCIAL intercourse. This i< 
as in eh. 20, 1, but -j^ is hen 
gentleman of educatioa, wxth< 
being in office or not. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



169 












0. ^. n #. 



-t K^ 




0. 



XXIX. The Master said, " Let a good man teach the 
years, and they may then likewise be employed in war." 

XXX. The Master said, "To lead an uninstructed peo- 
xs to throw them away." 




OOTEKKMBNT OF A GOOD BCLBB 
"raiS PEOPLE FOR WAB. SL ^, 

:en vith reference to him 
teaching is not to be under- 
training, but of the duties of 
K>*x»Kip ; a people so taught are mo- 
^ ft|?ht for their government. What 
ni^\r»|^ may be included in the teach- 
ii^^^^irely be the hunting and drilling 



in the people's repose from the toils of agricul- 
ture, ^rf/, 'weapons of war.' WW HQ jrt^» 
— *they may go to their weapons.' 

30. That people must be tadoiit, to pbb- 
PAHB them for war. Comp. the last ch. llie 

lang. is very strong, and ^Ur being understood 

as in last ch., shows how Coi^. valued education 
for all classes. 



^MKAtfW^AMAMA^MM«»«%MAAAMM^^«^M^^M««AA«^AA^ 



BOOK XIV. h£*en-wan. 



Lo 






m.x ^ ^ 

m m m 





* 






AFTER I. Heen asked what was shameful. Tlie Master said, 
m good government prevails in a state, to be thinking only of 
lary ; ana, when bad government prevails, to be thinking^ in tlie 
vay^ only of his salary ; — this is shameful." 



NO OF THIS Book.— ^ K ^ "P P9 ' 
aked— No. XTV.' The glossarist King 
fjj^nr) says, *In this Book we have the 

rs of the Three Kinys, and Two Chiefs, 
ses proper for princes and great officers, 
tice of virtue, the knowledge of what 
jful, personal cultivation, and the tran- 
ig of the people ; — all subjects of great 
nee in government. They are therefore 

1 together, and arranged after the last 

wliich commences with an inquiry 

ovemment.' Some writers are of opinion 

e whole book was compiled by Ucen 

Sze, who appears m the first chapter. 



1. It IS SHAMEFUL IS AW OFFICBR TO BE CAR- 
ING ONLY ABOL'T MIS EMOLUMENT. HceU iS th© 

Yuen Sze of VI. 3, and if we suppose Conf. 
answer designed to have a practical application 
to himself, it is not easily reconcileable with 
what appears of his character, in tlmt other 

place, ^fl*, here=j^, 'emolument,' but its 



meaning must be pregnant and intensive, as in 
the transl. If we do not take it so, the senti- 
ment is contradictory to VIII. 13, 3. K*ung 
Gan-kw6, however, takes the following view of 
the reply :— * When a country is well governed, 
emolument is right ; when a country is ill-go- 
verned ! to take office and emolument is shame- 
ful.' I prefer the construction of Choo Uo, 
which appears in the traasiatiou. 




COtrnJCIAN AKAtfiCTS. 





r^ 











4^ m. 4^ s 
^ i^ J 3^0 o 



m w T-m I 




Chapter IL 1* "When the love of superiority, boasting, rcscnt- 
Inents, and covetousness are repressed, may this be deemed perfect j 
Virtue?" 

2. The Master said, " This may be regarded as the achievementj 
of what is difficult. But I do not know that it is to be deemed per^j 
feet virtue." 

Chapter III. The Master said, " The scholar who cherishes th*| 
love of comfort, is not fit to be deemed a scholar." 

Chapter IV. The Master said, "When good government pre-^ 
vails in a state, language may be lofty and bold, and actions th^^ 
same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be loftj^ 
and bold, but the language may be with some reserve." 

Chapter V. The M^ister said, " The virtuous will be sure W 
speak correctly^ but those whose speech is good may not always bf < 
virtuous. Men of principle are sure to be bold, but those who ii^j 
bold may not always be men of principle." 



2. The praisb or pkrfect tirtcb t6 kot to 
Bb ailowbd roR the rbprbsbion of bad feel- 
iNos. In Ho An, this ch. if joined to the 
|>receding, and Choo He also takes the first pat. 
to be a question of Yuen Heen. 1 ^5*, *■ oVer- 

comiAg:/ u 6., here^* the love of superiority •' 4J^> 

M in V. 25, 8. y^ i^J, *do not go,' i. e., are 
tiot allowed to hate their wajj^are repressed. 
2. mi, 'difRcultj^-^thc doing what is difficult. 

4^ is quoad A^ | *-* as to its being perfect 
Virtue, that I do not know.* 

8. A SCHOLAR MUST BE AIHINO AT WHAT IS 

&XQD0t laAH CQiurottT OB ri«KAftu&fi. Camp. 



IV. 11. The ^ Jg here is akin to tbe 

-J- there. Comp. also 1V« &. 
4. What one doss must alwat* » 

WHAT OMB FEBL8 HB£0 NOT ALWAYS tf ' 

— ^a lesson of pbudemcb. J&p for ^? 

VIL 35. ^, * terror from being in » 

position/ then ^danger,' 'dangeroW !**•' 
nere in a good sense, m<!aning Moftr, iw* 
may seem to be, or really be, danjtens^ 
der a bad government, where good ^ 
do not prevail. 

6. We MAY PRfeDlCATB THE tSXfX^^ 
TUB INTERNAL, BUT NOT VICE VBBSA- W 

^ must be understood of rirlttottf 



OCHilTUCIAN ASAIBCTS. 



la 





llf„5c^ 



#^ 



i/o^ ^ H ^ T. 





?fe^ A 










A. a W 7> T 



^ 




%# 



[Chapter VI, Nan-kung Evir&h, submitting an inquiry to Con- 
ausj said, ^^ E was skilful at archery^ and l^gaou could move a 
it ^ong upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death, 
. and Tseih personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and 
y became possessors of the empire." The Master made no reply ; 
b when Nan-kung Kw6h went out, he said, " A superior man m* 
^d is this I An esteemer of virtue indeed is this ! " 

[Ihapteb VII. The Master said, " Superior men, and yet not aU 
ys virtuous, there have been, alas I But there never naa been a 
an man, and, at the same f»77i^, virtuous.** 



'▼iitnoiuly,' or 'oorroctly/ be rapplied to f 
1^ out the sense. A transUtor is pnuled 

ender 4^ yB[ differently from ^ S[ 

. I luiTe Mid 'men of principle,* the oppo- 

n being between moral and animal couragei 
the men ci principle may not be without 
other, in order to their doing Justice to 
naelTea. 

EmUTBHT PBOWB88 0OVD170TXHO TO BUOT; 

mrr virtue lsadiko to bmpibx. Thb m o- 
rr OF Ck>NFnGn78. Nan-kung Kw5h is said 
Dboo He to hare been the same as Nan 
ginV. 1. ButthisisdoubtAiL SeeonNan 
g there. Kwdh, it is said, insinuated in 
remark an inquiry, whether Conf. was not 
Tu or Tseih, and the great men of the time 
laaj Es and Ngaous; and the sage was mo- 
ly silent upon the subject B and Ngaou 
y us back to the 22d century before C&ist. 
first belonged to a family of prinoelets, fa- 



a, from the time of the emperor ^B (B. C. 
t), for their archery, and dethroned the em- 
r How Seang ( jg;)g), B. a 21iff. Ewm] 



afterwards slain by his minister, Han Tsuh, 
(||£ gH), who then married hia wife, and one 

of their sons (^, j£mok) was tlie IndiTidual 

here named Ngaou, who was subsequently de« 
stroyed by the emperor 8haou-k*ang, the post* 
humous son of How-seang. Tseih was the son 

of the emperor jM^ of whose birth many prp* 

digies are naira^ and appears in the ShoQ^ 

king as Jj^ JSL the minister of agriculture t9 

Yaou and Shun, l^ name ^. TheChowfamily 

traoed their descent lineally fipom him, so that 
though the empire only came to his descendants 
more than a thousand years after his time, 
Nan-kung KwOh speaks as if he had got it 

himself, as Ytt did. ^-f^^^A'"^ 
comp. V. 2. 

7. ThS HIOHBST VIBTUB NOT &UILT ATTAIKSD 
TO, JLXD mOOICPATIBLB WITH MBABBBSS. Comp, 

IV. 4. We must supply the * ahrK^' V^Xstoi^ 
out the m<Baiung. 



142 



CONFUCIAK ANALECTS. 



■> 



A 0, 







^ 








#1fl:¥ 
#:|t 0.110. 

Ai # 

Chapter VIII. The Master said, " Can there be love which do« 
not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which 
does not lead to the instruction of its object?" 

Chapter IX. The Master said, " In preparing the governmental 
notifications, P'e Shin first made the rough draught; She-shoh ex- 
amined and discussed its contents ; Tsze-yu, the manager of Foreign 
intercourse, then made additions, or subtractions ; and, finally, Tsze- 
ch'an of Tung-le gave it the proper elegance and finish.** 

Chapter A. 1. Some one asked about Tsze-ch'an. The Mastor 
said, ^^He was a kind man." 

2. He asked about Tsze-se. The Master said, ''That man! 
That man ! " 

3. He asked about Kwan Chung. " For him," said the Master, 
"the city of P'een, with three hundred families, was taken from the 
chief of the Pih family, who did not utter a murmuring word, 
though, till he was toothless, he had only coarse rice to eat!^ 

goYemment orders, coTenants, and confereooeft.' 
See the Chow Le, XXV. p. 1 1. Tsxe-ch'u (see 
V. 15,) was the chief minister of the State, snd 
in preparing such documents first used the ser- 
vices of P^ Shin, who was noted for his vise 
planning of matters. * She-shnh ' shows ^ rels- 
tion of the officer indicated to the ruling famil/. 



8. A LE880X FOR PARBKT8 AKD MnCIBTBRS, 
THAT THKY XCST BE STRICT AKD DECIDED. ^B, 

t)cing II with ^L is a rerb, and conveys the 

meaning in the translation, diff. from the mean- 
ing of tlie term in XIII. 5. K*ung Gan-kwd 
takes it in the sense of ' to soothe,' ' comfort,' 
low. 3d tone, but that does not suit the paral- 
lelism. 

9. The excellence or the official noti- 
riCATioNs OF Ch^ikg, owing to the ability of 
FOUR of its officers. The state of Ch4ng, 
small and surrounded by powerful neighbours, 
was yet fortunate in having able ministers, 
through whose mode of conducting its govern- 
ment it enjoyed considerable prosperity. ^^, 
^itb ret to tiiis passage, is explained in the ^<(it. 



His name was Yew-keih ( jj^ 
vince of the ^TT A 




' to superintend the ceremonies of commumes^ 
tion with other states.' See the Cbow I^ 
XXXIV. p. 13. 

10. The judgment of CowFucirs ooKMff- 

iNG Tsze-ch'an, Tsze-se, ah o Kwan Chihic. 1 

I taee V. 15. 2. T6j;e-8e was the chief wmster 



COKFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



143 





m 



z 



[^i^\ >VJ L^l 









m.^±m 



t 




^M 




HAPTER XL The Master said, " To be poor without murmuring 
ifficult. .To be rich without being proud is easy." 
HAi»TER XII. The Master said, "Mang Kung-ch*o is more than 
o be chief officer in the families of Chaou and Wei, but he is not 
be minister to either of the states T'&ng or See." 
ILAJTER XIIL 1. Tsze-loo asked what constituted a complbte 
The Master said, " Suppose a man with the knowledge of 



L 



ag Woo-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-ch*5, 
bravery of Chwang of Peen, and the varied talents of Yen 

wr ; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of propriety 
music : — such an one might be reckoned a complete man." 
He then added, " But what is the necessity for a complete 

I of the present day to have all these things? The man, who in 



oo. He had refused to accept the nomin- 
to the sovereignty of the state in prefer- 
U> the rightful heir, but did not oppose 
iurping tendencies of the rulers of Tsoo. 
ad moreover opposed the wish of king 
»u to employ the sage. d. Kwan Chung, 
HI. 22. To reward his merits, the duke 
1 conferred on him the domain of the offl- 
entioned in the text, who liad been guilty 
me offence. His submitting, as he did, to 
hanged fortimes was the best tribute to 
1*8 excellence. 

It is harder to bear povertt aright 

TO CARRY RICHES. Thls Sentiment may 
atroverted. 

The capacitt of Mano Kuno-cu*6. 
:-ch*d was the head of the Mftng, or Chung- 
uuily, and, ace. to the * Historical liecords,' 
^gvded by QquL fiiore (haa my utbtr^reat 



man of the times in Loo. His estimate of him 
however, as apjxuirs here, was not very high. 
In the sage's time, the government of the stato 

of Tsin C^-) was in the hands of the three 

families, Chaou, Wei, and Han (^), which 

afterwards divided the territory among them- 
selves, and became, as we shall see in the times 
of Mencius, three independent principalities. 

;^,=:^g;^^, *head of the ministers 

of a family,* often called ^ ^. T'ang was 

a small state, the place of which is seen in the 
district of the same name in the dep- of Yen- 
chow. SeS was another small state adjacent 
to it. 

13. Of the comflktb mah : — ^a cowTERSATiojr 
WITH TszE-uK). 1. Tsaiv^ VTwi-Oxvav^^ \mA. 

beeu au Qf^xxx o£ Loo m t^v^ x«Ai;si «sx\fixvRiL xa 



{ 



144 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 





%^% 







mMmm 

a* Jfrt -^jOi UXi. 





U 




the view of gain thinks of righteousness ; who in the view of dai 
is prepared to give up his life ; and who does not forget an 
agreement, however far back it extends : — such a man may be red 
ed a COMPLETE man." 

Chapter XIV. 1. The Master asked Kung-ming Kea i 
Kung-shuh WHn, saying, " Is it true that your master speaks 
laughs not, and takes not ? " 

2. Kung-mingKea replied, "This has arisen from the repo 
going beyond the truth.'-JAj master speaks when it is the tii 
speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He h 
when there is occasion to be jo\^ul, and so men do not get tir 
his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousn 
do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking." The Master 
"So! But is it so with him?" 

that in which Conf. was born. So great waa 
his rcpiitation for wisdom that the people gave 

him the title of a ^S^^» or 'sage.' Woo was 

his honor, epithet, and 4111 denotes his family 

place, among his brothers. Cliwang, it is said 

by Choo He, after Chow (^^)} one of the oldest 

conunentators, whose surname only has come 

down to us, was "{t & 'jr ^1^ , 'great officer 

of the city of Peen.' In the 'Great collection 
of Surnames,' a secondary branch of a family of 

the state of Tsaou (W) having settled in Loo, 

and being gifted with Peen, its members took 
Iheir surname thence. For the history ofCh wapg 

jttdofWoo-cbaDg,8eethe^|g,tn67c. ^^ 



■^•^T* — '^ff^ implies that there was i 
style of man still, to whom the epithet 
would be more fully applicable. 2. Tl» 
to be understood of Confucius, thoug 
suppose that Tsze-loo is the speaker. . 

Ist tone,«i^, «an agreement,' *a coro 

'a long agreement, he does not forget tli 
of his whole life.' The meaning i^ v 
pears in the translation. 

14. Tjje ciiaractkb of Kovg-shit 
who was said itejthbr to spjbak, koi 
NOR TAKjs. 1. Wftn was the hon. epitlw 

xndiTidual in question, by name Qie G| 
as some say, Tft (f$)> an officer of be 



COKFUCIAM ANALECTS. 



145 









M. M #. 



fH XV, The Master said, ** Tsang Woo-chung, keeping 
k of Fan^, asked of th duke of Loo to appoint a successor 
k his family. Although it may be said that he was not 
fee with his sovereign, I believe he was." 

*ER XVI. The Master said, "The duke W&n of Tsin was 
taid not upright. The duke Hwan of Ts'e was upright and 
tfty." 

^PTER XVIL 1, Tsze4oo said, "The duke Hwan caused his 
er Kew to be killed, when Shaou Hwuh died with his master^ 
Lwan Chung did not die. May not I say that he was wanting 

tue?" 



fe wia defoended from the duke jRJ^, 

himself the founder of the KuDg-shuh 
)eing 8o designated, I suppose, because 
ation to th^ ref gning duke. Of Kung* 

I nothing seems to be known. 2. "j^ 

ih refereooe to Kea's account of Kung- 

m. -^ ^ ^ ^ intimates Couf . 
hat Kea vras himself going be/ond the 

OKDSMNATIOS OT TSANO WoO-CnUNO 
CinO A FAVOOR FROM 1118 PRIMCB. 

ng (see ch. 13) was obliged to fiy from 
;he animositjr of the MAng family, and 

ge in Choo (itR)- A« the head of the 

tnily, it devolved on him to ofier the 
in the ancestral temple, and he wished 
I half-brothers to be made tha head of 
7, in his room, that those might not be 
L To strengthen the application for 
^ he oontrired to get made, he returuf 
If to the citj of Fang, which belonged 
oiljr, and thence sent a message to the 
lich W9A tantamount to a tlireat that if 
cation were not granted, he would hold 
a of the place. This was what Con- 

mdemned, — ^the J^ R£p in a matter 

Mild have been left to the duke*s grace. 

le circumstances in the 'jtp fS, ^B 

up. 1st tone, as in ch. 




IS, but irith A dlff. meaiiing,«-£||, *to force to 
do.' 

16. ThB DtFFERBlfT CRARACTVR8 OF TlOi 

Dpi(R8 Wan of Thiv avd Hw^n of Ts^b. Hwan 
and Wftn were the two first of the five leaders 
of the princes of the empire, who play an im* 
portant part in Chinese history, during th« 
period of the Chow dynasty known as the Ch^uu 

Ts'ew (^ jgHj). Hwan ruled in Ts*e, B. C. 

683-^640, and Wftn in Tsin B. C. 685*627. Of 
duke I{wan, see th^ ne^t ch» The attributes 
mentioned by ConC are not to be taken abso- 
lutely, but a« respectively predominating in th9 
two chiefs, 
17 Tub sibrit of Kw4v Cuuvo t— ^a convbr* 

84TX0X iriTH Ts^B-LOO, 1. 4^'?^Jk4*» *th0 

duke's son Kew,' but, to avoid the awkwardness 
of that rendering, { say — * his brother.' Hwan 

(the hou. ep. His n«me was A\ u .) and Kew 

had both been refugees in different states, the 
latter having been carried into Loo, away from 
the troubles and dangers of Ts^e, by the minis- 
ters, Kwan Chung and Shaou Hwuh. On the ' 
death of the prince of Ts^, Hwan anticipated ' 
Kew, got to Ts^, and took possession of the, 
state. Soon after, he required the duke of Lopf 
to put his brother to death, and to deliver u|i 

the two ministers, when Shaou (JjS here=^R]f 

Hwuh chose to dash his bbains out, and dl/ 
with his nmitter, while Kwan Cimng retunW 
gladly to TrC) took wstVvs^ m\Xi^^iSk^\KK»l 



146 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^#.S;^5E.^ 




^4 



m 





XWf':hnM 


















m 
4"* 





^ Ail JH 







2. The Master said, " The duke Hwan assembled all the pmctt 1^1^ 
together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots:— it ^aa 
all through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence mft 
like his? Whose beneficence was like his?" \f^1 

Chapter XVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, " Kwan Chung, I ^m^ \t^ 
hend, was wanting in virtue. When the duke Hwan causea Ks f^ 
brother Kew to be killed, Kwan Chung was not able to die ^th 
him. Moreover, he became prime minister to Hwan." 

2. The Master said, " Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to * *^ 
the duke Hwan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and 
rectified the whole empire. Down to the present day, the people '^» 
enjoy the gifts which he conferred. But for Kwan Chung, we ll| 
should now be wearing our hair dishevelled, and the lappets of our ^' 
coats buttonins: on the left side. 



hifl prime minister, and made him supreme 
arbiter among the various chiefs of the empire. 
Such conduct was condcnmed by Tsze-ioo. 

'hv. j^ is a peculiar expression. 2. Conf. 
defends Kwan Chung, on the ground of the 
services which he rendered, using \^ in a dif- 
ferent acceptation from that intended by the 
disciple. T[^, upper Ist tone, explained in the 

diet, by Jl^, synonymous with ^^^ though the 

nX iHK >^&^<^ ^^^ more than nine assemblages 
of princes under the presidency of duke Hwan. 

^ ^ i:=li ^ ^ t #. «» i» the 

translation. 

18. Tub merit op Kwan Chuno : — a con- 

VBRSATION WITH TSZB-KUNO. 1. TsZe-l00*S 

doubts about Kwau Chang arose from his aot 



djring with the prince Kew ; Taie-kmig's toned 
principally on his subsequently becoming pre- 
mier to Hwan. 2. pE = TP > * *Q rectify/ * wdMS 
to order.' — • blends with ^E its own vertdl 
f orce,»< to unite.* 1^^ ^, ' not,* * if not* ||^ 

Vp'e, low. Ist tone,) ^, — see the Le-ke, 10. 
iii. 14, where this is mentioned aa a cbander- 
istic of the eastern barbarians. ^^ jf— Mg 

the Shoo-king, V. zxr. la. A note in the ^ 

S^says, that anciently the right waa the positioB 

of honour, and the right hand, moreover, Is Ae 
more convenient for use, but the practice of tke 
barbarians was contrary to that of Chios ii^ 
both points. The sent, of Conf. is, that bat fr 
Kwan Chung, hifi countrymen would have iuk 



r 



Si 

h 

lb. 



\ 







CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^<g^o* 



147 





4.f*^„T-M<^=4 



^ if 





^MM 



r 

► 



^ 








#itJ 








" Will you require from him the small fidelity of common 
md common women, who would commit suicide in a stream 
ch, no one knowing any thing about them ? " 
^PTKR XIX. 1. The officer, Seen, who had been family^ 
ter to Eung-shuh W&n, ascended to the prince's court in com- 
with W&n, 

The Master, having heard of it, said, " He deserves to be con- 
d wan/' 
ypTEB XX. 1. The Master was speakinff about the unprin- 

course of the duke Ling of Wei, when Ke K*ang said, " Since 
^f such a character, how is it he does not lose his throne?" 
Confucius said, " The Chung-shuh, Yu, has the superinten- 



Ate of the nide tribes about them. 8. 

Idelitj/ bj which is intended the faith- 
of a married couple of the common 
vhere the husband takes no concubine 
ion to his wife. The argument is this : — 
I think Ewan Chung should have con- 
himself bound to Kew, as a common 
isiders himself bound to his wife ? And 
rou have had him commit suicide, as 
I people will do on any slight occasion?' 
itators say that there is underlying the 
ion this fact : — that Kwan Chung and 
Iwuh*8 adherence to Kew was wrong in 
place, Kew being the younger brother. 
\ conduct therefore was not to be judged 
w had been the senior. There is nothing 
however, in Confucius* words. He vindi- 
l^ung simply on the g^und of his sub- 
services, and his reference to * the small 
' of husband and wife among the com- 

ople is very unhappy. B JM^, *to 

i oneVself,* but in connection with 

f , the phrase must be understood gener- 

to commit suicide.' 



19. Tbb MEBrr ov KcKO-SHim Wak in be- 

OOMMBlTDnfO TO OFFICE A MAN OF WOBTB. 1. 

Kung-shuh W&n, — see ch. 14. The par. is to 
be understood as intimating that Kung-shuh, 
seeing the worth and capacity of his minister, 
had recommended him to his sovereign, and 
afterwards was not ashamed to appear in the 
same rank with him at court. ,^,=sour 

* duke's,* us., the duke's court. 2. ^, as an 

honorary epithet, sometimes means — ^^ ^^ 

Wt "&' ' ^® ^^^ confers on a common maa 
rank and office.' 

20. The importance of good and able 
ministers: — seen in the state of Wei. 1. 

Ling was the hon. epithet of Yuen ( jj^), duke of 

Wei. B. C. 5S3-492. He was the husband of 
Nan-tsze, VI. 26. 2. The Chung-shuh, Yu, is 

the K*ung Wan of V. 14. ^ijl -Jj^ express liis 

family position, according to the degrees of kin- 
dred. *Thelitanist, T'o;— ttoeVIA^, \^«»%. 
sun Kca,— see 111. \)&. 



^ 



148 



COKFUCIAN AKALfiCTSi 



:i^sit<&- 



f 



mT-^„0.t*lsif-^ 




m 



^ 



J 










r 



W it ^ ^ o 

dence of his guests and of strangers ; the litanist, T*o, has the m^^' 
ment of his ancestral temple ; and Wang-sun Kea has the ^%^^ 
of the army and forces :— with such officers as these, how shoulP ^^ 
lose his throne?'* 

Chapter XXI. The Master said, " He who speaks without tft^ 
desty will find it difficult to make his words good." \^ ^ 

Chapteb XXII. 1. Ch*in Shing murdered the duke Keen oj ^v 
Ts'e. 

2. Confucius bathed, went to court, and Informed the duke Gae, 
saying, "Ch'in HSng has slain his sovereign. I beg that you ^tU 
undertake to punish him." 

3. The duke said, " Inform the chiefs of the three families of it" 

4. Confucius retired^ and said, "Following in the rear of the 
great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter, and my 
prince says, * Inform the chiefs of the three families of it/" 

pm ^vf ^f-oecc* to the Account of this mat- 
ter in the ^ fA Conf . tneant that the iukt 

Gae should himaelfi with the forces of Loo, m- 
dertake the punish* of the regicide. Some mod* 
comm. cry out against this* The sage's adrioe^ 
they say, would hare been that the duke should 
report the thing to the emperor, and with his 
authority associate other princes with himself 

to do justice on the offender. 8. ^^ ^ ^ 

-7-, — ^this is the use of 3^ in XL 24, cf dL 4* 

This is taken as the remark of Ooafodus, or 
his colloquy with himself, when he had gone 

out from the duke. ^^^^J^^^H' 

— see XI. 7. The ^r leaTos the sentence ineoiH 

plete ; — * my prince says, Inform the three diieff 
of it; — ^this circumstance.' The paraphrssts 



21. EXTRAYAOAirr 8PBECB BABD TO BE MADB 

«ooD. Comp. IV. 22. 
22. How CoMi^nciuB wishbd to aybnoe thb 

XURDBK OF THB DUKB OF T8*B : — ^HIS RIOHTBOU8 

AND PUBLIC SPIRIT. 1. iS%a, — ' Indoleut in not 
a single yirttfe,' and * tranquil, not speaking un- 

«ivi«dly,' m the mealing. atUched to |g. 

as an hon. epithet, while J^ indicates, 'tran- 
quillizer of the people, and establlsher of govern- 
ment.' The murder of the duke Keen by his 

officer, Chin H&ng (^), took place, B. C. 480, 

barely two years before Conf. death. 2. ^jt 

Yjti implies all the fasting and all tlie solemn 
preparation, as for a sacrifice or other great 
Occasion. Properly, pjC is to wash the hair 
irith the water in which rice has been washed. 
Mad y^ ia to wa«h the body mth hot w«\i^« 



COim:CIAII AKALECTS. 






7; pT^B. 
^03 

o Cf '©0 

mz' 

5. He went to the chiefs, and informed them, but they would 
Bot act. Confucius then said, "Following in the rear of the great 
officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter." 

Chaptee XXIII. Tsze-loo asked how a sovereign should be 
served. The Master said, "Do not impose on him, and, moreover, 
withstand him to his face." 

Chaptbh XXIV. The Master said, "The progress of the supe- 
rior man is upwards ; the progress of the mean man is downwards." 

Chapter AXV. The Master said, " In ancient times, men learned 
with a view to their own improvement. Now-a-days, men leam 
with a view to the approbation of others." 

Chapter XXVI. 1. Keu Pih-yuh sent a messenger with friend- 
ly inquiries to Confucitw. 

2. Confucius sat with him, and questioned him. "What," said 
he, "is your master engaged in?" The messenger replied, "My 

tlmt the prince, &c.,T' 8. ;^ ^ ■^,—;^ ii th 



n 



± 



B.A 



goto.- H^H.-ZTTT.- 



vai ipoken 



d bj the phrue ia the translation. See 
the Le~ke, 11. i. 12, where U appear* that to i^H 
was required by the duty of B auniBter, but uot 
•Uowei W » tOD. 



PBOoaasairs tihdiin- 

tM mo THB HBAN MAH. 

Ho An take* ^ in the sense of ^, 'to on- 
dersland.' The modem new seems betl«r. 

25. Taa oirmxm hotites of lsakmbbs 

IN OLD TtMBa, AXD IH THB TIMBB OT Con'DOnjB. 

1^ S.' lift A' '''* tbemselve^ for <xW 
men.' The meaning is as in the tnuulation. 

26. An ADUIBABLB MBtBENOES. 1. Fih-JDh. 

WW the deucoaJunx <A '^>h X^uso. ^^|j(Ji *^ 



150 



COOTUCIAN ANALECTS. 





+■ 



1) 



^f' 



?T, 




■H" 




iL. 








T # T 

^ 0. :5 tfi. 

s >y» ^ ^. 

master is anxious to make his faults few, but he has not y 
ceeded." He then went out, . and the Master said, "A mes 
indeed ! A messenger indeed ! " 

Chapter XXVII. The Master said, " He who is not in an^ 
ticular office, has nothing to do with plans for the administi 
of its duties." 

Chabteb XXVIIL The philosopher TsXng said, " The sut 
man, in his thoughts, does not go out of his place." 

Chapter XXIX The Master said, " The superior man is 
dest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions." 

Chapter aXX. 1. The Master said, "The way of the suj 
man is threefold, but I am not equal to it. Virtuous, he is firee 
anxieties ; wise, he is free from perplexities ; bold, he is free from: 

2. Tsze-kung said, " Master, that is what you yourself say/ 



officer of the state of Wei, and a diiciple of the 
■age. His place b now l8t east in the outer 
court of the temples. Conf. had lodged with 
him when in Wei, and it was after his retom.to 
Iioo that Pih-yuh sent to inquire for him. 

27. A repetition of VII. 14. 

28. Thb THOuonTs of a sitpesior man IK 
BABMOicT WITH HIS POBinoH. Ts&ug here quotes 

from the 3&^, or illustration, of the 52d dia- 
gram of the Tih-king, but he leares out one 
character, — l/j[ before JH, and thereby alters 

the meaning somewhat. What is said in the Yih, 
is — ' The superior man is thoughtful, and so does 
not go out of his place.*— The dL, it is said, is in- 



serted here, firom its analogy with the pR 
29. Ths supbbiob mak mori n dsh 



m WORDS. 



^-lit, 



his words.' Comp. eh. 21, and IV. 22. 
dO. Confucius' HUMBLE RSTDtAxi OF B] 

WHICH TSZE-KUVO DENIES. 1. We ^ 

greatest part of this par. in CC 28, t 
translation must be somewhat dilfei^ 

J^ J[^ ^ ^ ^, « wh*t the mpeii 

taket to be bis paOu' S. ^>^> '<* 



CONFUCIAK ANALECTS. 



151 



f ^^ 





mTB.f- 





Z%B, 




APTER XXXI. Tsze-kunff was in the habit of comparing men 
!ier. The Master said, "Ts'ze must have reached a high pitch 
iellencel Now, I have not lemire for this.^ 
APTEB XXXII. The Master said, " I will not be concerned at 
not knowing me ; I will be concerned at my own want of 

APTEB XXXIIL The Master said, " He who does not anti- 
t attempts to deceive him, nor think beforehand of his not 

believed, and yet apprehends these things readily when they 

; — is he not a man of superior worth?" 
APTER XXXIV. 1. We-shang Mow said to Confucius, " K*ew, 
is it that you keep roosting about ? Is it not that you are an 
lating talker ? " 

Confucius said, " I do not dare to play the part of such a 
r, but I hate obstinacy." 

be disobedient/ 'to rebel ;* also, 'to meet,' and 
here ' to anticipate,' i, e^ in judgment. Mj "jfK 
see Xin. 19, but the meaning is there 'perhaps,' 
while here the ;Mj is adrersatiye, ands' but.' 

^ % ^ *• used in opposition to :^ ^ 
^^,anda<aquick apprehender, one who under- 
stands things before others.' So, Choo He. K'ung 
Gan-kwd, however, takes ;hh as conjunctire, and 

yCi ^t ^° apposition with the two preceding 
characteristics, and interprets the conclusion— 
'Is such a man of superior worth?' On Choo 

He's yiew, the -3^ is exclamatory. 

84. CONFUGICS KOT 8ELF-WILLBD, AND TST 
.w KO OLIB-TONOUKD TALKKR*. — ^DVXC«C^ 01 'TOMkr 

^1 'to I SJBL|'FB0MItt&CIUBjQ&0VI^K<(^1U>ViXVSHX&.V 



OlfX'a WOBK 18 WITH ONE's-SSLV*. — 
r MAKING COMPAXISOlia. S* ^ ^^^ 

J he not superior?' The remark is 

L 

k>|IOBBir SHOULD BB ABOUT OOR PBBSOHAL 
tBBT, ABD NOT ABOUT THB BSTIX AXIOM OF 

. See I. IS, et aL A critical canon is 
wn here by Choo He: — 'All passages, 
tie in meaning and in words, are to be 
jood as haying been spoken only once, 
ir recurrence is the work of the compilers, 
the meaning is the same and the lan- 
i little different, they are to be taken as 
been repeated by Confucius himself, 
e yariations.' According to this rule, the 
!nt in this chapter was repeated by the 
in four different utterances. 
Quick disc&oiinatiom without suspi- 



B88 U UIQBLJ 11£UTOAIOU0. 



U2 





CONFUCIAK ANALECTS. 



^ €.^ 



%.^ ^"f'Wioi^^JPi 






Chapter XXXV. The Master said, "A horse is 
not because of its strength, but because of its othe?^ good qualities.' 

Chapter XXXVI. 1. Some one said, "What do you say con- 
cerning the principle that injury should be recompensed with 
kindness ? " 

2. The Master said, " With what then will you recompense kintl' 
ness? 

3. " Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness 
with kindness;^ 

Chapter XXXVIL 1. The Master said, "Alas! there is no one 
that knows me." 

2. Tsze-kung said, " What do you mean by thus Baying— that 
no one knows you?" The Master replied, " I do not murmur against 

ttce. — ^Hovr far the ethics of Conf^cliu fall b^ 
low the Christian standard is evident from this 
chapter. The same expressions are attrlbated 
to Confacius in the Le-ke, XXXIL II, and it 

isthere added f.g, J^^^,@[,|||^ 

1^^^ (-= A )» "^^^ " explained,-' He 
who returns good for eyil is a man who is care- 
ful of his person/ i. e., will try to arert dangef 
from himself by such a oourte. The author of 

the ^I M^ says, that the injuries intended by 

the questioner were only trivial matters, which 
perhaps mi^t he dealt with in the way be 
mentioned, hut great offences, &a those tf^aas^ 
a sovereign, a father, may not be dealt with by 
such an inversion of the principles of jiiat]c& 
The Master himself, however, does not fence 
his deliverance in any way. 

37. COHFUCIUS, LAMBNTIXO THAT mM VXD 
NOT KNOW HIM, RBSTft IM THR TIIOU6UT niT 

HsAVUf KNEW HIM. 1. ^ ^ ^'"^ '^' 

version for ^ ^ ^^, 'does not know m! 

He referred, comuL say, to the way in wbRh 

he pursued his course, simply ^K ^, cmt d 

his own conviction of duty, and for his own im- 
^ \jitg^^\iifiu^ without regard to auocesis or ^ 



From We-shang's addressing Conf . by his name, 
it is presumed that he was an old man. Such a 
liberty in a ^oung man would have been im- 
pudence. It is presumed also, that he was one of 
those men who kept themselves retired from 

the world in disgust mE» 'to perch or roost,' 

as a bird, used contemptuously with ref. to 
Conf. going about among the princes and wishing 

to be caUed to office. 2. @«-$lt— -'yf^^t 
'holding to one idea without intelligence.' 

35. VlBTUB, AND KOT STRBNOTU, TBB TIT 

SUBJECT OF PRAISE, ]^ was the name of a 

famous horse of antiquity who could run 1000 
ie in one day. See the diet, tn tfoc It if here 
used generally for ' a good horse ' 

86. Good is kot to be returned tor evil ( 
evil to be met butthx with justice, 1. 

Wr^ M' *^^^^' ^' 'resentment,' 
'hatred,' here put for what awakens resentment, 
•wrong,' 'injury.' The phrase J^^^^ 

is found in the ^^|^ 1^ of Laou-tsze, 11. 63, 

but it is likely that Conf. questioner simply 
consulted him about it as a saying which he 
had heard and was inclined to approve himself. 

2. J^ J^y 'with BtnugbtnesB,' i. e^ iriUi yoft- 



\ 



;' V 



^ 



f 



' . f 



CONVnCIAN ANALECTS. 



153 



ff ^ <&^ 0. 







A. 






^oW 










^ 
m 






^ 



en. I do not grumble affainst men. My studies lie low, and 
penetration rises high. IJut there is Heaven ;-—' that fcaows 

[AFTER XXXVIII. 1. The Kung-pih, Leaou, having slandered 
loo to Ke-sun, Tsze-fuk King-pih informed Confucius of it, 
gy "Our master is certainly being led astray by the Kung-pih, 
0, but I have still power enough left to cut Leaou off, and ex- 
his corpse in the market and in the court." 

The Master said, " If my principles are to advance, it is so 
•ed. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered, 
t can the Kung-pih, Leaou, do, where such ordering is con- 
d?" 



-of other.. 2, ff j^fi^^-^- 

rhat is that — ^no man knows you ? ' 'TC 

Q ^^i — * beneath I learn, above I pene- 
-the meaning appears to be that he eon- 
himself with the study of men and 
common matters as more ambitious spi- 
nld deem them» bat from those he rose 
Tstand the high principles invoWed in 

-' the flppoivtmettta of UeaTen (^'n^)/ 
og to oae commentator. ^ ^^ ^r^ 
^ .^)"^*He who knows me — is that 

r 

How Confucius rested, as to the pbo- 

»F HIS DOCTRINES, ON THE ORDERING OF 
I:— OH OCCASION OF TSZB-LOO'S BEING 

RED. 1. Leaou, called Kung-pih (lit., 

uncle), probably from an affinity with 

ai house, is said by some to have been a 

of the sage, but that is not ]ike]y, aa 



we And him herv slandering Tszfr>loo, that ha 
might not be abU, in his official connection with 
the Ke family, to carry the Master's lessons in- 
to practice, -Sr was the hon. ep. of Tsze-fuh 
Pih, an officer of Loo. J^ <7* refers to Ke- 
"«• ^^;^v-'i«J>*'i»8»^'riU deceived.' 
Exposing the bodies iWjiP) o' criminals, af- 
ter their execution, was called ^g. The bodies 
of 'great officers* were so exposed in the court, 
and those of meaner criminals in the market- 
place, lit ^H came to be employed together, 
though the exposure could take place only in 
one place, just as we hare seen J7 ^A used 
generally for * brother.* 2. JS^ makes the 
preceding clause conditional, cs' if.* 'g^ sc n^ 



154 



CONFUCIAN ANAUECTS. 



















Chapter XXXIX. 1, The Master said, ^^Some men of woi 
retire from the world. 

2. " Some retire from particular countries. 

3. " Some retire because of disrespect/id looks. 

4. " Some retire because of contradictory language." 
Chapter XL. The Master said, " Those who have done to 

seven men." 

Chapter XLI. Tsze-loo happening to pass the night in Shih-i 
the gate-keeper said to him, "Whom do vou come from?" Ts2 
said, "From Mr. K*ung." "It is he, — is it not?" — said the ( 
" who knows the impracticable nature of the times, and yet vi 
doing in them." 

Chapter XLII. 1. The Master was playing, one day^ on a m 
stone in Wei, when a man, carrying a straw basket, passed th< 



89. DlFPERRNT CAUSES WHY MEN OP WORTH 
WITHDRAW FROM PUBLIC LIFE, AND DIFFERENT 
EXTENTS TO WHICH THEY 80 WITHDRAW THEM- 

2. 





SELVES. 1. J^, /96. low. 3d tOIlC,= 

ift ^^, — * the next class/ but comm. ssy that 

the meaning is no more than * some,' and that 
the terms do not indicate any comparison of 
the parties on the ground of their worthiness. 
3. The 'looks/ and * language* in par. 4, are to 
bo understood of the princes whom the worthies 

wished to serve. — It is observed in the R ^S 

Mm on fW ^5* *^^* Conf. could never bear 
to withdraw himself entirely from the world. 

40. The number of me.v of worth who had 
withdrawn from public life in confucics' 
TIME. This ch. is understood, both by Choo He 
and the old commentators, in connection with the 
preceding, as appears in the translation. Choo, 

however, explains 4>E by ^2» *have arisen.' 
The others explain it by "1^, 'U&ve done this.' 



They also give the names of the ser 
which, ace. to Choo, is 1^, * chiselli] 
forcing out an illustration of the text 

41. Condemnation of CoHFUcirs* c 

SREKINO TO DE EMPLOYED, BY OSE ^ 
WITHDRAWN FROM PUBLIC LIFE, Th< 

Shih-mun is referred to the district of 

tsHng, dep. Ts^c-nan, in Shan-tong. ^ 

* morning gat«,' — a designation of the t 
having to open the gate in the room 
was probably one of the seven worthie 
of in the preced. chapter. We migl 

late ^ P^ by 'Stony-gate* It 

have been one of the frontier pas^'4 

Ts'o and Loo. '^ ^, *Me KHmg, 

K'ung. Observe the force of the final 

42. The judgement of a RETiRKn 
ON Confucius' course, and remark oi 
CUTS therbov. 1. The hinif was on 

^ eight musical instrumcjits of the Qui 



CONI\gCIAN ANALECTS. 



155 




t TFii Ok 




Y^ 4. 0. 0. 
E 











^ nj a 



:tM,^W 



I where Confucius was, and said, " His heart is full who 

musical stone." 

le while after, he added, " How contemptible is the one- 

Qacy those sotmds display I When one is taken no notice 

mply at once to give over Aw vnsh for jmblic employvient. 

• must be crossed with the clothes on ; shallow water may 

dth the clothes held up.' " 

ilaster said, "How determined is he in his purpose! 

lot difficult." 

XLHI. 1. Tsze-chang said, "What is meant when the 
that Kaou-tsung, while observing the usual imperial 
v^as for three years without speaking ? " 
faster said, " Why must Kaou-tsun^ be referred to as an 
this? The ancients all did so. When the sovereign 
icers all attended to their several duties, taking instruc- 
he prime minister for three years." 



^^ 



tnvoc. jj5f|, up. Ist tone, 'to 
J * to go beyond,' * to exceed/ 

sentence, and understood as if 
after the ^. 2. |g^^, 

■ The jl"^ interpret. thi8 

a JP^ were after the Sg> and 

iference to the sounds of the 

7— -7—, — see She-king 1. iii. 9. 

ition was intended to illustrate 
t according to circumstances. 

^ seems to be a mere expletive. 



43. How QOYBBinCEVT WAS CARRIED ON DUR- 
INO TUB TUREB TEARS OF SILENT MOURNING BY 

THE BHPBROB. 1. ^S -^T' — *®® *^® Shoo-klng, 
rV. Yiii. Sect 1. 1, but the passage there is not 
exactly as in the text. It is there said that 
Kaou-tsung, after the three years' mouming* 
still did not speak. "^ ^^ was the honorary 

epithet of the emperor Woo-ting (^ "J"), 



B. C. 1323-1263. =^ {Shoo, ^) 1^ (read 

ffan)y ace. to the diet., means * the shed where 
the mourner lived the three years.* Choo He 
says he does not know the meaning of the 
terms. — ^Tsze-chang was perplexed to know how 
government couid b^ <;^vctv^ qu ^>3cs\\v^ v^ Vsck% 



156 



ccfsnfuctAst ASAi^jrs. 



■> 







4«f 








ft A W 

Chaptbr XLIV. The Master said, " When rulers love io ^ k liii 
the rules of propriety, the people respond readily to the caUs ^^ L^^*^, 
them for service*** . fef S 

Chapter XLV. Tsze-loo asked what constituted the s^?^^?^, i^,,^ 
man. 'the Master said, "Tlie cultivation of himself in rcvctcaw r^ 
carefulness/* "And is this all?" said Tsjie-loo. "He cultivaW \\ r^ 
himself so as to give rest to others," was the reply. " And is tiua P^-^ 
all?" again asked Tsze-loo. The Master said^ " He ciiltivates lum- y*t 
self so as to give rest to all the people. He cultivates himself so ika U 
to give rest to aU the people : — ^ven Yaou and Shun were sl2i \^^ 
solicitous about this." \i^ 

Chapter XLVI. Yuen Janff was squatting on his heels, and \^ 
so waited the approach of the Master, who said to him, " In youth, 

as earl7 as in the Yaou teen {^kS^H^ Iii»^ ^^ 



"5* S^ j(^» 'the iunuunes cl the hnadied P 

families, into which ntimber the failiilies of ths V 
people were perhaps diyided at a reiy early ^\' 



a period of silence. 2. "jfr J^ A >— *J*o A 
embnoes the emperors^ and subordinate princes 
who had their own petty cottrts. j|i| p,,— in 

ihe||truu«id,HJiH.;|S^fc,:f;tSr 

* an s -ifc' '16 »• *° """^ "^ 

meaning is, that they did not dare to allow 
themselres any license.' The expression is not 
an easy one« I hare followed the paraphrasts. 

44. How A LOTB OF ffHB BULBS OF PBOPBIBTT 
111 RTJLBBS FAOII<rMTBS OOnuUnf BHT. 

45. RKTBBBirr siLF-OTn/rvATioif Tins dtstxk- 

OniSHINO CRABACTBBISTIO OF THE KbUN-TSZB. 

L^ '^Ji^> i^ ^ said, are not to be taken as the 

wherewUh of the Keun-tsze in his cultirating 
himself, but as the chief thing which he keeps 

before him in the process. I translate ^A, 

therefore, by in, but in the other sentences, it in- 
dicates the realizations, or consequences, of the 

4^ ^ . "S -hAi — ' the httndred surnames,* as 

n designation for tb« matfs of the people, occurs 



families, into which ntimber the failiilies of ths 

» ▼e'T early \\ 

time. The surnames of the Qtinese noir I; 

r— if 



amo unt to seyeral hundreds. The small wotk- 
'S ^ ^ |||^, made in the Sung dynasty, 

contains nearly 450. In the ^ fe SS, m fee, 

we find a ridiculous reason giren for tiie sur- 
names being a hundred, to the effect that ths 
ancient sages gaye a surname for each of the 5 
notes of the scale in muaic, and of the 5 great 
relations of life and of the 4 seas ; conseqacntlr, 
5 X 5 X 4=100.' It Is to be observed, ^lat in the 
Shoo-king, we find ^ a hundred surnames,* inter- 
changed with ^ jjg|b, < ten thousand sumamei,' 

and it would seem needless, therefore, to ieek 
to attach a definite explanation to the number^ 

^ ^ fi ^ ^,-«» VI. 28. 

46. Confucius* conduct to ah uKXixXBiLt 

OLD MAN OP HIS ACQDAINTANGB. YueU JSDg WSS 

an old acquaintance of Confiicias, but had wiopi' 



'^1 



/ 



COKFtCIAK AKALBCTS. 



157 







'4 









W B. 




M ^ 5q; ^ P|J 7; 



4 j5^ m.-^. 





m 



J befits a junior ; in manhood, doing nothing worthy 

ed down ; and living on to old age : — ^this ig to be a 

this he hit him on tne shank with his staff. 

CLVII. 1. A youth of the village of K^eueh was 

Confucius to carry the messages between him and his 

Le one asked about him, saying, ^' I suppose he has 

ogress." 

ister said, "I observe that he is fond of occupying the 

^oum man; I observe that he walks shoulder to shoulder 

3. He is not one who is seeking to make progress 

le wishes quickly to become a man/' 

2d person, but it is perhftps bettef to keep to 

the dd, leaying the application to be understood. 

47. Ck)NJPucitf a' bmplotmbmt of a fohwahd 

TOUTH. 1. ^ 'b,— 'there is a tradition that 
ConfilduB lired and taught in BS Jfl , but it 
Umuch disputed, ifl^il^lli;^ 
W' '^^ nn ^^'^^ ^ conrey the messages 
between visitors and the host.' ^ ^r j ^, — 

the inquirer supposed that Confl emploTment 
of the lad was to distinguish him for the pro- 
gress which he had made. 2. According to 



[«aou-tS2e, and gaVe himself 
e in hit behaviour.— ^See an 
3,ILPt.n.iiL24. |^^> 
the Vtto words together by 
t>ut that is the meaning of 

1=1.:^, « to. wait for.' So, 
old and new. The use of 
thus ezphuned :-«* The ^ 

ting, and is therefore called 

), but it is called by 



I !§)» and hence ^ ia 
ur Seethe^||^,mibc. 

^ '«' f^- M ~^ ^^ 

ur *pe8t,' rather than * thief.' 
!*. might be translated in the 



the rules of ceremony, a youth must sit in the 
comer, the body of the room being reserved foi 
fullgrown men. SeetheLe-ke, II. Pt L i. 17. 
In walking with an elder, a youth was required 
to keep a little behind him. See the Le-ke, III. 
V. 15. Confucius' employment a£ tiie lad, there* 
fore, was to teach him the courtesies required 
by his years. 



160 



C(»raUCIAS ANALECTS. 




Z.it,=f-i 





IjoMj % i? 








pT ^ ti i^ #, 4. 4r 

^ ^ ^ #>. ^^i 




^PM 



mm.: 

not sincere and truthful, and his actions not honorable 
will he, with such conduct, be appreciated, even in- his 
hood? 

3. " When he is standing, let him see those two thing 
fronting him. When he is in a carriage, let him see th< 
to the yoke. Then may he subsequently carry them inl 

4. Tsze-chang wrote these counsels on the end of his 
Chapter VI. 1. The Master said, " Truly straightf 

the historiographer Yu. When good government prei 
state, he was like an arrow. When bad government p 
was like an arrow. 

2. " A superior man indeed is Keu Pih-yuh ! Wh 
vemment prevails in his state, he is to be found in ofl 
bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up. 
them in his breast." 

called ^ ; see XII. 20. 2. ^JS^ is another name 

for the dk ^6, the rode tribes on the north. 

2,500 families made up a W, and 25 made up 

a Jj^, but the meaning of the phrase is that giren 

in the translation. 8. IMT* 'them/ ut^ such 

words and actions. — ^Let him see them ^|^ 7p^ 

^W- * before him, with himself making a trio.' 

flB is properly 'the bottom of a carriage,* 

plaaks laid orer wheels, a simple ' hackery,' but 

here its' a carriage.' 4 ^^ denotes the ends 

of the sash that hang down. 
6. The admirable characters of Tsze-tu 

▲XD Kiiu FiB-YUiL 1. "T- ^ was the desig- 



nation of ^ -7*, the historio 

on his deathbed, he leftamessi 
and gaye orders that his bodji 
in a place and manner likely to 
tion when he paid the Tisit of cc 
so, and the message then d 
desired effect. Perhaps it was 

that Confucius made this reo 

' as an arrow,' t. e., straight i 

Keu Pih-yuh,— see XIV. 26. 

RS^^-^ istobei 
ferring to ' his principles,* or p< 
=* he could roll himself up anc 
himself,' t^ e., he kept aloof firou 
say that Tsze-yu's uniform stn 
was not equal to Pih-yuh's l 

himself to circumstances. 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



161 



^ 



I 
I 

r 

► — 

I. 









n 



ivt 







t.Mii^M±^mm 




^ ^ X ^^ ^zm 

(kPTER VII. The MaBter said, " When A man may be spoken 

not to speak to him is to err in reference to the man. When 

L may not be spoken with, to ^ak to him is to err in reference 

: words. The wise err neither in regard to their man nor to 

words.'* 

UPTEB VIII. The Master said, ^^ The determined scholar and 

an of virtue will not seek to live at the expense of injuring 

virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives to preserve their 

J complete." 

u?TEB IX. Tsze-kung asked about the practice of virtue. 

[aster said, " The mechanic, who wishes to do his work well, 

first sharpen his tools. When you are living in any state, 

ervice with the most worthy among its great officers, and make 

s of the most virtuous among its scholars." 

LFTER X. 1. Yen Yuen asked how the government of a coun- 

ould be administered. 



lUB ARB MBS WITH WHOM TO 8PBAK, 
: WITH WHOM TO KBBP 8ILEVCB. ThB 

ow THBM. 4^ "^ may be translated, 

and pioptf ly, — ' to lose our words,' but 
ih we do not use * to lose,' in connection 
in,' in the same way. 

OH HATUBB8 VALUK TIBTUB MOBB iKlAN 

le^fej^ and t! iL aw two different 
he same described IV. 2y^^ ^^ 



ally translated — * They will kill themselyes.' No 
doubt suicide is included in the expression (See 

the j^ to Ho An), and Confucius here justifies 

that act, as in certain cases expressire of high 
▼irtue. 

9. How IKTBRCOURSB WrFR THB GOOD AIDS 

THE PRACTXCB OF TiBTUB. Comp. ProYerbs 
XXVII. 17, * Iron sharpeneth iron ; so a man 
sharpeneth the countenance of his friend.' 
10.- Qertain kclbs, exkmplifibd in thr ak« 



fe -^ -#^ A^ r^- ^M. A ; ClBJrr DY^*ASTIE8, to BK ¥0\^IA>WBI> 1^ ^OVY.TJC*'- 



1'62 



CORFUCIAS JLRALEOTS. 



) 





T #. ^ ^. 





M ^ # a 






Asm 




% The Master said, " Follow the seasons of Hea. 

3. '' Ride in the state carriage of Yin. 

4. " Wear the ceremonial cap of Chow. 

5. " Let the music be the Shaou with ita pantomimes. 

6. " Banish the songs of Ch'ing, and keep far from specioustaike 
The songs of Ch'ing are licentious; specious talkers are danceroui 

Chapter XI. The Master said, " If a man take no thought ab( 
what is distant, he will find sorrow near at hand." 

Chapter XII. The Master said, "It is all over! I have 
seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty." 

Chapter XIII. The Master said, "Was not Tsang W&nlike 
who had stolen his situation ? He knew the virtue and the tali 



modestly put his question with reference to the 

guremment of a state (^X but the Master 

answery it accorrling to the disciple's abilitj', 
as if it had been about the ruling of the empire 

(jQ ^ V^^ ^' '^^® ^^'^ great ancient 
dynasties began the year at different times. 
According to an ancient tradition, * Heaven 

was opened at the time •?- ; Earth appeared at 
the time -^ ; and Man was born at the time 
^.' -^p commences in our December, at the 
winter solstice ; -Jfr a month later ; and j^ a 
month after ^^, The Chow dynasty began its 
year with -7-; the Shang with -^ff* ; and the Hea 

with ^m. As human life then commenced, the 

year, in reference to human labours, naturally 
proceeds from the spring, and Conf. approved the 
rule of tlie Hea dynasty. His decision has been 
the law of all dynasties since the Ts'in. See 
the * DUcours Prelimincttrej Chap, /,* in Gaubil's 
8hoo King. 8. The state carriage of the Tin 
d/na6ty was plain and «ubsUA\Aa\)^\a»Y& Cool. 



preferred to the more ornamented ones of C 
4. Yet he does not object to the more elegit 
of that dynasty, * the cap,' says Choo He, '' 
a small thing, and placed over all the bo^ 

Tlie thaou was the music of ShvM ; see III. Sa< 

— ^^the * dancers,' or * pantomimes.* '^IwJf^^Pj 
to the music. See the Shoo-king IL '^ ^' 

^ J^i ' the sounds of ChHng,* meanitg 
the songs of Ch4ng, and the appropriate mt 
which they were sung. Those son^ fort 
7th book of the Ist division of the She 
and are here characterized justly. 

11. TiiK MicaasiTr of foektoovoB 

PRBC^UTIOM. 

12. TiiK BARrrr of a tkob i.otb of v 




V. 26;thereitii*RP 

oTlX.'lT, said to have been spoken b) 
when he was in Wei, and saw the dake 
out openly in the same carriage with Ni 

IS. AOAIH ST JBALOUST OF OTBkBi* TJ 
— ^TQK CASB OF TSAVO WaN, AMD Hi 

Lew-hba. Tsang Win-chung,— See 
\ IS|^']^> <M it Im bad got it tgr «lK 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS; 



16S 





a /> t^^ L^ /c^ 







fnTR 

4t^n 




' Lew-hea, and yet did not procure that he should stand 
t cmirty 

XIV. The Master said, " He who requires much from 
little from others, will keep himself from being the object 

nt." 

XV. The Master said, "When a man is not in the habit 
-'What shall I think of this? What shall I think of 
1 indeed do nothing with him I'^ 

XVI. The Master said, " When a number of people 
p, for a whole day, without their conversation tummg on 
!ss, and when they are fond of carrying out the suggestions 
hrewdness ; — ^theirs is indeed a hard case." 

XVII. The Master said, " The superior man in every- 
iers righteousness to be essential. He performs it accord- 
'ules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He 
t with sincerity. This is indeed a superior man." 



OMession of it.' Tsang Wftn 
amend Hway, because he was 
ter man than himself. Hwuy 
e in China. He was an officer 
\ after death, whose name was 

isignation -jfr. He derived his 

town called Lew-hea, though 

was a Uw or willow tree, over- 

le, which made him to be known 

ruy — 'Hwuy that lived under 

' See Mencius, II. i. 9. 

T TO WARD OFJP HB9BNTMBNT8. 

is here 'to require from,' and 

,' but the one meaning passes 
the other. 

I CAN BB MADB OF FBOPLB WHO 
LSILT, HOT ajVINO TIIRM8ELT£S 

> TUixx. Comp, VIL d. 



16. Against frivolous talkrhs and sv- 
FBRFicxAL SPECULATORS. Choo He explains mi 

* they have no ground from which to become vir- 
tuous, and they will meet with calamity.' Ho 
An gives Cli'ing K*ang-shing's explanation : — 

jj^ 4BL JJC*, 'they will never complete aiiy 

thing.' Our nearly literal translation appears 
to convey the meaning. *A hard case,' i. 6., 
they will make nothing out, and nothing can be 
made of them. 

17. The condttct of the sufbrior man is 

RIOIITBOU8, courteous, HUMBLE, AND SINCERB. 

H, is explained by Choo He by ^ <^/\ki^ 
substance aod ttem-^ aM *m ^<^ ^ll^^L^^ 



164 



CONFUCUN ANALECTS. 



N 





>B >w >S >p 






Chapter XVIII. The Master said, " The superior man is t 
tressed by his want of ability. He is not distressed by men's i 
knowing him." 

Chapter XIX, The Master said, "The superior man disljl 
the thought of his name not being mentioned after his death." 

Chapter XX. The Master said, "What the superior man see 
is in himself. What the mean man seeks, is in others. 

Chapter XXL The Master said, " The superior man is dignifi 
but does not wrangle. He is sociable, but not a partizan."* 

Chapter XXII. The Master said, "The superior man does i 
promote a man simply on account of his words, nor does he put as 
good words because of the man." 



^ J^> 'fonncUtloii.' The antecedent to all 

the^i»||.or rather the thing, whatever 
it be, done righteouBly. 

18. Oun OWK INCOMFBTINCT, AND HOT OUB 
RIPUTATIOK, TIfK FROPER BU8UIR88 OS* CONCBBX 

TO US. See XIV. 32,eiaL 

19. The bupbrior man wishbb to br had ih 
RBMBMBRANOK. Not, BE J the commen., that the 
superior man cares about fame, but fame is the 
inrariable concomitant of merit. He can't have 
l>een the superior man, if he be not remember- 



'^t PI |^« and numy other paraphfasei^ 

{g; is taken a8^|(|C ^; <all his life.' 

20. His own approbatioii is ibb svn 

MAH'S roue. THB APFROBAnOB OF 0101 

^B MBAM MAs's. Comp. XIV. 25. 

21. The bopbbior mar is Diamftv 

AFFABLE, WirBOIIT TUB FAULTS TO WBICH fl 
QUALITIES OFTBR LEAD. Comp. H 14, Slid 

SO. 1^ iB here»^ j^ :^ B' *^*' 

self-maintenance.' 

22. The bupbrior xar ib discsibixai 
in hib bmplotkbjit qw mwm and jvmik 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



165 



I 











^,^H,%h m 





Jirl ^ 







t 



X 




W 










HAPTER XXIII. Tsze-kung asked, saying, " Is there one word 
2h may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life ? " The Mafi- 
jaid, " Is not reciprocity such a word? What you do not want 
e to yourself, do not do to others." 

HAPTER XXIV. 1. The Master said, "In iny dealings with 
1, whose evil do I blame, whose goodness do 1 praise, beyond 
t is proper ? If I do sometimes exceed in praise, there must be 
md for it in my examination of the individual, 

" This people supplied the ground why the three dynasties 
iued the path of straightforwardness." 

HAPTER XXV. The Master said, " Even in my early days, a 
oriographer would leave a blank in his text, and he who had a 
je would lend him to another to ride. Now, alas ! there are no^ 
1 things." 

TrB 6BBAT PRIVCIPLS OP RECIFROCITT 

s RCLE OF LiFK. Coiup. V. 11. It is Sin- 
that Tszcskung professes there to act on 
rindple here recommended to him. 
Confucius bmowisd his respect for 

BT strict truthfulness IN AWARDING 

BOB CENSURE. 1. I liAve not marked * be- 
what is proper' with italics, because there 

ly that force in the verbs— Sft and St. 

md for it in my examination of the indi- 
t ;* — I. e., from examination of liim I believe 

U yet verify my words. 2. ^^-^^j 
les the K of the Utpar^ which the j^ 



indicRtes. ^J[^ is to be taken a^-* the 

son why,' and ^j^ as a neater verb, of general 

application. ^ >l^, * the three dynasties^* 
with special reference to their great founders^ 
and the principles which they inaugurated. — 

The truth-approving nature of the people waB= 
a rule even to those sages. It was the same tO' 
Confucius. 
25. Instances of the beoeneract of C6n»- 

VUGIUS' TIMES* Most paX«.\|ibtaAtA VEiVi^l ^ ^$^ 



166 



C017FDC1AN ANALECTS. 





IS4 




0. ^l 0» 
AoA 




^ 0» M. 0. 

M- m MiJ ^ 




Ki 








Chapter XXVL The Master said, " Specious words confonnd 
virtue. Want of forbearance in small matters confounds great 
plans." 

Chapter XXVII. The Master said, " When the multitude hate 
a man, it is necessary to examine into the case. When the multitude 
like a man, it is necessary to examme into the case." 

Chapter XXVIII. Ihe Master said, "A man can enlarge the 
principles which he follows; those principles do not enlarge the 



man. 



Chapter XXIX. The Master said, "To have faults and not t»\ 
reform them, — ^this, indeed, should be pronounced having faults, y 
Chapter XXX. The Master said, " I have been the whole day 



The appointment of the historiographer is refer- 
red to Hwang-te, or 'The Yellow emperor,* Uie 
inventor of the cycle. The statates of Chow men- 
tion no fewer than five classes of such officers. 
They were attached also to the feudal courts, and 
what Confucius says, is that, in his early days, 
a historiographer, on any point about which he 
was not sure, would leave a blank; so careful 

were they to record only truth. ^^ jBfe 1^ 

extends on to "^ ffi •y^'j^. This second sen- 
tence is explained in Ho An : — 'If any one had 
a horse which he could not tame, he would lend 
it to another to ride and exercise it! ' — ^The com- 
mentator Hoo Cilfl ^F) says well, that the 

meaning of the chapter must be left io uncer- 
tainty. 
^6. The danger of specious words, and 

OF iMPATiENOE. A\ "^ ^^ Is not *a little 

impatience,' but impatience in little things ; ' the 
Iiastincss,' it is said, 'of women and small 
people.* 

27. In judging of a man, we must not be 

gi'lued bt his being generally liked or dis- 
LIKED. Comp. XIII. 24. 

28. Principles op duty an instrument vx 
THE HAND OF MAN. This Sentence is quite mys- 

tjcuj in ita ffcntentiousaeM. The ^^^wy^-. 



— *jg here is the path of duty, whidi sll nKO, 

in their rarious rdations, bare to parsae, sod 
man has the three virtues of knowledge, hs* 
evolence, and fortitude, wherewith to psnM 
that path, and so he enlarges it. That virtue re- 
mote, occupying an empty place, cannot enlsiiB 
man, needs not to be said.' lliat writef'i ac- 



count of jg here is probably ooneci, and 'duty 

unapprehended,* ' in an empty place,' caohsTB 
no effect on any man ; but this is a mete tniias. 
Duty apprehended is constantly eniaiging, ele- 
vating, and energizing multitudes, who hsd 
previously been uncognizant of it. The lint 
clause of the cliapter may be granted, but tbs 
second is not in accordance with troth. 

29. Thb culpability of not refobuw 
KNOWN FALXTs. Couip. I. 8. Choo He*soo»' 
mentary appears to make the meaning somevltft 
different. He says : — 'If one having fanltt ess 
change them, he comes bac^ to the conditian of 
having no faults. But if he do notcbsa^ 
them, then they go on to tlieir completioB, flri 
will never come to be changed.' 

80. The fruitlessness of THrNKixo, wnt- 
ouT READING. Comp. II. 15, whcTc thc d^ei- 
dence of acquisition and reflection on esdi<wr 
is set forth. — Many comm. say that Conil mentf 
transfers thc things which he here roen^opsts 
himself for the sake of others, not that it ev^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALSCTS. 



167 









7; 














■ 1/. 

hout eating, and the whole night without sleeping:— occupied 
h thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to leam." 
Chapter aXXI. The Master said, ** The omect of the superior v 
n b truth. F ood is not his object. There is ploughing ; — even \ 
that there is sometimes want. So with learning ;— emolument 
y be found in it The superior man is anxious lest he should not J 

truth; he is not anxious lest poverty should come upon him.'* ^ 
]!h AFTER XXXII. 1. The Master said, "When a man's know- 
ge is sufficient to attain, and his virtue is not sufficient to enable 
I to hold, whatever he may have gained, he will lose again. 
5. " When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has vir* 

enough to hold fast, if he cannot govern with dignity, the peo« 

will not respect him. 
L " When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has vir* 

enough to hold fast ; when he governs also with dignity, yet if 
try to move the people contrary to the rules of propriety : — ^full 
^Uence is not reached." 



. ThB 8UPBRIOR MAH SHOOLD MOT BB MBB- 
.BT, BUT BAYB TBTITH FOB UIS OB/BC^ Here 

a we tniiulate ^g* b/ * truth/ a* the beit 

I thai offen. |g^, * htuiger,WvaBL * Want 
be in the midtt of ploBghing/— 4^ e^ faBJi- 
Iry it the way to plenty, and yet despite the 
on of the husbandmaB, a famine or scar- 
aometiniea oocnrs. The application of thia 
le caie of IfMmg^ hmff^er, if agi vegr 



apt Is the emolameat that •ometimes come« 
with learning a calamity like famine? — ChHnic 
K*ang'Shing's riew is : — * Although ' a man majr 
plough, yet, not learning, he will oonie to haB«> 
gen If he leam, he will get emolument, and 
tho' he do not plough, he will not be in wanL 
This is advising dmu to leamM 

82. How KHOWLBDOB WITHOUT VXBTUB M VOV 
LABTINO, AMD TO XNOWLBDOB AND TIBTOB 4. 
BUI.BB 8HO0U> ADB DIQBITK Mn> TAIL BSSU1» ^Y 



166 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS^ 









^l^^m 





Chapter XXXIII. The Master said, "The superior m^» 
not be known in little matters ; but he may be intrusted mtb 
concerns. The small man may not be intrusted ^th gre^^ 
cerns, but he may be known in little matters." 

Chapter XXXIV. The Master said, " Virtue is more to ^ 
than either water or fire. I have seen men die from treading 
water and fire, but I have never seen a man die from treading 
course of virtue." 

Chapter XXXV. The Master said, "Let every man coitfi 
virtue as what devolves on himself. He may not yield the perf 
mance of it even to his teacher." 

two fint in the other pangrapht, :XBt ]^ ^f, 

*h«Te k^ or principle, for their reference.' in 
Ho An, however, Paon Heen says :^< A man 

maj hare knowledge equal to the management 

of his office (^ ^ ^), but if he hare not 
Tirtoe which can hold it faat, though he get it, 

hewiUlowit.' 2.1nj(ftj$:.and|j| ;$: 

people, for their reference.' 8. The phrase—* to 
more the people ' is analogous to sereral others, 

•uch as ]i^ ;2l» H • ^» ^ i!2l» ' «o <^^™™ 
the people,' ' to dance them,' * to rouse them.' 

83. How TO Know THS StlPESlOB MAX IVD 
TUB IIBAN IIAII ; IKD THXIB CAPACITIES. ChoO 

He fays— ^, ^ ^ ^> **^® knowing here 
is our knowing the indiriduals.' The 'little 
matters' are ingenious hut trifling arts and ac- 
complishments, in which a really great man 
may sometimes be deficient, while a small man 
will be familiar with them. The 'knowing' is 
not that the parties are he¥n't*ze and uaou-jm, 
but what attainments they hare, and for what 
they are fit. The difficulty, on this view, is 

with the conclusion— UH "pT /J^ ^.— Ho 

M gives th« view of Wang sLub ;— *The way 



of the hmn'Un is prafouid and tu-VtA 
He may not let his knowledge be nusll, •> 
may receive what is great. The wsf d 
MMou'iin is shallow and near. He maj M 
jLnowIedge be small, and he may not nc 
what is great.' 

34. VlBTUS MOKB TO Mill IVAV WilS 
riBS, AKn XXVXB HUK T FUL TO BIX. ^11 

-^,«man,'asinVI.20. R^l^i^ 
— 'the people's relation to^ or dependcaec 
virtue.' The case is easily conceivable of b 

suffering death on account of their Tittse. t 
have been martyrs for their loyal^ asd < 
yirtues, as well as for their religioas ftdtk ( 
He provides for this dilT. in his remarks >*' 
want of fire and water is hurtftal only to 
body, but to be without rirtue is to loie < 
mind (the higher nature), and so it ii >* 
him than water or fire.' See on IV. 8. 

35. ViBTCB PKBSOKAL . AKI> OBUGATO* 

xvxBT MAN. The dd interpreters tste p 
the sense of *onght.' Choo He certaii(f 
prores on them by taking it in theseoi*^ 

^, as in the transition. A student M 

takes ^ to be in the 9d person, bat tit 
fdlowing recalls him to the 84 



C0N7UCIAN ANALECTS. 



169 







* ' 



SAFTBR XXXVI. The Master said^ ^^ The superior man is cor« 
y firm, and not firm marely." 

lAPTER XXXVIL The Master said^ " A minister, in serving 
»rince, reverently discharges his duUes, and makes his emolu< 
k a secondary consideration.'* 

lAPTER XXXVIII. The Master said, " There being instruction, 
J will be no distinction of classes." 

lAPTEB XXXIX. The Master said, ^^ Those whose courses are 
rent cannot lay plans for one another." 

lAFTEB XL. The Master said, ^^ In language it is simply requir- 
lat it convey the meaning." 

[AFTEB XLL 1. The Music*master, Me^n, having called upon 
when they came to the steps, the Master said, ^^ Here are the 
.** When they came to the mat for the guest to sit upon, he 

Tam tcFBBioK Max's fxbmvms is basbd 
It. ^i b vaed herein the seme whieh it 

oughoat the Yih-kiiig. Both it and ^if 

IraueM, hot ^ tuppoies a moral and 

ent bads whieh mvy be abient from § 

0". 18,8. 

rasFAiTKruLiaxuTn* ThelMlrefen 

^, but to the iadiri<t9al who ^ ^. 

'0 to aupply the subject-*' a minister.' 
iaVL20. 

fUE BFFKCT OT TBJLCHINO. CHoO He 

this: — *The nature of all men is good, 
find among them the different classes of 
id bad. This is the effect of physical 
ition and of practice. The snjierior man, 
iqiience, employs his teaching, and all 
l)rought back to the state of good, and 





there is no necessity (The lang. is y|\ ^ 

the badness of some.' This is rery extravagant* 
Teaching is not so omnipotent.— The old in- 
terpretation is simply that in teaching there 
should be no distinction of classes. 

d9. AdlUBEMBNT IN PUXCIPLB XI0B8SAXT TO 

coHCOso nr plahb. ^L is the Sd tone, but I do 

not see that there would be any great difference 
in the meaning, if it were read in its usual 1st 
tone. 

40. PERSPICfTXTT THB CHIEF TIRTUB OF lAlT- 

GUAOB. 3k may be used both of speech and 
of style. 

41. CONSIDBBATION OF COKFUOXTTS FOB THB 

BLIND. 1. ^jpi— i q- ^ ^j0, HI. 23. Ancient- 
ly, the blind were employed in \.Y» <^^<(i«& ^^l 
musio, partly becaufte tlleuc i^v^sift ^ \k»axvDk% 



170 



ooirruciAB ahalbcts. 




0k kL 






I /w^ 




t.m. 




told, "Here is the mat." When all were seated, the Ma* 
informed him, saying, " So and so is here ; so and so is here," 

2. The Music-master, Meen, having gone out, Tsze-chang aie 
saying, " Is it the rule to tell those things to the Music-master?" 

3. The Master said, " Yes. This is certainly the rule for tli« 
who lead the blind." 



waa more than ordinarily acnte, and iiartly that 
they might be made of some use in the world ; 
see the ^ ^, in /be ^»— low 3d tone.^ 

Meen had come to Gonf. honae, under the caie 



of a gnide, bnt the sage met him, tad v 
took the care of faim himself. 2. ^b |w 

ed by ^, and refen to the words of Go 
Meen in the preceding paragraph. 



^»^»^»^l^>^>^^^>^>#»^>^^M%*^»^»V^»^»»»<« 



BOOK XVL KE SHE. 



"> 








^ 









GHAPTEa L 1. The head of the Ke family was going to 
Chuen-vu. 

2. Yen Yew and Ke Loo had an interview with Confuciu 
said, " Our chiefs Ke, is going to commence operations f 
Chuen-yu." 

Hbadiko op this Book.— ^& j^ ^ -t* 
^tf . «The cliief of the Ke— No XVI.* Through- 
out this Book, Confucius is spoken of as ^\j 
-7*9 'The philosopher K'ong,' and never by 

the designation -^, or *The Master.' Then, 

the style of sereral of the chapters (IV — ^XI) is 
not like the utterances of Confucius to which 
we have been accustomed. From these circum- 

atioces^ one commentator, Hung liw6^ C^ \^^ ^^ hebw«— see IIL 1. Chueo-; 



^g \ supposed that it belonged to the 1 
reccfuus of these analects ; the other I 
longing to the Loo ( 1S ) recensns. 1 
position, however, is not otherwise su] 

1. COKFCCXUS KXFOSES THK FHKSI 
AND IMPOLITIC CONDUCT OP THS CHIPJ 
KS PAMILT IN PROPOSING TO ATTACK 
STATE, AKD REBUKES YeN TeW AND 

POR ABETTINO THE DESIGN. 1. 




CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



171 



'^l%^±.^^^M:m^^^ 





tit n ^.:U W^ ^.ni^M 








^T^^ 




^75r 





tt 



-H.*M ;?fii B. w Bt ^ i 

3. Confucius said, "K'ew, is it not you who are in fault here? 

4. " Now, in regard to Chuen-yu, long ago, a former king ap- 
^^^inted it to preside over the sacrij/ices to the eastern Mung ; more- 

^er, it is in the midst of the territory of our state ; (and its ruler is 
minister in. direct connexion with the emperor: — ^What has your 
\ief to do with attacking it ? " 

5. Yen Yew said, " Our master wishes the thing; neither of uar 
.wo ministers wishes it." 

6. Confucius said, " K'ew, there are the words of Chow Jin, — 
^ When he can put forth his ability, he takes his place in the ranks of 
^^^ffice; when he finds himself unable to do so, he retires from it. 
^ow can he be used as a guide to a blind man, who does not sup- 
port him when tottering, nor raise him up when fallen?* 

7. " And further, you speak wrongly. When a tiger or wild bull 
^escapes from his cage ; when a tortoise or gem is injured in its 
Tarepository : — ^whose is the fault?" 



•man tenitprj in Loo, whose rtder va? of the T*, 
-or 4th order of nobility. It was one of the states 
««lied Rj^^^» or 'attached,' whose chiefs could 
:not appear in the presence of the emperor, ex- 
cepting in the train of the prince within whose 
jurisdiction they were embraced. Their exis- 
tence was not from a practice like the sub-in- 
leudation, which belonged to the feudal system 
of Europe. They held of the lord paramount 
or emperor, but with the restriction which has 
been mentioned, and with a certain subservience 
also to their immediate superior. Its particu- 
elar poutioa is fixed by its proximity to Fe, and 



to the Mung hill. ^f& is not merely ' to attack,' 

but 'to attack and punish,' an exercise of judi- 
cial authority, which could emanate only from 
the emperor. Tlie term is used here, to show 
the nefarious and presumptuous character of 
the contemplated operations. 2. There is some 
difficulty here, as, ace. to the 'Historical Re- 
cords,' the two disciples were not in the si^rvice 
of the Ke family, at the same time. We may 
suppose, however, that Tsze-loo, returning with 
the sage from Wei on the invitation of duke 
Gae, took service a second time, and for a short 
period, with the Ke family, of which the chief 
was then Ke K'ang. TVul^\nm\s^^2K^^2kss^^i^^s^ 



172 



OONItTCIAN ANALECTS. 



■> 







k y(^ I© 





^SfT 






8« Yen Yew said, ^^But at present, Cbuen-yu is strong and 
near to Pe; if our chief do not now take it, it wiU hereafter be a 
sorrow to his descendants/' 

9. Confucius said, ^^ K^ew, the superior man hates that declining 
to sav--.^ want such and such a thing,* and framing explanations 
for ths conduct. 

10. ^^ I hare heard that rulers of states and chiefs of families aie 
not troubled lest their people should be few, but are troubled lest 
they should not keep their several places ; that they are not troubled 
with fears of porerty, but are troubled with fears of a want of con- 
tented repose among the people in their severed places. For when 
the people keep their several places, there will be no poverty ; vhen 
harmony prevails, there wiU be no scarcity of people ; and when there 
is such a contented repose, there will be no reoeUious upsettings. 



transaction to B. C. 483, or 482. ^:^^, 

— ^Ut^ *is going to hare an affair.' 8. Conf. ad- 
dretses himaelf only to K*ew, as he had been a 
considerable time, and very actire, in the Ke 
•errice. 4. It was the vrerogatiye of the prin- 
ces to sacrifice to the hills and rivers within 
their jurisdictions ; — here was the chief of 
Chuen-yu, imperially appointed (the * former 

king' is probably |^, the second emperor of 

the Chow dynasty) to be the lord of the Mung 
nionntun, that is, to preside over the sacrifices 
offered to it. This raised him high above any 
mere minister or officers of Loo. The moun- 
tain Mung is in the present district of Fe, in the 
department of E-chow. It was called eastern, to 
distinguish it from another of the same name in 

Shen-se, which was the western Mung. H 

^05 ^ J^ ^ pj:!,— this is mentioned, to 
show that Chuen-yu was so situated as to give 
Loo no occasion for apprehenBion. "ttTlw 



;^ g, 'a minister ol the altars to theipiiiti 

of the land and grain.' To thoae spirit! oairt 
the prince had tiie prerogative of uecAGS^ 
The chief of Chuen-yu having this, ho«r dii» 
an officer of Loo to think of attacking ^* 

The ^ is used of his relation to the empef* 

Choo He makes the phraseag>iV ^ ^ ^f 

<a minister of the ducal house,' saying tlut tto 
three families had usurped all the ^msos^ 
proper of Loo, leaving only the chiefs of the it* 
tached states to appear in the ducal cooit I 
prefer the former interpretation, "ftf ^ |{ 

^B must be understood with reference to tbfl 

Ke. '^ appears to be an expletive, anfett** 

conceive it joined with the ^^ the two dttf' 
acters together being simplya=*why' or 'bov. 
5. ^^"^^ ottT 'master' i. «., the daef of tH 



r 





CONVUCIAlf AKALBCTS. 

'M W ^ 



173 



I 



M.P. 




I. 



Ml] X ^. 







BE -IE/. 52 

: T> ^ ^ ^ A 



. " So it is. — ^Therefore, if remoter people are not submissivei 
le influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to 
:^t them to be so ; and when thev have been so attracted, they 
be made contented and tranquil. 

" Now, here are you, Yew and K^ew, assisting your chief. 
>ter people are not submissive, and, ivith your help^ he cannot 
:;t them to him. In his own territory there are divisions and 
falls, leavings and separations, and, with your helpj he cannot 
rve it. 

'^ And yet he is planning these hostile movements within our 
— ^I am afraid that the sorrow of the Ke-sun family will not 
I account of Ghuen-yu, but will be found within the screen of 
own court" 



ily. 6. Chow Jin it by Choo He timply 
-'a good historiographer of ancient timet.' 
race him back to the Shang d/natty, and 
only to the early timet of the Chow. 
are other weighty utterancet of hit in 
betidet that in the text. 7. Choo Heex- 

^by||p/fl,'awildbnlL' The diet 

it like an ox, and goet on to describe it 

hhomed.' The ;^ ;^, g|( ^, tayt 

^ and jS are different terms for the 
inimal, t. e., the rhinocerot. I cannot 
Jiat ^& here it the liTing tortoise. That 

not be kept in a Jfi, or 'coffer/ like a 

Perhapt the term it, by miwtftVA^ for 



regimen of ^QE extends down to the end 

me idiom at ^k J^ ^, V. 7. 10. 

ises the term S here, with ref . to the 



'means— ev^ one ^ttiiijg hit own proper name 
and place.' From this point, Conf. speaks of the 
general dltorganisatian of IJoo under the man- 
agement of the three familiet, and etpecially of 

the Ke. By i^ ^ we certainly cannot un- 

ttand the people of Chnen-yn. 11. ^ it to be 
nnderttood with a hiphil force, * to make to come,' 

*to attract.' 12. I^f? fl jfj. ^ ^ ^^ ^^ 

to be underttood of the head of the Ke nunlly, 
at controlling the goremment of Loo, and as 
being cutisted by the two dUeipUt, to that the re- 
proof f allt heayily on them. 18. j^ ^ ||^ 

^ p^ ,— Choo He timply tay t ^ j|g, ^ 

4b, *ieaau-ts*eang means a tcreen.' In the 

diet., after Cb*ing K'ang-thing, Meaou in this 

past.=^B, 'reverent,' and jB alone means 

' tcreen,' and the phrate is thus explained :— 
' Officers, on reaching the screen, which they had 
only to pass, to find themselves in the presence 
of their head, were supposed to bQ5:.Qii&ftTSiQ^c^ 
reverential' ; and Yience) tV<^ ^iL\it«»K\.o\i Vs^ ^^ 



f 



174 



CONFUCIAN AKAIJSCT9. 



^«T 




5 It 





III 

ill 



mi 




J»K\ 




1! 













Chapter II. 1. Confucius said, "When good government 
vails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive militaiy exj 
tions, proceed from the emperor. When bad government pre^ 
in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive* military expediti 
proceed from the princes. When these things proceed from 
princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which thej do not 1 
their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the gr 
officers of the princeSy as a rwfe, the cases will be few in which tl 
do not lose their power in five generations. When the subsidij 
ministers of the great officers hold in their grasp the orders of 
kingdom, as a nUe^ the cases will be few in which they do not 1 
their power in three generations. 

2. " When right prmciples prevail in the empire, govenmM 
will not be in the hands of the great officers. 

3. "When right principles prevail in the empire, there wiU 
no discussions among the common people." 

which the emperor might order such expeditii 
On the imperial prerogatires, tee the u1 j 

XXVm. ^, is here=^ j^ 'geoer 

speaking/ <u a rule.' Jf^ pl.=^ | 

* family-ministers,* QB ^^ are the same as 

previons |g, ^ ;j5£, ^, hat having I 

usorped by the princes^ and now again snatc 
from them by their officers, they can no log 
be spoken of as imperial affairs, bat only 

g ;^ ^, < state matters.' 3. ^=^ | 

'private discnssions ]* ue^ about tiie sud s( 
\ ^ \pix)^\k affairs. 



2. The suprbmb ▲uthobitt ouoht bvbb to 

XAINTAIlf ITS POWBB. ThB YIOLATIOM OF TBIB 
BULB ALWJLT8 LEADS TO BUIN, WHICH IS SFBBDIBB 
▲8 THB SANK OF THE TIOLJLTOR IS LOWER — ^In 

these utterances, Conf. had reference to the 
disorganized state of the empire, when * the son 
of Heaven ' was fast becoming an empty name, 
the princes of states were in bondage to their 
great officers, and those again at the mercy of 

their family ministers. 1. "^^ ^, fflE isf, 

—compare XTV, 1. xjj^ 4fe are to be taken 
together, as in the transl. We read of four 
AJf^i >• ^ expeditions, — east, west, north, and 

Boutb; and of nine ^^, i. e., idue gtonuv^ ou 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



i?( 


















;^* 



^o^.i^»^. mi^^ 



HAPTER III. Confucius said, "The revenue of the state has left 
ducal house, now for five generations. The government has been 
le hands of the great officers for four generations. On this 
unt^ the descendants of the three Hwan are much reduced." 
HAPTER IV. Confucius said, "There are three friendships \ 
2h are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship | 
I the upright ; friendship with the sincere ; and friendship witn I 
man of much observation : — these are advantageous. Friendship / 
I the man of specious airs ; friendship with the insinuatingly soft; / 
friendship with the glib-tongued : — these are injurious.' y 

HAPTER V. Confucius said, "There are three things men find 
tyment in which are advantageous, and three things they find 
►yment in which are injurious. To find enjovment in the dis- 
linating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in 



IZXrSTBATION OF THS PSINOIPLBS OV THB 

CUAPTKB. In the year B. C. 608, at the 
of duke Win, his rightful heir wna killed, 
he son of a concubine raised to the duke- 
He is in the annals as duke Seuen (^TX 

iter him came Shing, Seang, Ch'aou, and 
in whose time this must have been spoken. 
i dukes were but shadows, pensionaries of 
great officers, so that it might be said the 
lue had gone from them. Obs. that here and 

3 prec. ch., jti' is used for ' a reign.* *The 

Hwan' are the three families, as being all 
nded from duke Hwan; see on U. 5. 

^, — * therefore,' uttered with a sigh. — 

He appears to have fallen into a mistake 
umerating the four heads of the Ke family 
tiad administered the government of Loo 

00, Taou, PHng, and Hwan, as Taou (\^) 

before his father, and would not be said 
fore to have the government in his hands. 

right enumeration !« Wfto (^)i Woo 



(^), Ptog (^), and Hwan (g). Seethe 

4. ThRBB FRISMDSHIPS ADTANTJIOBOVB, AHD 



THBXB ufjiTBiouB. In the Y& 'q' it is said-^ 

acter ^^ is always verbal and=s^, *to hav€ 
intercourse with.* It is as well to translate the 
term by * friendship' throughout, go is here 

* sincere,' without the subtractions required in 
XTV. 18, 3, XV. 86. ^,— here = 

* practised.' ^, ^,— ^ ^ 
skilfulness in being bland. J^, as in XI. 17, 8. 

5. ThRBB 60UBCE8 OF ENJOTMEST ADVAX- 
TAGEOUS, AKD THEEE ISJU&10\S«i. ^W^'^^^^K'^ 

with three ptouxuxml^QXA «a^ ''s^ ^tosft 




M 




i 



176 



GomrnciAN akalbcts. 








JflL 0, 





/^^ K^^ ^w# • — ^ 

Bfk 3» St J 

=tH =fiB =m -i^ 

BH pf Sfi -W 



speaking of the goodness of others ; to find enjoyment it^^ 
many worthy friends : — these are advantageous. To find enj^-^ 
in extravagant pleasures ; to find enjoyment in idleness and ^^^ 
ing ; to find enjoyment in the pleasures of feasting : — ^these ^ ' 
jurious," 

Chapter VI. Confucius said, "There are three errors to wfl^cj 
tliey who stand in the presence of a man of virtue and station ^ 
liable. Thev may speak when it does not come to them to speak! 
— this is called rashness. They may not speak when it come?J 
them to speak ; — ^this is called conceahnent They may speak viffl 
out looking at the countenance of their superior ; — ^tnis is caH« 
blindness.* 

Chapter VII. Confucius said, " There are three things wWsJ 
the superior man guards against. In youth, when the physi^ 




different meanings. The leading word is read 
M^ooH, low. 8d tone, *to hare enjoyment in,' as 
inVL21. Injj||||||^,itia^ *maBic' The 

two others are |J^ IS, 'joy,* 'to delight in.' 

Iff SS l^'-||l-lll ^. i- «- i* i« • ^^ 

'to discriminate;' 'to mark the divisions of.' 
The idea is that ceremonies and music contain- 
ing in them the principles of propriety and 
harmony, the study of them could not hut be be- 
neficial to the student himself, as having to ex- 
emplify both of those things. jS, primarily, a 
' tall horse,' often used for ' proud '; here,»yain 
and extravagant self-indulgence. Si, 'feasting,' 
including, says a gloss, ' eating, dnnking, music, 
women, &c/ 



6. Tbbbb KRKOBa nr kmakd to mM 1 

BB AVOIDBD HI TBX PRB8B!rCB OF IHK Sill 

^Sr -7*, according to Choo He^ deootei lM| 

'a man both of rank and virtue.' 'Withostkrf 
ing at the countenance,' — i. c, to see iHmM 
he is paying attention or not— The gM 
principle is that there is a time to ipesk. U 
that be obeerved, and tiiese three errors «>l^ 
avoided. 

7. ThB TICB8 WHICH TOOTH, HiJniOOIV il 
AOB, BJLVB TO OUABD AOAnrST. |||fjHt '^ 

and breath.' In the tf| j^, XXI, /(|^ 

Jnt S^ ^^as<aU human beings.' Hor^ 
phrase is equivalent to 'the physic^ ^^"^ 
On ^^> 'not yet settled,' the gioviBl 



COITFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



177 




^%^ 



a 




w 





i^ 







4» ''J^-^. f 










ft-H, AW AH* 

8 are not yet settled, he guards against lust. When he is 
f, and the physical powers are full of vigour, he guards against 
^Isomeness. When he is old, and the animal powers are decay-* 
I guards against covetousness." 
iPTEB VIII. 1. Confucius said, "There are three things of 

the superior man stands in awe. He stands in awe of the 
uices of Heaven, He stands in awe of great men. He stands 
B of the words of sages. 

** The mean man does not know the ordinances of Heaven, 
msequently does not stand in awe of them. He is disrespect- 
great men. He makes sport of the words of sages." 
^lPTBB IX. Confucius said, "Those who are bom with the 
sion of knowledge are the highest class of men. Those who 

and so, readily^ get possession of knowledge, are the next. 



'•^'fr ^ ^ 1^, * thfl^time when they 
ing most.' A« to what eansal relation 
ly hare supposed to exUt between the 
the physical powers, and the several 
licated, that is not developed. Hing 
)lains the first caution thus : — * Youth 
I all the period below 29. Then, the 
powers are still weak, and the sinews 
ss have not reached their vigour, and 
tee in lust will injure the body.** 

OVTBA0T OT THE SUPEBIOB AND THB 
M n BBOARD TO THK THREE THINOB OF 
HB PORms STAVDA IN AWB. ^ '^^, 

g to Choo He, means the moral nature 
conferred by Heaven. High above the 
yf other creatures, it lays him under 
aponsibility to cherish and cultivate 
\ke old interpr. take the phrase to indi- 
.Ten's moral administration by rewahls 



and punishments. The 'great men' are men 
high in position and great in wisdom and vir- 
tue, the royal instructors, who have been raised 
up by Heaven for the training and ruling of 

mankind. So, the commentators ; but the 4D 

suggests at once a more general and a lower 
view of the phrase. 

9. FonB CLASSES OP XBN IN RELATION TO 

KNOWLBDOB. On the 1st clause, see on VIL 
19, where Conf. disclaims for himself being 
ranked in the first of the classes here mentioned. 
The modem commentators say, that men are 

differenced here by the difference of their 




or 




» 



i., on which see Morrison's diet., 

part, II. vol I. char. QP ffl, in the diet., and 
by commentators, old and new, is explained by 



\ 



178 



CONFUCIAN AKAIACTS. 




dEL ^ :^ 

Hit i^.W 














5§: 



















H.R;:^ 







ra 




ixl 






Those who are dull and stupid, and yet compass the learning are 
another class next to these. As to those who are dull and stupid 
and yet do not learn ; — they are the lowest of the people." 

Chapter X, Confucius said, "The superior man has nine thiii^^ 
which are subjects with him of thoughtful consideration. In regar^ 
to the use of his eyes, he is anxious to see clearly. In regaro (*i^ 
the use of his ears, he is anxious to hear distinctly. In regard %^ 
his countenance, he is anxious that it should be benign. In regw^ 
to his demeanour, he is anxious that it should be respectful 1% 
regard to his speech, he is anxious that it should be sincere, /jf ] 
regard to his doing of business, he is anxious that it should be re* t 
verently careful. In regard to what he doubts about, he is anxidn* i^ 
to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of the difficulti«< f^ 
his anger may involve him in. When he sees gain to be got, to 
tliinks of righteousness." 

Chapter XI. 1. Confucius said, "Contemplating good, (odi 
pursuing it^ as if they could not reach it; contemplating evif 
and shrinking from it^ as they would from thrusting the hand inmj 
boiling water: — I have seen such men, as I have heard such wor& 



' V 



is not to be joincrl with <Sj>, as if the meaning 

were — * they learn with painful effort, although 
snch effort will be required in the case of the 



@ 



10. Nine subjrcth of thought to the su- 
perior MAN : — VARIOUS IX8TANCE8 OF THE WAT 

IN WHICH HE RBOUL.ATR8 iJiMSBLF. Tho Con- 
ciseness of the text contrasts here with the 
verbosity of the translation, and yet the many 
words of the latter seem necessary. 



11. The coNTBMPORAim of 

GOrLD ESCHEW ETII^ AND FOLLOW AFTM*'^! 
BUT NO ONE OF THE IliGH£8T C.^PACITT HiDl^j 

FEARED AMONG THEM. I. The twoflrrtclw 
here and in the next par., also, are qnoUtiojJ^ 
old sayings, current in Confudos* time, 
men were several of the sage's own 

2. ^ ^ ;^, 'seeking for tlielr w»iy^ 

meditating on them, studying theiDt 
them, to be prepared to carry them 9tk[ 
the next olausc. Such men araoBg tto 



CONFUCIAN ANALBOTS. 



179 



l±.^ 










Fi A Fi -> 



LoW ^o fM ^""i" 1i <&■ Ih >c!> 




¥MWi 







1 0* 10 ^ ^L 



" Living in retirement to study their aims, and practising 
iteousness to carry out their principles : — I have heard these 
dsy but I have not seen such men." 

Ihapteb XII. 1. The duke King of Ts^e had a thousand teams, 
I of four horses, but on the day of his death, the people did not 
se him for a single virtue. P'ih-e and Shuh-ts*e died of hun- 
at the foot of the Show-yang mountain, and the people, down 
he present time, praise them. 

"Is not that saying illustrated by this?" 
HAPTER XIII. 1. Ch'in K'ang asked Pih-yu, saying, "Have 
heard any lessons from your father different from what we have 
eardT' 

Pih-yu replied, "No. He was standing alone once, when I 




Odes, you 
studied the Odes. 

he greftt ministers E-yem and THu-kung. 
night the disciple Yen Hwuy have been, 
i early death snatched him away before 
lid hare an opportunity of showing what 
I him. 

Wkalth without virtue and virtue 

irr WEALTH ; — ^THRIR DIFFERENT APPRK- 

Nft. I*hi9 chapter is plainly a fragment. 
itiuids, it would appear to come from the 
iers and not from Confucius. Then the 
. implies a reference to something which 
en lost. Under XII. 10, 1 have referred 
propoMl to trutfer to this place the htft 



par. of that chapter which might be explained, 
so as to harmonize with the sentiment of this. 
—The duke King of Ts*e,— see XII. 11. Tih-e 
and Shuh-ts'e, — see VI. 22. The mountain 
Show-yang is to be found probably in the dep. 

of fS iW in Shan-se. 

13. Confucius' instrcction of his son not 

diffrrbnt from his instruction of the disci- 
PLES ENERALI.T. I . Ch*in K*ang is the Tsze-k4n 
of I. 10. When Confucius' eldest son was bom, 
the duke of Loo sent the \tK\VcMO^Visi %i \it^%«ccti 
of a carp, on ^hicki afiico^aAX^t»aeD«^^^^i^i^ 



{ 



180 



CORFUOIAIt ANAI1ECT8. 



> 













I 





--1^ -11*1 




^4 




I rif 






^^*iri^ 







A 4^ Z. 

B 

3. '^ Another day, he was in the same way standing alone, wha 
I passed by below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, ^Vim 
you learned the rules of Propriety?* On my replying *Not Jret,* 
%e €iddedj * If you do not learn the rules of Propriety, your character 
cannot be established.* I then retired, and studiea the miesW 
Propriety. 

4. ^'I have heard only these two things from him." 

i 

5. Ch4n K'ang retired, and, quite delighted, said, '^I askef 0n6 
thing, and I have got three things. I have heard about the Odes. | 
I have heard about the rules of rropriety. I have also heard ^t 
the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son.** ^ 

Chapter XIV. The wife of the prince of a State is called by li|m 
]F00<JIK. She calls herself seaou t^ukq. The people of the State cill 

bat there is no IntimAHon to that cflkeL Thl 
different appeUmtioiM may be thns explumd ^^ 

^ufl ^ ^^. 'shewboisberhM- 
band^s eqnaL' Tbe ^^^J^'^ tikoill 
*^> 'to fopport,' 'to help^' ao tint tW 

designation is eqvirakiit to 'helpmeet.* ^j 
means either * a /oath,' or 'a girL' Thewifr| 
modesUy caUs herself >J\ ^, « the Httle sifL' 
The old interpreters take — most natanm^*^ 

help-meet,* bat the modem comm. tske 

adjectiyely, ass^iy, with reference to the ( 
of the wife to ' preside oyer the internal eooi 
ol tha vslace.* Onthiavkv^^^ 



i 

E 

i 




, (the carp), and af tenraids gare him the 

dedgnUk»of>f|g|J[. ^i^^t^W 

S^ < HaTe yoa alao (l e., as being his son) heard 

different instroctions?* 8. On ^p here, and 

j|g, next par^ see on Vn. 17. Before >l\i^, 

here and beiow, we mast sapplj a Q. 8. "ff * 

—see Vm. 8. 4. The force of the ^ is to 
make the wholeaB^wbat I hare heard from him 
are only these two remarks.' 6. Confiicias is, 
no doubt, intended by A'^t bat it is best to 
translate it generally. 

14. Appkllatioks vor thb wife of ▲ 
raiiici. This chapter may hare been spoken by 
( tof n dM IP lectiiy loine diaotto qC i>Mft ^MEMBs, 



GOimJCUN ANAIACTS. 



nx 




^ BZ.A 

^UN POO-JIN, and, to the people of other States, thev call her 
SEAOU KEUN. The people of other states also call her keun 






dc help-meet.* The ambaMador of 
e (poke of him by the ityle of ^h[ S"* 
ince of small yiitne.' After that example 
e»t3r« ^ ^^c ^^ Btjled to the people 



of other States, *our small prince of small 
Tirtue.* The people of other States had no 
reason to imitate her subjects in that, and so 
they styled her — 'your prince's help-meet«' or 
*the domestic help-meet.' 



^•^mttftfm 



BOOK XVII. YANG HO. 











ti^W 




^nm 




IL-t 



AFTER L 1. Yang Ho wished to see Confucius, but Confucius 
1 not go to see him. On thisy he sent a present of a pig to 
icius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, 
to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however^ on th^ 

Ho said to Confucius, " Come, let me speak with ^ou." He then 
, '^ Can he be called benevolent, who keeps his jewel in his bo« 

1. COICFUCIOS' POLITB BUT DIONIFIKD TBBAT* 
MENT OF ▲ FOWBBFVL, BUT USUBPINO AND CH* 

woKTHT, OFFIOBB. 1. Tsog Ho, kuown also a« 
Tang Hoo ( fi^)> ^^^ nominally the principal 

minister of the Ke family, but its chief va« 
entirely in his hands, and he was scheming to 
arrogate the whole authority of the state of Loo 
to himself. He first appears in the Chronicles of 
Loo about the year B.C. 6<y^^ ^isXm*^ «j£klw%\ 
the exiled diik« Oki'M>u\ W 1^,C. V^ ^n^ teH 



0FTHI.B00K.-^^^-f- 

uig Ho, No. XVnZ—As the hut Book 

loed with the presumption of the Head 
le family, who kept his prince in subjec- 
• begins with an account of an officer, 
for the head of the Ke what he did for 
3 of Loo. For this reason — some simi- 
the subject matter of the first chapters 
.ook, it is said, is placed after the former, 
ins 26 ^isptetii 



\l 



182 



CONPUCIAM ANALECTS. 



1^ f-^ =f- mm 





M B, 




H.tt IL 




3m 









^ 




0» JBK 3^ 



7i "pTo^ 




« 



8om, and leaves his country to confusion ?" Confucius replied, "Jfo." 
"Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged in publrc em- 
ployment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being »f 
Confucius again SBiidj "No." "The days and months are pas^j 
away; the years do not wait for us." Confucius said, "Right; IfSi 
go into office." 

Chapter II. The Master said, "By nature, men are nearly 
alike ; by practice, they get to be wide apart." 

Chapter III. The Master said, " There are only the wise of 
highest class, and the stupid of the lowest class, who cannot 1»fT/ 
changed." ' 



Ci 



him keeping his own chief, Ke Hwan a prisoner, 
and, in 50], he is drlTen out, on the failure of 
his projects, a fugitive into Ts'e. At the time 
when the incidents in this ch. occurred. Tang 
Ho was anxious to get, or appear to get, the 
support of a man of Conf. reputation, and 
finding that the sage would not call on him, 
he adopted the expedient of sending him a 
pig, at a time when Conf. was not at "home, 
the rules of ceremony requiring that when 
a great officer sent a present to a scholar, and 
the latter was not in his house on its arrival, he 
had to go to the officer's house to acknowledge it. 

See the Le-ke, XIU. lit 20. ^ is in the sense 

of flg. 'to present food,' properly *hefore a 
superior.' ConfUdus, however, was not to he en- 
trapped. He also timed (Q^, as a verb) Hoo*s 

being away from home (T^), and went to call 

on him. 2. 3^ [^ ^{, 'deludes, confuses, 
his country,' but the meaning is only negative, 
■sMeaves his country to confusion.' ^^, read 

k'e, up. 8d tone, 'frequently.' 9]'^ ^' 
— all this is to be taken as the remark of Yang 
Ho, and a Q supplied before Q . ^ M ; 

SI, in the diet., and by the old interpreters, is 

here explained, as in the transktion by ^, 
'to wnit for/ 



2. Tin DiFFBBEircss nr n» CHABAcmiftl 

XKK ABB GHIBFLT OWlVO TO HABR. ttf ^ '* 

contended, is here not the moral coni litstiig 
of man, absolutely considered, but hii caa^ 
actual nature, with its elements of the b** 
terial, the animal, and the intellectail, ty M^ 
sociation with which, the perfectly good bMw 
nature is continually being led sstnj. tt9 
moral nature is the same in all, and tbM|^ v» 
material organism and disposition do differ is 
different individuals, they are, atiiitt,0Hlf 
nearly alike than they subsequently beeooe. 

In the g^ ]^, we read:— 'The natoreii*' 

constitution received by man at Urtli,SDlii 
then still. While it has not been acted oa 49- 
external things, men are all like one saocte; 

they are SKr. After it has been acted oa 1|| 

external things, then pracUoe forms, aiitvii^ 
a second nature. He who practises wbat if, 
good, becomes the superior man, and he ^^ 
practises what is not good, becomes the fltsa 

man: — ^men become ;|B |S'« — ^o doaH itit 

true that many — ^perhaps most— of the diftf* 
ences among men are owing to habit. ^}l 

8. Only two classbs whom fbacticb CH^ | 
NOTCHANOB. This 18 a sequcl to the Isst chs^ 
with which it is incorporated in Ho An'i editMib 

The case of the 'T\ j& would seem to hs It* 

consistent with the doctrine of tbe peiM 
^S(Kidaesa of the moral aataxcftfaUaKO. MoAot 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



183 



^ 






» 



















li 0. /J> ^ if 0, 






1=1 



A0»0»fii^ 



CaAPTBB IV. 1. The Master having come to Woo-hing, heard 
re the sound of stringed instruments and singing. 

2. Well-pleased and smiling, he said, " Why use an ox-knife to 
lafowl?^ 

3. Tsze-yew replied, "Formerly, Master, I heard you say, — 
I7hen the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men ; 
ten the man of low station is well instructed, he is easilv ruled.' " 

4. The Master said, " My disciples, Yen's words are right. What 
laid was only in sport." 

Chapter v. 1. Kung-shan Fuh-jaou, when he was holding Pe, 
d in an attitude of rebellion, invited the Master to visit him, who 
fcs rather inclined to go. 

2. Tsze-loo was displeased, and said, " Indeed you cannot go ! 
hy must you think of going to see Kung-shan ? " 

up. 2d tone) SB, 'smilingly.* *An oz-knlfe,' * 

large instrnment, and not neoeisary for the death 
of a fowl. Conf. intends by it the high principles 

of goremment employed by Tsze-jrev. 3. JBT 



mnentators, to get over the difficulty, say 
« they are the g ^% and g^% 
Hencioa, IV. Ft. I. z. 

^ HOWKTBR SMALL THK 8PHBRK OF OOTBKlf- 
n, TBB HIOHBST IXFLnElCCKS OF PBOPRIBTIBS 
» MUSIC SHOULD BB BMPLOYBD. 1. WOO- 

1^ was in the district of Pe. Tsse-yew ap- 

«.«th.ooa>i>i.iid«>tofit,inVLI2. ^, 

B alihen string of a musical instrument,' used 
e. lor stringed instruments generally. In the 

I '^T we read, 'The town was named Woo 

^), from its position, precipitous and farour- 

» to military operations, but Tsze-yew had 

s able, by his course, to transform the people, 

make them cliange their mail and helmets , ^ u -b. v " /jTif \ x. j» -:— . *i-. 

■tringcd instruments and singing. This was al«> Kung-shan Fuh-new (Jl), by designation 



ifc aiade tlM Muter glad.* 2. ^ (read kan, 



•7* and A\ ^l are here IndicatiTe of rank, 
and not of cliaracter. & lA 'are easily em* 

ployed, L e, ^^^fi^ _t » * ^^7 '^•^ *** ***«^ 
lot, and obey their superiors.* 4. ^. ~ ^P-, 
as in YU. 28, et oL Obs. the force of the final 
^,=«'only.' 

5. Thb lengtos to which Cokvucius WJIS 

IKCLIKKD TO OO, TO GKT HIS PBIRGIPLBS CABBIKD 

INTO PBACTICB. Kuug-shsn Fuh-jaou, called 



^ |^« WM a coYd«4«cii.tj^ ^X«&%^^ ^^'^ 



184 



OONFUCIAS ANALECTS. 



Ff k JIBTi ^^Vo HG VJK ^ ^k J ' 





A 









8. The Master said, " Can it be without some reason that hi 
has invited me ? If any one employ me, may I not make an easMt 
Chow?" i 

Chapteb VL 1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius about perfect ^ 
tue. Confucius said, " To be able to practise five things eveirwher* 
under heaven constitutes perfect virtue." He begged to ask w| 



•nd aoc to KHug Gan-kwS, and the Q 
It WM After the imprif omnent bjr them, in com- 
non, of Ke Hwen, that Fuh-joou sent thia Inri- 
tation to Conf . Others make the inTitationaab- 
•e^aent to Ho's discomfiture and flight to T8*e. 

conclude, with Tsie-loo, that Conf. ought not to 
have thought of accepting the invitation of such 

-% man. 2. The first and Uist ^ are the yerb. 

Ing there. Indeed there is not.* ^ j|^\ ^ 

|1| ^ ;^ j^ -t^, • why muat there be going 

^ ( j^ herecofo) ikat (nich is the foioe of ^) 

'Kung-shan?' 8. ^ jg ^ ^,- ^ is to 

Iw taken here as referring expressly to Fuh- 



disrespect. It you are generous, you , . 

are sincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, yot 
will accomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to em- 
ploy the services of others. 

'"*« ^ *"^ ffl ^» ""^ ^ aie«ni*tft 
The original seat of the Chow dynasty Itjr w 
from Loo^ and the revlTal of thepfincipki tfi 
goremment of Win and Woo in Loo^ or •«« ^ 
Pe, which was bat a part of it, mii^t aike ii 
eastern Chow ; so that Confodus would ftf^ 
the part of king Win.— After all, tbeateM 
not go to Pe. 




6. FiTB THivas Ta« nucncB or »■* 

CON8TITDTBB PESFKCT YIItTCX. Tj^/^fV^ 

under heaven* is simplys' any where.' jppj 
A "fit'-fi' low Sd tone, is explstoir* 
Choo He by ^ -^j *to rely npon,* a mesiSr 
of the term not found in the di c tio nw y* ^ 



CONFUCUN ANALECTS. 



185 








s» ^W*. p ^" *yi 'B 



^J^#.0.W# 




#^, 






tJl^.^» 





{L^^T- 



LAPTEB VII. 1. Peih Heih inviting him to visit him, the Mas- 
ras inclined to go. 

Tsze-Ioo said, "Master, formerly I have heard you say, *When 
n in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will 
issociate with him.' Peih Heih is in rebellion, holding pos- 
)n of Chung-mow ; if you go to him, what shall be said ? ' 

The Master said, " Yes, I did use these words. But is it not 
that, if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without be- 
nade thin? Is it not said, that, if a thing be really white, it 
be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black ? 

" Am I a bitter gourd ! How can I be hung up out of the way 



ting eaten ? " 

CV>VFUCTnS, INCLfirKD TO RESPOVD TO THE 
CKS OF AN UMWOETHT MAX, PKOTB8T8 
(T UI8 COHDUCT BEING JDDOKD BY OKDIN- 

TLB4. Comp. ch. V ; but the iiiTitation of 
[eih was subsequent to that of Kung-shou 
on, and after Conf. had giveu up office in 

L 4A (read Peih) Hi ih was conunandant 
ng-mow, for tKe chief of the Chaoa family, 
rtateofTdn. »1^M^^% 
i, ^^1—* he who himself, in his own per- 
les what is not good.' >p y^,— ace to 

GaD.kw5,=>p >A ^ B' **^* "** 
hta state;* ace to Choo He, it=^ y^ 

^, 'does not enter his party.' There were 

uses of the name of Chung-mow, one be- 
; to the state of Ch*ing, and the other to 

te of Tsin (^X which is that intended 
ad is referred to the present district of 
sp.of ^ 





in Ilg-nan province. 3. 



"jK Q is to be taken interrogatively, as in the 
translation. Ping*s paraphrase is — ^L ^^ ^f\ 
Q, «do not men say ?' ^ ^ ^ "ZT'"^ 
*Is a thing hard, then,' Ac ^^ is explained — 

'black earth in water, which may be used to dye 
a black colour.' The application of these strange 
proverbial sayings is to Conf. himself, as, from 
his superiority. Incapable of being affected by 
evil comnmnications. 4. Tliis par. is variously 

explained. By some, ^S| jQ^ is taken as the 
name of a star; so that the meaning is — 'Am j^ 
like such and such a star, to be hung up, &c?* 
But we need not depart from the proper meaning 
of the characters. Choo He, with Ho An, takes 
"^R ^t actively : — ' A gourd can be hung up, 
because it does not need to eat. But I must go 
about) north, south, east, and west, to get food.* 
Tliis seems to me very unnatural. The expres- 
sion is taken passively, as in the translation^ in 

the H ^tt . aud o\i^Qt t^oiVa. 



\ 



186 



CONFUCIAN AKAI.ECTS. 



■> 










„_ _ ._ __ — ^ -^ 

•I s a. # ^ ^ 



^ 






!^ ^ !^ ^ !^ ^ 
iM: d£ s s s IB: -e 

^> ^N >N >N ^> >^N /M 



m 



Chapter VIII. 1. The Master said, "Yew, have you heai 
six words to which are attached six becloudings?" Yewn 
"I have not." 

2. " Sit down, and I will tell them to you. 

3. " There is the love of being benevolent without the 1 
learning; — the beclouding here leads to a foolish simplicity, 
is the love of knowing without the love of learning ; — the beclo 
here leads to dissipation of mind. There is the love of beings 
without the love of learning; — the beclouding here leads 
injurious disregard of consequences. There is the love of sti 
forwardness without the love of learning; — the beclouding 
leads to rudeness. There is the love of boldness without th< 
of learning; — the beclouding here leads to insubordination, 
is the love of firmness without the love of learning; — ^the be 
ing here leads to extravagant conduct," 



8. Knowlkdgk, aoquised bv lkarxino, is 
hbcksbart to the complktion of virtue, by 
prb8brvino tub mind from being beclouded. 

^- '^ WS "^ ^' *'"''' ""^ W ""^ '** 

characters*; «ee the ™ g . They are, there- 
fore, the benevolence, knowledge, sincerity, 
8traif;1it- forwardness, boldness, and firmness, 
mentioned Iwlow, all virtues, but yet each, when 
pursued without discrimination, tending to be- 
dead the mind. ^^= jjB|; j^, 'to cover and 
screen ;* the primary meaning of it is said to be 
yj\ JH^ * small plants.' 2. S=* sit down.* 
Tsze-loo had risen, ace. to the rales of propriety, 
to give his answer ; see the Le-ke, I. Pt. I. iii. 
21 ; and Cuul*. teUs hiiu to resume las «cat. *d. I 



give here the paraphrase of the Q 9 

first virtue and its beclouding/ whidi 
lustrate the manner in which the vb( 
graph is developed : — *ln all matters, t 
perfectly right and unchangeable ] 
which men ought carefully to study, 
have thoroughly examined and appieb 
Then tiieir actions will be without ei 
their virtue may be perfected. For 
loving is what rules in benevolence. 1 

tainly a beautiful virtue, but if yoa 

yourself to love men, and do not care l 

to understand the principle of beneToIei 

your mind will be beclouded by that Iot 

you will be following a man into a well 

him, so tluit both he and you will peiia 

uot this be foolish simplicity ? ' 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 

• 



187 



i M W 






^El 





■M^ 




A ^ ^ m Z. 



o^f- 




p]S pt 




r 




m KB, 





n n A- 

^„ m. j\ 




IE w ^ 



]5?^^l>i 





w ^ ^ 






ggli >^l-i 





^. pjs^ 



APTEB IX. 1. The Master said, "My children, why [do you 
tudy the Book of Poetrjr ? 

" The Odes serve to stimulate the mind. 

"They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation. 

" They teach the art of sociability. 

" They show how to regulate feelings of resentment. 

" From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving 
father, and the remoter one of serving one's prince. 

"From them we become largely acquainted with the names of 
I, beasts, and plants." 

lAPTER X. Tlie Master said to Pih-yu, "Do you give your- 
to the Chow-nan, and the Chaou-nan. The man, who has 
(tudied the Chow-nan and the Chaou-nan, is like one who stands 
his face right against a wall. Is he not so ? " 

are the titles of the first two Books in the Na- 
tional Songs, or first part of the She-king. For 
the meaning of the titles, see the She-king, I. i. 
and I. ii. They are supposed to inculcate im- 
portant lessons about personal virtue and family- 
government. Choo He explains ^^ by i». 
*to learn,' 'to study.' It denotes the entire 
mastery of the studies. ^^ (for YtT) ^S "j^ 

"TT is imperative, the -4^ at the end, not being 
interrogative. jE p|{|§ jfi) jfe " ^®' IE 
PI 1^^ fln it- ^ ^^^^ * situation, 
one cannot advance a step, nor see any thing. 
I have added — 'Is he not so?' to bring out the 

force of the R^.. — ^This chapter vci \\v<& ^^ ^^- 
tion3, is incorporaied m\]ti \)b& ^x^K^^das^^ qi^^ 



Benefits derived feom STDDTiiro the 
or Poetry. 1. yj^-^;— seeV.21;Vm. 

anslate ^p here by ' the Book of Poetry,' 

e the lesson is supposed to have been given, 
Oonf. had completed his compilation of 

ies. The ^ is ito, as in XI. 9. 1, 6< oil 

Btcriptions in them of good and evil may 
ills effect. 3. Their awarding of praise and 
may show a man his own character. 4. 
exhibitions of gravity in the midst of plea- 

lay have this effect, ^g, as in XV. 21. 6. 

blending of pity and earnest desire with re- 
may teach how to regrulate ourresent- 

• €• ^L 7(^9 'grasses and trees/^plants 
dly. 

THEIltFOETANCROF 8TUDYIN0 THB ChOW- 

tcD CaAou-s<4ii. Chow-nan and Chaoa-iuui 



18S' 



CONFUCIAW ANAL'ECTS. 



^ 




4 





2r :zr 




Ak 0> ^o ^1 Hi 










2r z: 



"^ vLo 



^ ^i 






Chapter XL The Master said, " * It is according to the rules of 
propriety,' they say. — * It is according to the rules of propriety/ tJwf 
say. Are gems and silk all that is meant by propriety ? * It is Music^) j 
they say. ^ It is Music/ they say. Are bells and drums all that b 
meant by Music ? " 

Chapter XIL The Master said, "He who puts on an appetf** 
ance of stern firmness, while inwardly he is weak, is like one of the 
small, mean, people; — ^yea, is he not lite the thief who breaks through^ 
or climbs over, a wall ? " 

Chapter XIII. The Master said, "Your good careful peopled 
the villages are the thieves of virtue." 

Chapter XIV. The Master said, "To tell, as we go along, whift 
we have heard on the way, is to cast away our virtue." 



11. It IB ROT THE EXTBRNAL APPURTENAKCBS 
WHICH C0N8TITUTK PROFKISTT, ZIOR THK SOUND OF 

IXSTRUMKMTS WHICH COXBTITUTE* MUSIC. jjJH 

called propriety.' The words approach the 

quotation of a commoii saying. So iS ■^ . 

HaTing thus given the conunon yiews of propri- 
ety and music, he refutes them in the questions 

that follow, ^^ and ffifi being present to the 
mind as the expressions of respect and harmony. 
12. The meanness of presumption ani> 
PUSILLANIMITY CONJOINED, 'ffi IS here not the 
countenance merely, but the whole outward ap- 
pearance. /J\ K is explained by ^M ^5, 

and the latter clause shows emphatically to 
whom, among the low, mean, people, the in- 
dividual spoken of is like, — ^a thief, namely, 
wIjo i» in constant fear of being deXecXe^. 



13. CoNnCTTMBNT Wmi VULGAR WATS AS9 

TIEW8 INJURIOUS TO VIRTUE. See tiie senl^ 
meat of this chapter explained and expanded Iff 

Mendos, VII. Pt U. xxxvii. 7, 8. ^, low. 2^ 

tone, the same as j^. See the diet, chsr. M. 

^, as in XIV. 46, tliough it may be tniuUted 
here, as generally, by the term *■ thief.' 

14. Swiftness to bpkak iegompatiblk vi9P 

THE cultivation OF VIRTUE. It Is to beiuidfl^ 
stood that what has been beard contiias Mt 
good lesson. At once to be talking of if viQ^ 
out revolving it, and striving to prsctite % 
shows an indifference to our own improreineoii. 

^^ is * the way' or ' road.' m^ is the ME* 

way, a little farther on^r— The glossarist oo B9 

An's work explains ^^ ^ ^| as mesnior^ 

* is what the virtuous do not ac* Bat tidi i* 



\ 



t . 



f- . 



) •. 



' •\ 



• ir ■ '^ 



/ 



I*" i 



I ' i 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



189 



iM.zu^^B.m^m 



Fi?r#4 4^~-^c^.^T- 








-T;£r -J^ yMr ^L. CP — iT* liit ><n "rrT 











^ 





^"E s" 



tAPTER XV. 1. The Master said, "There are those mean 
ures ! How impossible it is along with them to serve one s 
e! 

"While they have not got their aims, their anxiety is how to 
bem. When they have got them, their anxiety is lest they 
Id lose them. 

"When they are anxious lest such things should be lost, there 
thing to which they will not proceed." 

[AFTER XVI. 1. The Master said, "Anciently, men had three 
gs, which now perhaps are not to be found. 

" The high-mindedness of antiquity showed itself in a disre- 
of small things; the high-mindedness of the present day shows 
in wild license. The stem dignity of antiquity showed itself 
ave reserve ; the stem dignifrv of the present day shows itself 
larrelsome perverseness. The stupidity of antiquity showed 
in straightforwardness ; the stupidity of the present day shows 
in sheer deceit." 



The CA8B OF mbscevart ofvicbrs, and 

IB IMP088IBLI TO SBRYB ONB's PRINCB 
WrPH THBM. 1. H i^ ^ ^ ^ 

^=;^/ u e., 'together with/ J^ ^ 

It lamentatioa on the unfitness of such 
I to be associated with.' So, the ^^ ^. 
the remaining paragraphs are all occupi- 
I describing the mercenaries, we must 
;and Confucius' object as being to con- 
be employment of such creatures, rather 
set forth the impossibility of serving 



with them. 2. The ^ here, and in p. S, are 
all to be understood of place and emolument. 
16. Tub dbfkcts of former times recomb 

VICES IN THE TIMB OF CoNFUCIUS. 1. ife, 

* bodily sickness,' here used metaphorically for 

* errors,' * vices.' |jj ^& ^ "|^ (tf>ooJ,— * per- 
haps there is the absence of them.' The next 
par. shows that worse things had taken their 

place. 2. That ^g is only *a disregard of 
smaller matters,' or conventionalisms, appears 
from its opposition to ^£, which has a moro 

intense sigmficaUon \\i9Si \xi <;^.^. ^^^^^^m 



{ 



190 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^ m bm %^] ^ 




T^«n 






f- 



XmMn 

% #. T T« 



>f=:, 











4>:5|c 



s 



^ 




) 

\ 





Chapter XVIL The Master said, " Fine words and an insinuat- 
ing appearance are seldom associated with virtue/* 

Chapter XVIII. The Master said, " I hate the manner in whicK |^ 
purple takes away the lustre of Vermillion. I hate the way in whicli 
the songs of Ch'ing confound the music of the Gna. I hate those 
who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families." 

Chapter XIX. 1. The Master said, "I would prefer not speak-^ 

mg- 

2. Tsze-kung said, " If you, Master, do not speak, what shall we^ 
your disciples, have to record ? " 

3. The Master said, " Does Heaven speak ? The four seasonfc 
pursue their courses, and all things are continucdly being produced^ 
but does Heaven say anything ? " 

n^*— flee on DC 14. B ^ U a oomnoi d^ .^ 

flignation for 'a state,* the B, or kingdai ^< m 

the prince, embracing the ^^, *familiet,* of hii 
great officers. 
19. Thi ACTI0H8 or CovFDonm wbu 

SONS Ain> LAWS, AVD HOT BIS WOBDS 

Such is the scope of this ch., acoor£iig to 
He and his school, The older comm. ssj 
it is a cantion to men to pay attention ts 
conduct rather than to their worda This 
pretation is far-fetched, but, on the other 
is not easy to defend Conf. ttom the 
presumption in comparing himself to 

^- ^ 1"^ W ^' 'I^ow HeaTen 
better than * irhat does Heareii aajV 




XV. 21, also with an intenser meaning. 
' an angular comer,' which cannot be impinged 
against without causing pain. It is used for 
* purity,* * modesty,' but the meaning here ap- 
pears to be that given in the translation. 

17. A repetition of I. 8. 

18. CONrUCIUS' INDIGNATION AT THS WAT IN 
WHICH THB WBONG OTEBCAMB THB BIGHT. Sr 

;$: 3|^ *.-«e X. 6. 2. j^UhereW. 

correct' colour, though it is not among the 
Ave such colours mentioned in the note there. 

is I hare here translated — *puiple.* * Black 

and carnation mixed,' it is said, ' give ^.' ' The 
songs or sounds of Ch*ing,'— see XV. 10. < The 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



191 







E 



^ W*^ w 




^> 




+ 








^ Efe ^ 



^- ^ gf r:^ 

^ pT fr ^ 7^ H. /«. IL 




Chapter XX. Joo Pei wished to see Confucius, but Confucius 
eclined, on the ground of being sick, to see him. When the 
earer of this message went out at the door, he took his harpsichord, 
nd sang to it, in order that Pei might hear him. 

Chapter XXL 1. Tsae Go asked about the three years' moum- 
ig for parent^ saying that one year was long enough. 

2. "If the superior man," said he, "abstains for three years 
•era the observances of propriety, those observances will be quite 
>8t. If for three years he abstains from music, music will be 
uined. 

3. " Within a year^ the old grain is exhausted, and the new 
rain has sprung up, and, in procuring fire by friction, we go through 
U the changes of wood for that purpose. After a complete year, 
lie mourning may stop." 

4. The Master said, "If you were, after a year^ to eat good rice, 
nd wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease?" " I should," 
eplied Go. 



30. How Confucius could be kot at homr, 

n> I'ET GIVB INTIMATION TO THE VISITOR OF MIS 

uc^ENCK. Of Joo Pei little is known. He was 
DiMn of Loo, and had at one time been in 
tendance on Confucius to receive his instruc- 
sns. Inhere must have been some reason — 
•me fault in him — why Conf. would not see 
lu on the occasion in the text, and that he 
if^ht understand that it was on that account, 
id not that he was really sick, that he declined 
a visit, the sage acted as we are told. But 
hat was the necessity for sending a false 
essage in the first place? In the notes to the 

H 1^, m. 1, it is said that Joo Pei's fault 

■A in trying lo see the master without ualug 



the services of an intemuncius. ttST 'g^ ^7» 

— see XIV. 47. I translate the last ^ by Aim, 

but it refers generally to the preceding sentenoe, 
and might be left untranslated. 

21. The pxuiod of thbeb tbarb' mouxniko 
for parents ;it may not on ant account bb 
siiobtbned; the bbason of it. 1. We must 

understand a Q, either before ~, or, as I 

prefer, before ^9, which is read Jle, up. Ist tone^ 

the same as ^£, Xin. 10. On the three years* 
mourninjirt see the 81st book of the Le-ke. Noxxv- 




192 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



> 



it 







S>;i 




1^ 'U'.tn 




#»T4» 







4p 




r^ m m HJ 




%M 



7- ^u 



5. The Master said, "If you can feel at ease, do it But 
perior man, during the whole period of mourning, does not i 
pleasant food which he may eat, nor derive pleasure from i 
which he may hear. He also does not feel at ease, if he is cod 
ably lodged. Therefore he does not do w/iat you propose. But 
you feel at ease and may do it." 

6. Tsae Gro then went out, and the Master said, "This i 
Yu's want of virtue. It is not till a child is three years old 
it is allowed to leave the arms of its parents. And the tliree ' 
mourning is universally observed throughout the empire. Ditl 
enjoy the three years' affection for his parents?" 



comprehended properly but 25 monthd, and at 

most 27 month., ^- ^^ K^^ ^' 
— Tsze-go finds here a reason for hie view in 
the necessity of *human affairs.' 8. ]jjj |^ 

y^ ^F o >W» — ^® ^"^* ^^'^ * reason for 
his view in *the seasons of heaven.' j^ means 
either < a piece of nietal/--a speculum,— with 
which to take fire from the sun, or *a piece of 
wood,' with which to get fire by friction or 'bor- 
ing' (^3)* It has here the latter meaning. 
Certain woods were assigned to the several sea- 
sons, to be employed for this purpose, the elm 
and willow, for instance to spring, the date and 
almond trees to summer, &c. ^ j^QJt ^ 





:^ Tf;, «In boring with the j^ to f 

we have changed from wood to wood ti 
the ones appropriate to the four seasoi 
Coarse food and coarse clothing were ap] 
atCf though in varying degree to all the 
of mourning. Tsze-go is strangely insi 

to the home-put argument of the -h 
^Eg is to be understood here as S^Jq^ 

*the most excellent grain.' The ^ a 

monstrative. 7. -?• i^ >K ^ A w 

to all that haa gone before, and fonns a i 
apodosia, Conf. added, it is said, the n 
in this par. that they might be reported 1 
Go^ lest he should 'feel at ease' to go anc 
he said he could. Still the reason whi 
Master finds for the statute-period of mo 
{qc parents miut be pronoonoed puetile. 



COIIf UCIAN AKALECTS. 



19a 







B» 





fW0»WWT0.;t. 





mm 




i 







m Ji ,*W ^ f'W* 





w* 






rA^ 






.^ 
















APTER XXII. The Master said, '^ Hard is the case of him, 
«rill stuff himself with food the whole day, without applying his 
to anything good/ Are there not gamesters and chessplayers? 
\ one of these would still be better than doing nothing at all.'* 

AFTER XXIIL Tsze-loo said, " Does the superior man esteem 
r?" The Master said, "The superior man holds righteous- 
to be of highest importance, A man in a superior situation, 
g valour without righteousness, will be guilty of insubordina- 
one of the lower people, having valour without righteousness, 
ommit robbery." 

AFTER XXIV. 1. Tsze-kung said, "Has the superior man 

itredsalso?" The Master said, "He has his hatreds. He 

those who proclaim the evil of others. He hates the man who, 

in a low station, slanders his superiors. He hates those who 



rajB R0PELB88 CA8B OF OLUTTOirr AXO 

•• llJtst ^•-^^- »«• If •"•* 

two thingv. To the former I am unable 
. nime ; but see some account of it quoted 

^ ^^ "* ^' Or ^* ' ^ ^^^^ ^ chess/ 

h there are two kinds, — the ^y iffi, 

with 361 pieces and referred to the 

Taoa as its Inventor, and the 3& /JW^ 

r chess, played with 32 pieces, and 
k great analogy to the European game, 
ition is attributed to the lirtit emperor 
uhow dynasty, though some date its 

few hundred years later. "IS ^>^, — 
'"*^fS# ff , for Jl^, as in XL 



23. Valour to bis yAi;.UEp ovlt jh buboiu 

D12f ATXON TO RIOUTEOIJSMIMB ; ITS COIfBBQUENClSS 

APABT FBOM THAT. The flrtt two 3* -^ are 

to be understood of the man superior in virtue. 
The third brings in the idea of rank, witli 

/U ^L as its correlate, 

2i* ChARACTKRS DISLIKIID BT CoWFPCIUji 

AND TsjEK-KuvG. 1. Tsze-kung is understood 
to have intended Confucius himself by * the su* 
perior man.' |M^ is here in the sense of < class.* 

"JC 1^= T^'fe ^ ^. * wen «^ lo^ station.' 

^" # ^ ^ W ^ ^' ^"^ ^"^^ ""^ # 
is to oppose s& to ^g, 'hatreds,* to 'loves.' 

2. Hing Ping takes ^^ ^^ «ft X\x^ "D^yoKmA^iXX^ 




194 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTSf 




S 7^ A» 









#^ 









b.bT mm ml 
tL„i- ^o^ T Iff 







EiJ4> J^4J 



have valour merely^ and are unobservant of propriety. He 
those who are forward and determined, and, at the same ftW, of 
tracted understanding." 

. 2. Tlie Master then inquired, " Tsze, have you also your hatn 
Tsze-kung replied^ *' I hate those who pry out matters, and ab 
the knowledge to their wisdom. I hate those who are ^m/j 
modest, and think that they are valorous. I hate those who : 
known secrets, and think that they are straightforward." 

Chapter XXV. The Master said, "Of all people, girls 
servants are the most difficult to behave to. If you are fai 
with them, they lose their humility. If you maintain a resen 
wards them, they are discontented." 

Chapter XX vI. The Master said, "When a man at forty : 
object of dislike, he will always continue what he is." 

to Q, — * He ¥rent on to Bay, /, 7«m, ofa^* Ac. 
^he modem comm., however, more correctly, 
understand -¥•, 'the Master,' as nom. to H, 

akid supply another Q before ^^L 

25. Thk difficulty how ro tbbat coHca- 
BiNBs AND SERVANTS. "^T ^^ does not mean 

women generally, but girl9, i. t^ concubines. j\\ 

^^ in the same way, is here boys, i. e., servants. 

i^, ' to aottrish,' < to keep/ato behave to. The 



force of pft, 'only,' is as indicatwl 

translation. 

26. Thb diffioultt of nrFitovsM 
ADVANCED YKARs. According to Chinesi 
at forty a man is at his best in eveiy wi 

ter ^g. we must understand ^P Sc 
* the object of dislike to the superior ms 

— Youth IS doubtless the season for ii 
ment, but the sentiment of the chaptei 
broadly stated. 



> 



eOKFDCIAN ANA£BC!ra 



195 



'< 



BOOK XVIII. WEI TSZE. 










O-^ 












^^.+ 





Chapter I. 1. The viscount of Wei withdrew from the court 
he viscount of Ke became a slave to C/iow. Pe-kan remonstrated 
tth him and died. 

2. Confucius said, ^' The Yin dynasty possessed these three meii 
r virtue." 

Chapter II. Hwuy of Lew-hea being chief criminal judge, was 
nrice dismissed from his office. Some one said to him, ^^ Is it not yet 
me for you, Sir, to leave this ? ** He replied, " Serving men in an 
|>right way, where shall I go to, and not experience such a thrice- 
peated dismissal ? If I choose to serve men in a crooked way, 
aat necessity is there for me to leave the country of my parents ? " 

IiADnio or 1B18 Book.— :^ "^ ^ "t* 



^, *Tlie TiBCOont of Wei— No. XVra.' ThU 

ikf ocNuistiiig of only eleven chapters, treats 
rarions individuals famous in Chinese his- 
f , as eminent for the way in which they dis- 
rged their duties to their sovereign, or for 
br retirement from pnhlic service. It com- 
lorates also some of the worthies of ConAi- 
r days, wlio lived in retirement rather than 
in office in so degenerate times. The ohject 
he whole is to illustrate and vindicate the 
of Confucius himself. 



. The viscotTHTS or Wbi and Kb, ahd Pe- 

r : — THSBK WOSTHIBS OF THE YlH DTNASTT. 

^d-tsze and Ke-tsze are continually repeat- 
yy Chinese, as if they were proper names. 
^ Wei and Ke were the names of two small 
ies, presided over by chiefs of the Tsze, or 
rth, degree of nobility, called vitcounUt, for 
It of a more exact term. They both appear 
lave been within the limits of the present 

a* se, Wei being referred to the district of 
;,dcp.)g[^, and Ke to ll^ jjf , dep. 




Ml. The chief of Wei was an elder brother 

(by a concubine) of the tyrant Chow, the last 
emperor of the Yin dynasty, B. C. 1 loS-l 122. The 
chief of Ke, and Pe-kan, were both uncles of the 
tyrant. The first, seeing that remonstrances 
availed nothing, withdrew fVom court, wishing 
to preserve the sacrifices of their family, amid 
the ruin which he saw was impending. Tlie 
second was thrown into prison, and, to escape 
death, feigned madness. He was used by Chow 
as a buffoon. Pe-kan, persisting in his remon* 
strances, was put barbarously to death, the 
tyrant having his heart torn out, that he might 

see, he said, a sage's heart. The j^ in ^^ 
j^ is exjdained by iMl ^t 'lus place.' It« 
reference may also be to j&r, the t3rrant him* 

self. On^;^^,comii.^^^,V. 

7, 3, et aL 
2. How HwuT OF Lew-hea,* thoit©h oftkk 

DISMISSED VROH OFFICE, STILL CLAVE TO HIS 

couHTRT. Lew-hea Hwuy,— -see XV. 13. The 
office of the -j^ !|jg[ \a dR¥wOw»\ \aHiB&^3M5W 



r 



196 



COOTUCIAN AKALECTS- 






^ 0» m. f. 



T 



tf 



B(0. 




Chapter III. The duke King of Ts*e, with reference to the n 
in which he should treat Confucius, said, " I cannot treat 1 
I would the chief of the Ke family. I will treat him in a n 
between that accorded to the chief of the Ke, and that ot 
the chief of the MS.ng family." He cdso said, " I am old ; I ( 
use his doctrinesJ'^ Confucius took his departure. 

Chapter IV. The people of Ts^e sent to Loo a present of i 
musicians, which Ke Hwan received, and for three days nc 
Was held. Confucius took his departure. 

Chapter V. 1. The madman of Ts*oo, Tsee-yu, passed h 
fucius, singing and saying, "Oh Fung I Oh Fung I How I 

le, XXXIV. S. He wai under the ^ ^, or 
minlBter of Crime, but with many subordiiiate 
magistrates under him. — , up. 3d tone, as in 

V. 19, XL 6. We ma.y translate §^ *was 

dismissed tnm oflice,' or * retired from oflSce.' 

^^es|^ ^L, — Some remarlcs akin to tliat in 

the text are ascribed to Hwuy's wife. It Is 

obserred by the commentator Hoo (j|j|fl)» that 

there ou^ht to be another paragraph, giving 
Conf. judgment Upoti Hwuy*s conduct, but it 
has been lost. 
3. How CoNWCtDS Lcrr Ts'K, whkn the 

J>CKB COULD NOT APPRBClATB AND KHPLOY HIM. 

It was in the year B. C. 516, that Confucius 
went to Ts^e* 'fnc remarlcs about how he should 
be treated, &C., are to be understood as having 
taken place in consultation between the duke 
and his ministers, and being afterwards report- 
e<i to the sage. Hie M&Ug family (see II. o) 
was in the time of Conf., much weaker than 

the Ke. The chief .of it was only the "7^ ^, 

lowest noble of Loo, while the Ke was the 

highest. Yet for the duke of Ts'e to treat 

Conf, better thau the duke ^ Lw> \x^«.Wi \.\v^ 



chief of the Ming family, wasnotdial 
the sage. We must suppoae that ( 
T»% because of the duke's oaodiidins 

4. How COXFUCIDS OAVB UF OPFI 

TtCB IK Loo. In the I4th year of 
TSng, Conf. reached the highest po 
official serrlce. He was minister <^ c 
also, ace. to the general opinicm, actiB] 
He effected in a few months a wonderf 
tlon of the State, and the neighbouring 
began to fear tliat under his admu 
Loo would overtop and subdue then 
prevent this, the duke of Ts^ sent a ] 
lioo of fine horses and of 80 highly ac 
od beauties. The duke of IjOo was ii 
receive these by the adrice of the he 

Ke family, Ke 8ze (^X orKeHi 

sage was forgotten; government was 
Confucius, indignant and aorrowfid, 
from office, and for a time, from tl 

too. ^asinXVn.!,!. ^\,' 

of Ts^ is to be understood of the dnl 
ministers. 

5. Confucius axb trr madvan of 1 

blames his kot setisiivo from the 1 

1%''<4<&-*S^ ^«a Uk dceigiiatioii of onv 1 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



197 










k /«» 






0.11 T 

le degenerated ! As to the past, reproof is useless ; but the fu- 
maybe provided against. Give up your vain pursuit Give up 
vain pursuit Peril awaits those who now engage in affairs of 
a^ment." 

Confucius alighted and wished to converse with him, but 
-yu hastened away, so that he could not talk with him. 

SAPTER VI. 1. Ch^ang-tseu and KSe-neih were at work in the 
together, when Confucius passed by them, and sent Tsze-loo 
aquire for the ford. 

Ch*ang-tseu said, " Who is he that holds the reins in the car- 
B there ?'^ Tsze-loo told him, "It is K*ung K'ew." "Is it not 
ig K*ew of Loo?'* asked he. "Yes," was the reply, to which 
other rejoined, " He knows the ford.*' 

Tsze-loo then enquired of Ke8-neih, who said to him, " Who 
you. Sir?" Hb answered, "I am Chung Yew." "Are you 



WoZ II # -fsi 





[^X a natire of Ts'oo, who feigned him- 

ad, to escape being importuned to engage 

tliceenrice. There are sereral notices of 

I the ^ 1^, m be. It mnst have be«i 

the jear, B. C. 489, that the incident in 
Kt occurred. By the /arn^, his satirizer or 
r intended Confucios; see IX. 8. The 

ijfl in the song are simply ezpleUres, 

I for the Toice to help out the rhythm, i^, 
'ertake,* generally with reference to the 
>ut here it has reference to the future. 

diet, vith reference to this passage, it Is 



explained by Tf^, * to come up to,' and jfifr, < to 

save,'=:to provide against. 
6. Confucius akd the two rkclusbs, Ch'aro* 

TSBU AND KbE-N BIH ; WUT HB WOULD VOT WITH- 
DRAW FBOM TUB WORLD. 1. The surnames and 
names of these worthies are not known. It is 
supposed that they belonged to Ts^oo, like the 
hero of the last chapter, and that the interview 
with them occurred about the same time. The 
designations in the text are descriptive of their 

character and=* the long Bester (^ ^ \[^ 
rfij^ffi Vand Hhe firm Beduse C^ ^ 




198 



COKFUCIAS ANALECTS. 





















. A ."^ TS# J^ ^ a^ 



J6q >i 






^ji## 



not the disciple of Khihg K*ew of Loo ?** asked the other. " I am,^ 
replied he, and then KeS^neih said to him, ^^ Disorder, like a 8weH< 
ing flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who is he that ir9l 
change it for you? Than follow one who merely withdrsi^i 
from this one and that one, had you not better follow those whtf 
have withdrawn from the world altogether?'' With this he fell to 
coverinff up the seed, and proceeded mth his toork^ without stopping^ 
4. Tsze-loo went and reported their remarks, when his master 
observed with a sigh, ^' It is impossible to associate with birds ani 
beasts, as if they were the same with us. If I associate not wi#| 
these people, — ^with mankind, — ^with whom shall I associate? JIf right J 
principles prevailed through the empire, there would be no use im 
me to change its state.** ^' 

here denoted by t^ cannot be determined. 2. 
nR^P, 'he who holds the caniage,*«sSk 

^ W^^. as in the traniL It ia supposed 
t it was the remarkable appearance of Con- 
f ttdns, which elicited the inquiry. In j& 4^ 

^^ssi<Ae;' tlfl^he, going about erery 
ere, and seeking to be employed, ought to 

know the ford. 8. §@]J@^5'C~f^»^^*^ 
speaker here probably pointea to the surging 
waters before them, for the ford to cross which 
the trayellers were asking. Translating liter- 
ally, we should say-^< swelling and surging, 

•uch is aU the empire.* JiiiS,-flP=t^' 

fyoiL' Jg^^,^jg;.-comp.XIV.89. ^ 





*an implement for drawing the vSL over^^ 
seed.' It may have been a hoe, or a rske. i: 



is here: 




, 'class.' 



II rfij li ||.='M 1 •« not to 

with the class of these men, L e., with] 
with whom ami to associate? I csnnot 

date with birds and beasts.' J^ >|^ || 

be no use.' Literally, 'I should not bii« 
whom to change the $tat€ of ike mptrt"* 
use of ^"T* ^ this paragraph is 
It must mean ' his Master ' and not *tiM 
The compiler of this chapter cia hu^T 
been a diaoiple of tli» tagvi 



^'^i 



comrociAK analect8> 



199 










i»J 






r 

iPTER VIL 1. Tsze-loo, following the Master, happened to 
Aind, when he met an old man, carrying, across his shoulder 
(taff, a basket for weeds. Tsze-loo said to him, ^' Have you seen 
aster, Sirl" The old man replied, "Your four limbs are 
lustomed to toil; you cannot distinguish the five kinds of 
; — ^who is your master ? " With this, he planted his staff in 
round, and proceeded to weed. 
Tsze-loo joined his hands across his breast, and stood befare 

The old man kept Tsze-loo to pass the night in his house, 
a fowl, prepared millet, and feasted hiin« He also introduced 

n his two sons. 
Next day, Tsze-loo went on his way, and reported his adven- 
The Master said, " He is a recluse,' and sent Tsze-loo back to 

im again, but, when he got to the place, the old man was gone. 









'SZB-UX>'S RBNCOHTftB WITH AX OLD MAN, 

J8K : HIS YISDICATJOa OF HIS MASTBR*8 

. This incident in this chapter was pro- 
early ooiitemporaneous with those which 
the two prerioos ones. Some sajr that 
man belonged to Sh6, which was a part 

. is used for 'an old man,' as early as 

Tih-king, dia. ^|0. How the phrase 
» have that signification, I have not dis* 
I. ij^ is simply called by Choo He — ^ 

, bamboo basket.' The |^ ^ defines 

thetranslation'-^gg^. TO g|, 

or bodies,' i, <., the arms and legs, the 
iibeoC the body. *!!« flare graias' «re 



5p' ^; 5g' ^ "^ |^» ''^^ "**^^«*' P*"- 

nicled millet, wheat, and pulse.' But they are 
sometimes otherwise enumerated. We hare 
also * the six kinds/ * the eight kinds,' ' the nine 
kinds,' and perhaps other classifications, 2. 
Tsze-loo, standing with his arms across hit 
breast, indicated his respect, and won upon the 

old man. 8, ^tf tsxe, low. 8d tone^ * enters • 
tained," feasted.' The diet, defines it with this 
meaning, J^ ^^ Q^ ^, *to give food to 
people.' 5. Tsze-kx) is to be understood as here 
speaking the sentiments of the Master, and vin* 
dicating his course. J^ ^jf| j^ jnj refers 
to the manner in which the old man had intro- 
duced his sons to him the evening before, and 

to aU the gidetVy mVetcivox^ XkX^^^^^SA vc^^ 



i 



200 



COKFUCIAK ANAIXCTS. 







^M 





^ K^i^ 



ffi/.|l 




H: 






J^%t, 





It^ 



%^.ii:^m.Z 









t.^ 




^ pj 




^^#.^.«:'c^ 



5. Tsze-loo then said to the family^ '^ Not to take office is nottj 
righteous. If the relations between old and young may not be; 
neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be 
observed between sovereign and minister ? Wishing to maintain hJUt 
personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. 
A superior man takes office, and performs the righteous dutieif 
belonging to it. As to the failure of right principles to rnsMl 
progress, he is aware of that." 

Chapter VIII. 1. The men who have retired to privacy from 
the world have been Pih-e, Shiih-ts*e, Yu-chung, E-yih, Choo-chaogf 
Hwuy of Lew-hea, and Shaou-leen. 

2. The Master said, " Refusing to surrender their wills, or to 
submit to any taint in their persons; — such, I think, were Pih-o^ 



and Shuh-ts'e. 

young, which he had probably seen in the fam- 
ily- ^nf ^ JS ;^f— ^ refew ^ th« oW 
man, but there is an indefiniteness about the 
Chinese construction, which does not make it so 
personal be our *he.' So Confucius is intended 

bj ^ J^, though that phrase may be taken 

in its general acceptation. *He is aware of 
that;' — but will not therefore shrink from his 
righteous service. 

8. Confucius' judombnt of former wor- 
thib8 who had kept from the world. hl8 
owK ouiDiKo PRINCIPLE. 1. jfe ^^, — * re- 
tired people.' ^^ is used here just as we some- 
times use peopicy without reference to the rank 
of the indiyiduals spoken of. The 'm '^ 

quotes, upon the phrase, from the |^ j|^, 



to the following effect i-~* ^^ here is not At* 

jfe of seclusion, but is characteristic of iiko<iI'| 

large souls, who cannot be measured by oniif '^ 
ary rules. They nuiy display their chancier l^t 
retiring from the world. They may «ii'C||2r^ 
also in the manner of their discharge o f ofly * 
The phrase is guarded in this way, I «iiH*% 
because of its application to Hwuy ^^^'^'^L^ 
who did not obstinately withdraw fr^mr^ 
world. Pih-e, and Shuh-te^e,— see V. «. TPf % 

chung should probably be Woo (^] 

He was the brother of T'ae-pih, called 

yung (4Af ^||)» vid ia mentioned in tki^i 

on Vm. 1. He retired with T*«e-pili t^ 

the barbarous tribes, then occupying the^ 

try of WoOi and succeeded to the 

them on his brotlier'a death. -^.^f^Ha.' i 

Choo-cbaug/ says Clioo 2ie, 'are not ^'^'^iiil^^^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



201 








piM 






ay be said of Hwuy of Lew-hea, and of ShaouJeen, that 
iered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons, 
rds corresponded with reason, and their actions were such 
Qxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked in them* 
y be said of Yu-chung and E-yih, that, while they hid 
1 their seclusion, they gave a license to their words, but, 
ms, they succeeded in preserving their purity, and, in 
ent, they acted according to the exigency of the times* 
L different from all these, I have no course for which I 
nined, and no course against which I am predetermined/' 
[X. 1. The grand music-master, Che, went to Ts^e* 
!er of the band cU the second meal, went to Ts^oo. Leaou, 
'er at the third meal, went to Ts^ae* Keueh, the band* 
fourth meal, went to Ts'in. 

»huh, the drum-master, withdrew to the north of the 
, the master of the hand-drum, withdrew to the Han. 



(ijK 19^'' ^ bowerer, 
% F^ou ft paMage In the 

A, U appean that Shaou- 
one of the barbarona tribea 
« v«U aeiiiiainted with, aa4 
ales i3i Piopiiety, particular- 

\ moumUg. 8. The g§, at 

Ua pangraph and the next, 

j^ Aa there ia aeitlier gS 

iQjuiig of par. 5, the -T' ^ 

rClj be carried on te the end 
auneRtators 4o not aeem to 

dty. «id ludemud ^ to 

-' He, £. tfp, the master, aaid,' 

he beat of it I conld. ^» 

B , * the order and aeries of 

i;fat8 and solicitudes of men*s 

^ in retirement, tliey gare a 
ds,'--thi8 is intended to thaw 



that in this respect thej were inferior to Hwny 

and Shaott-lSen, who ^ tff ^. WL—w 

note on IX, 29. 5. ConAidus' openness to ac$ 
according to circnmstanoes is to be understood 
as being always In subordination to right an4 
proprie^, 

9. Thb pispkrsioh or mn MTjaiciANa of u>ow 
The dispersion here narrated is supposed to 
haye taten place in the time of duice Gae, 
When once Confucius had reetifled the musio 
of Loo (DC 14), the musicians would no longer 
be assisting in the prost(t«tioa of their art, and 
so, as the dlsorganixation and decay proceeded, 
the cisi«f among them withdrew to other coun* 

tries, or from sodetj altogether, 1. '^hc-^'hi* 

as opposed to ^^, p. 5, 'grand,* and * assistant.* 

<The music-master, Che,'— see Vm. 15. 2, 
The princes of [China, it would appear, had 
music at their meals, and a separate ^d per* 
formed at each meal, or, poaaiblf , the band 
might be the same, but under the superintend 
dence of a eeparate officer at each meU. The 
emperor had four meals a day, and the princea 
of States only three, but it was the ^t«<Kv^^N^ 
of the duko ol Lo^ tA iuh^ \2Bk& ^mgksos;^:^^:^ ^ 



202 



CONFCCtAN AHALECT8. 




^ 







>dn 











due 

III ^ 




Yang, the assistant music-master, and Seang, master of the musicfll 
stone, withdrew to an island in the sea." 

Chapter X. The duke of Chow addressed his son^ the duke of 
Loo, saying, "The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. 
He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employ- 
ing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss fix)m 
their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one 
man talents for every employment." 

Chapter XL To Chow belonged the eight officers, Pih-tS, 
Pih-kwoh, Chung-tiih, Chung-hwuh, Shuh-yay, Shiih-hea, Ke^uji 
and Ke-kwa. 



the imperial household. Nothing is said here of 
the bandmaster at the first meal, perhaps be- 
cause he did not leave Loo, or nothing may 
have been known of him. 3. *The River* is of 

course * the Yellow River.* According to the j/U 
r? ^^ Mk' '^ ^^> ^^^ expressions y^ jj^ 
iST' T^ 1S^ ^)l£, are to be taken as meaning 
simply, — 'lived on the banks of the Ho, the 
Han.* The interpr. in the translation is after 
Choo He, who follows the glossarist HingTing. 
rthe ancient emperors had their capitals mostly 
north and east of * Uie River, hence, the coun- 
try north of it was called |^ %, and to the 

south of it was called |^ ^^ ^ ^^'^ "^ 
however, the applicability of this, to the 
Han, which is a tributary of the Yang-tsze, 
flowing through Hoo-pih. 5. It was from Seang 

that Confucius learned to play on the >^. 

10. Instructions of Chow-kcno to his son 

ABOUT government; a generous CONSIVERA- 
iiOM OF OTILKJUS TO BB CHBSUL&UBD. ^ ^"^ 



sec VI. 5. The facts of the case eeem to betlist 
the duke of Chow was himself appointed to the 
principality of Loo, but being detained at oohI 

by his duties to the young emperor Jw> keffot 

his son ^1^ "w", here called ' the duke of Loo^' 

to that state as his representative. jBf^ 
contains here the ideas both of rank and viTtas. 
j^ is read in the up. 2d tone, with the am 

meaning as ^^. Choo He, indeed, seenits 
think that ^ should be in the text, botvt 
have Jl^ in Ho An, who gives Kimg Gan-kwl{^ 
interpretation :-J(| ^ -J^. ^JtJt^&A 

He does not substitute the relatives of other 
in the room of his own relatives.' J^, 

^, * to UBe,' * to employ.' J^ j|[. 



COITFUCIAM ANALECTS. 



203 



TlTB FRUITPULlffBSS OP TIHB BARLT TIME 

I Chow ptvastt in able ofpicbm. The 
indiriduals mentioned here ^are said to 
leen brothers, four pairs of twins by the 
Dother. This is intimated in their names, 

o first hemg 4a, or prmij the next pair 
r aecundif the third ;^, or tertUf and the 



last two ^p. One mother, bearing iwins foot 

times in succession, and all proving distinguish- 
ed men, showed the vigour of the early days 
of the dynasty in all that was good.— It is dis- 
puted to what reign these brothers belonged, nor 

is their sumamo ascertained, i^, j^, ^^, 
', seem to be honorary designations. 



** * ^^^* »»i* * » — -^-. ^ -^- ^^ - ^ ^^ ^ p- ^^ -y^-^-^.^-^-^, ^ ^_^j^^^ 



BOOK XIX. TSZE-CHANG. 



^ 




^k^. m 




E 

















[AFTER I. Tsze-chanff said, " The scholar, trained far public 
seeing threatening aanger, is prepared to sacrifice his life, 
a the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of right- 
less. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. In mourn- 
his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel. Such a 
commands our approbation indeed." 

[APTEB II. Tsze-chang said, " When a man holds fast virtue, 
nthout seeking to enlarge i^ and believes right principles, but 
)ut firm sincerity, what account can be made of his existence 
m-existence ?" 

Confucius about the scholar-officer. ^ ^g*, 

— ^the danger is to be understood as threatening 
his country. Hing Ping, indeed, confines the 
danger to the person of the sovereign, for 
whom the officer will gladly sacrifice his life. 

^^ is the same as ^^^ in I. 7. Q 
is not to be explained by f|-, as in jj^ P, . 
The combination H. ^ has occurred before^ 

the preceding 'w, 

2. TSZE-CHANO ON NARROW-MIirDBDNBSS AKD 

A HESirATiNO FAITH. Hiug Plug interprets 
this chapter in the following way : — ' If a man 
grasp hold of hi« virtue, and is not widened and 



i>iKaoF THIS Book. — ^ E^ y^ -p 

rsze-chang— Ko. XIX.' Confucius does 

lear personally in this Book at all. Choo 
B : — * This Book records the words of the 
is, Tsze-hea being the most frequent 
:, and Tsze-kung next to him. For in 
oftician school, after Ten Yuen there 
one of such discriminating understand- 
Tsze-kung, and, after Tsftng Sin no one 
firm sincerity as Tsze-hea.' The dis- 
leliTer their sentiments very much after 
nner of their master, and yet we can 
a falling off from him. 

*S2»<3HAIfO'B OPINION OF THE OHIEF AT- 
m OF THE TBUE 8GHOLAB. ^, — 860 

i XIL 20| 1. Tsze-cbang there asks 



SOi 



COSroCUIl ABUICTi. 




Chapteb III. The disciples of Tsze-hea asked Tsze-chuig ftbont 
the principles of intercourse. Taze-chang asked, " What does Tne-f 
heasayonthesubject?" Theyreplied, "Tsze-hea says :—'A»)aill t 
with those who can advantage you. Put away from you those wil i 
cannot do so.^ Tsze-chang observed, " This is different from idut I s 
have learned. The superior man honours the talented and virtDoni; 
and bears with all. He praises the good, and pities the ioeo* 
patent Am I possessed of great talents and virtue?— who ii tha» k 
among men whom I will not bear with? Am I devoid of tiknO 
and virtue? — men will put me away from them. What hive* 
to do with the putting away of others?" 

Chapter IVT Tsze-hea swd, " Even in inferior studies and 
ployments there is something worth being looked at, but if it be ^ 



■ better to take the clkiuet u cooidin- 
Atc^utdnot dependrait oneacbothar. Wltbsb 
i^. ^ S^ we may compue XV. SS, vbich 
■uggert* the taking S/^ activelj. The two lait 
daoaet are perplexing. Choo He, after Gaa- 
kwd apparently, make* them equivalent to — ' ii 
of no coniideratiini in the norld' (ig ^? ^K 

3. THBDimWEDtOnMIOMOrTMB-HBAAND 

TRiB-cnAitaoMrHB pbikcii^bb which should 

kaoDUTI ODK iHTKBCODaBK WITH OTHBBa. On 

the diiciplea of Tue-hea, see the 4|^ S^, 
ta fee. It la itrange to me that thej ihould begin 
their aniwer to Tiie-chang with the deaif^liB- 
iitm -^ W, inilekd o( lajing ^ -T-, ■ oui 



^, the "^ ia taken differeotly Ytj^H'* 
terpretera and the new. King Pbg mif^' 
—' If the man be worthy, lit for joo to taf "- 
tercourae with, then have it, bat U !» I)^ ■" 
worthy,' &c. On the other hand, « W^ 
'If the man will adrantagEyoiiiheiitlt f** 
•on(^'^^)} th«ai maintain intow«» 
withhini,'^ TbiaaoeniatobeiDeRlya'TTi* 
out Confud™' rale, I, 8, S. Choo He, I»«2 
•pprore* of Tase^hang'a cmMre of 1^ ™ 
be think! also that laae-chang"! •>" 'j'l^ 
defective.— Paou Ueea aaya.— 'Oari***"^ 
with Oieoda ahonld be accordfog M l^"™* 
rniG; genaml intercoorae accaraiiig W"*' 

4. TBTB-HIA'a OMKIOH 0» IBI HUWf^ 

Lm OF s>u.L PCBflinta to ouit a"*™ 
Gardening, baibandry, divining, and the «*| 
u%wt,anall mentioaed by OuMBtM* 



206 



fxanmciAxt analects. 



> 





B» fi jS :^ a 

g»^ Tiff 

m 






Chapter YIIL Tsze-hea said, ^^ The mean man is sore 1 
his faults." 

Chapter IX. Tsze-hea said, '^llie superior man nn 
three changes. Looked at from a distance, he appears sten 
approached, he is mild ; when he is heard to speak, his Ian] 
firm and decided." 

Chapter X. Tsze-hea said, " The superior man, having ( 
their confidence, may then impose labours on his peope 
have not gained their confidence, they will think that he is 
ing them. Having obt-ained the confidence of his prince^ 
then remonstrate with him. If he have: not s^^ his coi 
the prince will think that he is vilifying him.' 

Chapter XI. Tsze-hea said, "When a person does not tn 
the boundary-line in the great virtues, he may pass and rep 
the small virtues." 



nicf, and all of one art were required to bare 
their riiops together. A son must follow his 
iather's profession, and, seeing nothing but the 
exercise of that around him, it was supposed 
that he would not be led to think of ^anything 
else^ and become Teiy proficient in it. 

8. GlOSSIIIG his FAUX.T8 IBB PBOOr or THS 

.mbanmani-^-btTszx-hsa. Lit, 'The faults 
of the mean man, must gloss,' i. &, ^ is sure to 

gloss. yT^ in this sense, a rerls low. 3d tone. 

9. ChaNOINQ APFEASAlfOBS OF THB SUPERIOR 

MAN TO OTHBRs:-^BT Tsza-HXA. Tszo-hoa 
probably intended Confticius bjr tiie Keitn-Uzey 
but there is a general applicability in his lan- 
guage and sentiments. ^ ;^, g|] ;^,— lit, 

*lobk towards him,* * approach him.'— The des- 
cription is about equivalent to our ^/(nrtiUr in 
re, mwiter in mdQ.* 



10. TRUKPOBTAxcsorsvjnyniot 

-TO THS BI«BT SBtTlHO OF 8UPBB10 
DCBDIO OF IMFXBIOBa : — ^BT TSZB-IUi 

^gires to ^s here the double meanii 
sincere,' and * being beliered in.' ' 
the proper force of the tenn, but it i 
possession of the focmer quality. 

11. Thb orbat TnennM ducamd 

ATIBNTION, AND THB 81CAX.L OlfBS IIA 

WHAT violatbd: — BT Tbsb-hba. 
ment here is very questionable. . 
turn howcTer, is giren to the cha 
older interpreters. Hing Ping, ezpau 
Gan-kw5 says : — * Men of great Tirti 
beyond the boundary-line; it is < 
those who are Tirtuous in a less degi 
near to it, going beyond and con 

V^^ «dfii\|[^ thA more natiinl intccp 



-^ 




COOTUCIAN A]SrALECT& 



%"%.%. I'J '\ 



207 




^ _ _>J 






^fe*m#^ 







4. 





^^.#^^*'i^.£ 



4, 







5i»0.IiJB.A 



AFTER XII. 1. Tsze-yew said, "The disciples and followers of 
hea, in sprinkling and sweeping the grouno, in answering and 
ing, in advancing and receding, are sufficiently accomplished* 
hese are only the branches o/ learning^ and they are left ignorant 
lat is essential. — How can they be acknowledged as sufficiently 

Tsze-hea heard of the remark and said, " Alas ! Yen Yew is 
y. According to the way of the superior man in teaching^ what 
tments are there which he considers of prime importance, and 
jrs? what are there which he considers of secondary impor- 
^ and allows himself to be idle about? But aa in the case of 
I, which are assorted according to their classes, so he deals with 
mples. How can the way of a superior man be such as to make 
of any of them ? Is it not the sage alone, who can unite in one 
^ginning and the consummation of learning ?^^ 

what wai external ^, read <Aae and «H up. 
l0t tone, 'to fprinkle.the ground before sweep* 
ing.' JH, upper 8d tone, < to aniwer a caU.' 

^, * to aoawer a question.' ^"k' baV at in 

VU.38. 2f!^^ if expanded by the paraphraata 

— ^4^ J^^^f *>• to that in which tbe 

root (or, what it essential) is/ This is, no doubt, 
the meaning, but the phrase itself is abrupt and 

enigmatical ^j2li'?"^^1^^W 
^^, in opposition to the ^ij IpT^ aboTe. 9* 

The general scope of Tsze-bea's reply is suffi- 
ciently plain, but the old interpreters and new 
differ in explaining the several sentaSLCfta* AX> 
ter dweUing long oa Vt^WkSi^^ «;GK»i%S6MSCi^ 



e. B9, <a piece of wood, in a doorway, 

img ingress and egress;' then, 'an in- 
' generally, ' a railing,' whatever limits 
fines. 

rsZE-UEA'S DBFSNCB OF HIS OWIT GBA- 
METHOD OF TEACHING : — AOAIltSTTsZE- 

1. j\\ ^r* is to be taken in apposition 

^ A , being merely, as we have found 

ously, an affectionate method of speak- 
he disciples. The sprinkling, ftc., are the 
vhich boys were supposed anciently to 
ht, the nidiments of learning, flrom which 
vanced to all that is inculcated in the 

f^. But as Tsce-hea's pupils were not 

it men, we should understand, I suppose, 
lecifications as but a contemptuous re- 

to bia instniaioD0y.a0 embi^acuv merely 



I 



208 



tOnmCIAH AKALECTS. 



^,* 









^#M#4.TT 



&T 




mm mm 








:^o2^ 












Chapter XIIL Tsze-hea said, ^^The officer, having dL 
all his duties, should devote his leisure to learning. The stude 
having completed his learning, should apply himself to be an office 

Chapter XIV. Tsze-hea said, ^^ Mourning, having been carried 
to the utmost degree of grief, should stop wiw that** 

Chapter XV. Tsze-hea said, ^^ My Mend Chang can do thinj 
which are hard to be done, but yet he is not perfectly virtuous." ^ 

Chapter XVI. The philosopher Ts&ng said, " How imposing ii 
the manner of Chang ! It is difficult along with him to pr&cdsft^ 
virtue." 

Chapter XVIL The philosopher Ts&ng said, ^'I heard tbi 
from our Master : — ^Men may not have shown what is in them to 
the full extent, and yet they will be found to do so, on occasion d\ 
mourning for their parents.'* » 

with tbe new school, and followed Choo He in I health or life by exoewlTe grief and aManoik 
the transUtion. t£ l» expUdned in the diet ^*- Taza-Ynw'a oponoH op TBu-cHiso,a 



18. Thb OFFICBK AHD THS S r UDKH T SHOULD 
ATTEND KjLCH TO HIS PBOPBB WORK III TUS FIB8T 

nrSTJLHCX :— BT TSZB-TBW. ^jt^^^^^Jt 

in 1. 6. — ^The saving needs to De much snpi^ 
mented in translating, in order to bring out its 
meaning. 

14. Trk t&apfikgs or mourxixo mat bb 
DUPBNSBD WITH: — ^BT TscB-TBw, The Senti- 
ment here is perhaps the same as thatof Confa- 
dos in m. i, but tne sage guards and explains 
his utterance. —KHmg Oan kwd^ following an 

expression in the ;St tj^, makes the meaning 

to be that tbt mour&et ma^ uol «a^»sxfBa ^ 



MnrDIBO TOO MUCH HIGH THINOS. 

16. Thb phxi^osophbb Tsabo's cxtkws ov 

TaSB-OHANO, AB TOO HIOH-PITCHSD POBFEIBaH' 

ship. *Qf^^ is explained in the diet by 1^ 

{^,2£-{^,*6xnberaat»"eoRBCt* It is ta 

be understood of Changes manner and sffes^ 
ance, keeping himself aloof firam odier mea iB 
his high-pitdoed course. 

17. How OBIEP FOB THB LOBS OV PAIXRi 
BBIB08 OUT THB BBAL BJLTVBB OP MTB : BT TliJiB 

Snr. 1^ is said to indicste the idess Mk «l 
1^ Q, <one*s self,' and j^ ^ 'natvsitr^ 
!^^^* to Fit one*! self oat to tbe vtnv^^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



209 



ai'if.^^a^ig^ 







... ^ 

E. <4 ^ 







r « k iif Jt nr 

' ;fi ^ ^ Hip. 

AFTER XVIII. The philosopher TsJtng said, "I have heard 
ipom our Maater : — 'The filial piety of MSng Chwang, in other 
jrs, was what other men are competent to, but, as seen in his 
hanging the ministers of his father, nor his father^s mode oi 
timent, it is difficult to be attained to.' " 
APTER XIX. The chief of the Mang family having appointed 

Foo to be chief criminal judge, the latter consulted the philo- 
ir TsJing. TsSng said, "The rulers have failed in their duties, 
the people consequently been disorganized, for a long time. 
1 you have found out the truth of any accusation^ be grieved 
id pity them, and do not feel joy at your own ability. ^^ 
APTER XX. Tsze-kung said, " Chow's wickedness was not so 

as that name implies. Therefore, the superior man hates to 



tiould say — * to come out fully,* L e., in 
oper nature and character. On the con- 

«o^ iK^ ifct ^||:^comp.XII. 

F W ^ ^ i^-^ »«^™ ^^ 

to that ^j^ and H^ -T* are like two 
res, both gOTcmed by ^. 

ThB riLIAL FIBTT OW MaNO ChWANO *. — 

LNO Si2f. Chwang was the honorary 
of Suh (|^)f the head of the Mftng 

not long anterior to Confucius. His 
ace. to Choo He, had been a man of 
lerit, nor was he inferior to him, but his 
especially appeared in what the text 
18. — Ho An gives the comment of Ma 
;hat though there were bad men among 
cr's ministers, and defects in his govem- 
et Chwang made no change in the one or 
er, during th? ^ee ycarg of mouruiog, 



and that it was this which constituted his ex- 
cellence. 

19. How A CRIMIKAL JUDOB SHOULD CUSRISH 
COMPASSION IN HIS ADMINISTRATION OF JUS- 
TIC B : — BY Ts ANO Sin. Seven disciples of Ts&ng 
Sin are more particularly mentioned, one of 

them being tliis Yang Foo. #7 is to be under- 
stood of the moral state of the people, and not, 
physically, of their being scattered from their 

dwellings. 4|§ has occurred before in the seme 
of—' the truth,' which it has here. 

20. Tub danoeb of a bad hamb : — bt Tszb- 
KUNO. ifp j& j^ I^, * so very bad as this ;• 

— ^the lhi8 (;^) is understood by Hing Ping as 

referring to the epithet — fi^^ which cannot be 
called honorary in this instance. According to 
the laws for mch \€ti&&)\Xiai^«XA— 1^^^^^^)^^ 



210 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



^ 








m M # it 




4.^ _ 
AZJ- 








A 



a 4 







k pW ^ ^ 

37^ ^ iH iK "T* 



H B 

dwell in a low-lying situation, where all the evil of the woi 
flow in upon him." 

Chapter XXI. Tsze-kung said, "The faults of the super 
are like the eclipses of the sun and moon. He has his fau 
all men see them ; he changes again, and all men look up to 

Chapter XXII. 1. Kung-sun Ch'aou of Wei asked Tsa 
saying, "From whom did Chung-ne get his learning?'' 

2. Tsze-kung replied, "The doctrines of Wan and Wool 
yet fallen to the earth. They are to be found among mei 
of talents and virtue remember the greater principles of th 
othei's, not possessing such talents and virtue, remember the 
lytiLs^ all possess the doctrines of Wan and Woo. Where a 
]\Iaster go that he should not have an opportunity of leamin 
And yet what necessity was there for his having a regular i 

moon being here spoken of togeth 
must be confined to 'eclipees,' but 
also applied to the ordinary waning 

22. COKPUCIUS' 80UBCK8 OF KSOW 
THR RECOLLECTIONS AND TRADITK 

PRINCIPLES ON Wan and Woo: — bt 
1. Of the questioner here we hare i 
morial. His surname indicates that 
scendant of some of the dukes of Vi 
how he calls Confucius by his de 

^r|t ^or'NeMCMuftcs.' (There 
brother, ft<0Dcubiae*s Km, who wai 




;, ' cruel and unmerciful, injuripus to right- 

eousncss.' If the ^^ docs not in this way 

rufcr to the name, the remark would seem to 
have occurred in a conversation about the 

wickedness of Chow. t\ vft is a low- lying 

Rituation, to which the streams flow and waters 
drain, representing here a bad reputation^ which 
gets the credit of every vice. 

21. TlIK SUPERIOR M\N DOBS NOT CONCEAL 
Illft ERRORS, NOR PERSIST IN TIIEX *. — BY TSZB- 

KUNG. Such is the lesson of this chapter, as 
expanded io the M ^g . Th€ sun and the 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS 



211 



MZ% 











O 





=f- ZW ^*^ Mo*^ *f 



IB*^ 






m.^z 





PTER XXIII. 1. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh observed to the great 
I in the court, saying, "Tsze-kung is superior to Chung-ne." 
Tsze-fuh King-pih reported the observation to Tsze-kung, 
id, " Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompa^- 
11. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep 
, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. 
" The w^all of my master is several fathoms high. If one do 
d the door and enter by it, he cannot see the ancestral tem- 
:h its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. 
" But I may assume that they are few who find the door. 
ot the observation of the chief only what might have been 
ed?" 



[}l j^ ^ ^, 'How did Chung-ne 
ttt the 'how'^'from whom?' The 
B below, howerer,— ^ "^ ^ ^ 

onnded as in ihe transUtion, might 

^om * what quarter ?' rather than 'from 
Bon?' as the proper rendering. The 
e ia taken by modem commentators, as 
Conf. connate knowledge, but Gan- 
in it only a repetition of the statement 
age found teachers everywhere. 

IZB-KUKO REFDDIATBS BKINO THOUGHT 

TO COMFUCIUS, AMD, BT THE COMFABI- 

UO08B AMD WALL, SHOWS HOW ORDI- 

PLB COULD NOT L'MOEUSTAND THE MaS- 

j£ waa the hon« epithet of Cliow Kew 
), one of the chiefs of the Shuh-sun 
horn a meaUoa of liiis in the ^ ^, 



fl3 IBI Jm' ^^ ™^^ conclude that he waa 
given to envy and detraction. ^^, — used here 
8S in XI. 15, 1. 2. Tsze-fuh King-pih,-— see 

XrV. 88. @ ;^ ^ flS»-"^ is to be 

taken genertdly for a house or building, and not 
in its now. common acceptation of *a palace.' 
It is a poor house, as representing the disciple, 
and a ducal mansion as representing his master. 
Many commen. make the wall to be the sole ob- 
ject in the comparison, and *^ 1^=^^ J^ 

1^. It is better, with the "^^^ to take both 
the house and the wall as members of the comp., 
and "gp IIS^^ ^ Ji^* 'Tlie wall is not a 

part of the house, but one inclosing it. 8. VfJ 
means 7 cubits. I have translated it — * fatKom&« 
4. The ^ ^ Taei^ Wite^ \;^i^ «>-i&L\>icu 



212 



CONFUCIAN analects: 



7i^4. 






nAM 



^.1" n WiM. ^ ^t, \ii 




i^m^n 







~T* -^ jii 




^' 



n 



^■^ 












Chapter XXIV. Shuh-sun Woo-shuh having spoken revili 
tof Chung-ne, Tsze-kung said, " It is of no use doing so. Clrnr 
cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hiU 
and mounds, which may be stept over. Chung-ne is the sui 
moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man 
wish to cut himself off from tlie sage^ what harm can he do tc 
8un or moon ? He only shows tnat he does not know his 
capacity." 

Chapter XXV. 1. Tsze-kHn, addressing Tsze-kung, said, " 
are too modest. How can Chung-ne be said to be superior to y( 

2. Tsze-kung said to him, " For one word a man is oflen dee 
to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to be foolish, 
ought to be careful indeed in what we say. 

3. "Our Master cannot be attained to, just in the same wa 
the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair. 



24. Confucius is likb thb acn or hook, 

BIOH ABOVB THB RBACH OF DBFRBCIATION : — ^BT 

TszB-KUNO. ^|J[^'^ ^B explained by Choo 
He (and the gloss of Hing Ping is the same) aa 

^1^ M ^ iH^' '^^ ^ ^^ °o ^^ to ^^^ ^^>-' 

derstood, ace. to the j^ "^^ as embracing all 

other sages. ^ W^'''^^ ^^^^ supplied *fr<m 
the sage^* r.rter most modem paraphrasts. Hing 
^ixig, hQFerer, suppUts '/rom th sub andmwnu* 



The meaning comes to the same. Cb 
says that ^^ here is the same with ffp^ 

Hmg Ping takes it as»^, ' jnst.* This 

ing of the char, is not given in the diet 
but it is necessary here; see supplement 1 

Ping's j^, m he 
25. CoMFucnrs oak bo mobb bb bqi 

THAN THE HEAVENS CAN BB CUBBID 

TszB-KUKO. We find it difficult to cone 
the sage*s disciples speaking to one anoi 
X8se-k*in does here to Tsse-kang^ sa^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



21* 




It 







^^ 





^t,% 



, :^«7» pT 




L, 











it # W 

** Were our Master in the position of the prince of a State or the 
of a Family, we should find verified the description which has 
given of a sage^s rule : — ^he would plant the people, and forthwith 
would be established ; he would!^ lead them on, and forthwith 
would follow him ; he would make them happy, and forthwith 
tudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate them, 
forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he 
d be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented, 
is it possible for him to be attained to ? ** 



ij8 that this was not the disciple Tsze- 
it another man of the same surname and 
ition. But this is inadmissible, especially 
od the same parties, in L 10, talking about 

jracter of their master. 1. *7> '^^ ^^, 
re doing the modest.* 2. "& -7* has 
I lightest meaning. The 4JS 'B' makes 
i^.««.tadenVbut<.m«»,'Minthe 



transL, is quite as much as it denotes. Comp. iti 

^^must be understood hypothetically, because 
he never was in the position here assigned to 
him. ^,— AS in X. 10, 1. ^ is for ^^ m 

in I. 6. ^,-a« in XVL 1, 11. ||| ;2l»-" 
in XV.d2, 8. ;^, them, *the people* being al- 
ways understood. 



.^■■■■ .-■.i .--.- ■ • nn i -wu w .r i tujLi^ 



214 



CONFUCIAir AKALECTSi 




BOOK XX. YAOU YUE. 



# m 4> ii„+. 



i>i:^%^^ mm 




■^ fm *fp 






iM0,m 



^ 0j 





^ 







^^%W.^.Bm 





f-TK^:^ 



Chapter I. 1. Yaou said, " Oh ! you, Shun, the Heaven-deter^ 
mined order of succession now rests in your person. Sincerely hol^ 
fast the Due Mean. If there shall be distress and want within tU^ 
four seas, your Heavenly revenue will come to a perpetual end." 

2. Shun also used the same language in giving charge to Yuu 

3. T^ang said, " I, the child Le, presume to use a dark-coloui^ 
victim, and presume to announce to Thee, most great and sovereia i 
God, that the sinner I dare notpardon, and thy ministers, God| /^ 
I do not keep in obscurity. The examination of them is by thy /' j 
mind, God. If, in my person, I commit offences, they are not r4: 
to beattributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in [• B 
the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest ob 



'^r 



my person. 

HbADIH G OF THIS BoOK.— ^^ ^ ^K *^- 

-^, *Yaouaaid— No.XX.' Hing Ping says :— 

'This records the words of the two emperors, 
the three kings, and of ConfUcios, throwing 
light on the excellence of the ordinances of 
Heaven, and the transforming power of govern- 
ment. Its doctrines are all those of sages, wor- 
thy of heing transmitted to posteritv. On this 
account, it brings up the rear of all the other 
books, without any particular relation to the 
one immediately preceding.' 

1. Principles and ways or Yaou, Shun, 
Tu, T^ANO, and Woo. The first five paragraphs 
here are mostly compiled from different parts 
of the Shoo-king. But there are many varia- 
Uona of laoguage. The compiler may have 



thought it sufficient, if he gave the sabitio«^ 
the original in his quotations, withoot «» 
to observe a verbal accuracy, or, poMibl7f flf 
Shoo-king, as it was in his days, n^X^^ 
tained the passages as he gives them, m w 
variations be owing to the burning of "'^'^ 
the classical books by the founder ^'f ^ ?r 
dynasty, and their recoveiy and restorttMWjf 
mutilated state. 1. We do not find this wm 
of Yaou to Shun in the Shoo-king, Ft ^ b^9 
different sentences may be gathered fn» *»^» 
ii. 14, 16, where we have the charge of 8mJ» 
Yu. Yaou*8 reign commenced B. C. ^^^f^ 
after reigning 73 years, he resigned the ■W' 
istration to Shun. Hedied.,B.a»5e,irf,2J 
years after, Shun occupied the throne, tew ^ 

dieocetothe will of the people. ^i^^P^ 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



215 



tm.z 






%A^^ A 



fj, % mm ^f m 'A M ^ 

!^i iHk Si Ki Mo -Si ?E 




loR :^. 1^ 





^ 




Chow conferred great gifts, and the good were enriched. 
" Although he has his near relatives, they are not equal to 
/irtuous men. The people are throwing blame upon me, the 



man. 



He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined 
body of the laws, restored the discarded officers, and the good 
srnment of the empire took its course. 

He revived states that had been extinguished^ restored fami- 
whose line of succession had been broken, and called to office 
\e who had retired into obscurity, so that throughout the empire 
hearts of the people turned towards him. 

What he attached chief importance to, were the food of the 
pie, the duties of mourning, and sacrifices. 

By his generosity, he won all. By his sincerity, he made the 
pie repose trust in him. By his earnest activity, his achieve- 
Lts were great. By his justice, all were delighted. 



the represented and calculated numbers 
ivcn,' I. e., the diyisions of the jear, its 
t, months, and days, all described in a ca- 
r, as they succeed one another with deter- 
i regularity. Here, ancient and modem 
preters agree in giving to the expression 
leaning which appears in the trnuslation. 
f obserre here, that Choo He differs often 
the old interpreters in explaining these 
kgcs of the Shoo -king, but I have follow^ 
leaving the correctness or incorrectness of 
lews to be considered in the annotations 

te Shoo'king. 8. Before Q here we must 

rstaod |^, the designation of the founder 
e Shang dynasty. The sentences here may 
fetUace he otdlected ijrom the Shoo-kiog* 



PtIV.ia.4,8. I)ownto|^^^4^\is« 

prayer addressed to God by T*ang, on his un- 
dertaking the overthrow of the Hea dynasty, 
which he rehearses to his nobles and people, 
after the completion of his work. Twang's name 

was ^^. We do not find in the Shoo-king the 

remarkable designation of Ood — 1^ ^ |^ 

^ffi*. For the grounds on which I translate ^^ 

by Godf see my work on *The notions of the 

Chinese concerning God and Spirito.' J^,now 

generally used for < empress,' was anciently 
used for * sovereign,' and applied to the emper- 
ors. Here, it is an adjectWcs ^ Vcv v^p^««i&'aQ^ 



216 



CONFUCIAN ANAI^CTS. 










1-H 




ms 






01JI 

;i B M W W Pi Ji:( 

MM 











Chapteb IL 1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius, saying, "Inwkit 
way should a person in authority act in order that he may condoet 
government properly ?" The Master replied, " Let him honour lie 
five excellent, and banish away the four bad, things ; — then may he 
conduct government properly. ' Tsze-chang said, " What are meant 
by the five excellent things?" The Master said, *' When theper8(HL 
in authority is beneficent without great expenditure ; when he lajf 
tasks on the people without their repining; when Yiq pursues what he 
desires without being covetous ; when he maintains a dignified eaM 
without being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce." 

2. Tsze-chang said, " What is meant by being beneficent withoul 
great expenditure?" The Master replied, "When the person*^ 



and Ust emperor of the Hea dynasty. *Tfae 
ministers of Grod' are the able and virtuous men, 
whom T'ang had called, or would call, to office. 

By 1^ ^'^'Aa^ T<ang indicates that, in his 

punishing or rewarding, he only wanted to act 

inharmony with the mind of God. ft|J^jf£ 

:*"=^ :*" ^hKi^ ^ .1 ." i- »^« 

transL In the diet, it is said that Jyj[ and J^ 

are interchanged. This is a case in point 4. 
In the Shoo-king, Pt V. iii. 8, we find king 

Woo «ying ;^^|^ gg 1^ ifij H ^ 

\m fS^^ '^ distributed great rewards through 

the empire, and all the people were pleased and 
submitted.' 6. See the Shoo-kmg, Pt V. i. sect 

n.6.7. The subject in g|:gJ3^ is ^ 
or J^, tyrant of the Yin dynasty. ^,— in 
tiie sense of ^. jjfi is used in the sense of 

^, 'to blame.'— The people found fault with 

him, because he did not come to save them from 
their suff^ings; by destto/iog th«ir qppretwar. 



The remaining paragraphs are descriptive ff J 
the policy of king Woo, but cannot, exoeplill 
the 8th one, be traced in the present Shoo-kio|. 
H> par. 9, is in the low. 8d tone. SeeXVIL 

6, which chap., generally, resemUes this ptfs* 
graph. 

2. How OOVXBRBOUIT MAT BB COKDOCTI^, 
WITH BFFICIBNCT, BT HOXOUBIBO FITS IZCIi^ 
LRMT THINGS, AMD PUmilG AWAY POOB B*# 
THINGS: — A CONVRBSATION WITH Tsi«-CH1I% 

It is understood that this chapter, and the SB^ 
give the ideas of Confucius on goTemmesli % 
a sequel to those of the ancient sages snd ^ 
perors, whose principles are set forth in the li^ 
chapter, to show how Confucius waa 

proper successor. 1. On :^ jflS^ see VI ^ 
the gloss of the 4& '^ says — ^ 'S ^ 

here denotes generally the practioe of 
ment It is not to be taken as un" 
minister.* We may, howerer, retain 
meaning of the phrase, Confuciiu 
principles to be observed by all in sn 

vbifih jfili flAd ia tbetusbat llMii 



CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 



21T 







1^ Bo If ^ ^ ^»^ pi ^ 

r f 

rify makes more beneficial to the people the things from which 
naturally derive benefit; — ^is not this being beneficent with- 
reat expenditure? When he chooses the labours which are 
tr, and makes them labour on them, who will repine? When 
»ires are set on benevolent government^ and he realizes it, who 
ccuse him of covetousness ? Whether he has to do with many 
B or few, or with things great or small, \ie does not dare to in- 
j any disrespect ; — ^is not this to maintaiti a dignified ease with- 
ny pride? He adjusts his clothes and cap, and throws a dignity 
lis looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe ; — ^is 
lis to be majestic without being fierce ?** 

Tsze-chang then asked, " What are meant by the four bad 
J?" The Master said, "To put the people to death without 
g instructed them ; — ^this is called cruelty. To require from 

suddenly^ the full tale of work, without having given them 
ng: — this is called oppression. To issue orders as if without 
cy, at first J and, when the time comes, to insist on them with 





T^II^»^S.W^ 



mt The ^ a f aroun this riew. 
pwaphrue in loc. I hare therefore 
Bd 3* "T* by — ' a person la authority.' 

^^,— 4ee IV. 18, though the appli- 
l the tenns there is different. ^^ jfn 
,-«eXm. 26^ J^Bp ^&-«^ 
2. Q^ S;S'2% ^ instanced by 
w^xm of i«nrictilt«re. ^ W^X^ J 



is instanced by the empbyment of the people 

in advantageous public works. W^f^-^T'TT 

is explained : — * Desire for what is not proper 
is covetousness, but if, while the wish to have 
the empire overshadowed by his benevolence 
has not reached to universal advantaging, his 
desire does not cease, then, with a heart impa- 
tient of people's evils, he administers a govern- 
ment impatient of those evils. What he desires 
is benevolence, and what he gets la tb^ %i»xcA\ 

—•how can he \)e lesio^^ «a ^QiH^V3i^*t^ '^(^ 



318 



CONFUCI&B AlrALECT& 










iX^ 



mZA 




severity ; — ^this is called injury. An37ge^^rally speaking, to gi 
jpay or rewards to men, and yet to do it in a stingy way;— this 
called acting the part of a mere official." 

Chapter III. 1. The Master said, "Without recognizing thi 
ordinances of Heaven^ it is impossible to be a superior man. 

2. " Without an acquaintance with the rules of Propriety, it i 
impossible for the character to be established. 

3. " Without knowing the force of words, it is impossible to kn 



men. 

It explained here by ^^, 'to require from.* 

We nmy get that meaning out of the char^ 
whichs'to examine,' *to look for.* A good 
deal haa to be supplied, here and in the sentences 
below, to bring out the meaning as in the trans- 
lation. 3[^ ;^ is explamed by J>^ ;^, and 
•eems to me to be nearlyoeour *on the whole.* 
m nL — 'giving out,' L e^/rom Mis and ' pre- 
senting,^ ue^ to that. The whole is understood 
to refer to rewarding men for their services, and , 
doing it in an unwilling and stingy manner. 

8. TlU OSDXMAXOJBB OT HlUTSV» THE SULB8 



or Fbopbistt, avd the vobcm or Wokm, 

KBCESSART TO BB KKOWV. 1. ^ heVB 11 

only * knowing,' but ' believing and restiiif ii 

^^ u the will of Heaven regarding nght 

wrong, of which nuui has the standard in hii ( 
moral nature. If this be not reoognised, si 
is tiie slave of passion, or the sport of ~ 

2. Compare VIII. 8, 2. S. ^ here 

much thought and examination of prisctp 
Words are the voice of the heart. To knov 
man, we must attend well to what and hot 
thinks. 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



31d 



l.#W3^A4.^IL 



^ jI: ^ ^ J pt : 







My master^ the philosopher ChHng^ says: — " The Great Learning is 
a hook left by Confucius^ and forms the gate by which first learn- 
ers enter into virtue. That we can now perceive the order in 
which the ancients pursued their learning^ is solely ounng to the 
preservation of this work, the Analects and Mencius coining after 
it Learners must commence their course with thisj and then it 
may be hoped they mil be kept from error. -^ 

LB OF THE Work. — -Jir ^^, 'The Great 

ing.* I have pointed out, in the prolego- 

the great difference! which are found 
; Chinese commentators on this Work, on 
i erery point connected with the criticism 
iterpretation of it. We encounter them 
n the rery threshold. The name itself is 
r the adoption of the two commencing 
sters of the treatise, according to the 
Q noticed at the beginning of the Analects; 

explaining those two cliaracters, the old 

3w schools differ widely. Anciently, yr 

iad as Hh^, and the oldest commentator 

notes on the work are preserved, Ch4ng 

-thing, in the last half of the second 

7, said that the book was called y& ^^, 

inded that extensive learning, which was 
ble for the administration of government.' 
iew is approved by K'ung Ying-tft (^\j 

S), whose expansion of K*ang-shing*s 
written in the first half of the 7th century, 
(mains. He says — y^ ^^, ^ j^ A , 

y means the highest principles/ Choo 



He's definition, on the contrary, i 

i^ A^^ik^'i^ ^ mean, the 
Learning of Adults.' One of the paraphrasta 
who follow him says— ^^ ^ ^^ ^, &^ 

/|\ -4p ^^, ' j^ means adults, in opposition 

to children.' The grounds of Choo He's interpr. 
are to be found in his very elegant preface to 
the Book, where he tries to make it out, that 
we have here the subjects taught in the advanced 
schools of antiquity. I have contented myself 
with the title — ' The Great Learning,' which it 
a literal translation of the characters, whether 

read as Hj* S*, or -^r MS^. 

The intboductort note. — ^I have thought it 
well to translate this, and all the other notes 
and supplements appended by Choo He to the 
original text, because they appear in nearly all 
the editionsof the work, which fall into the hand* 
of students, and his view of the clasaics is what 
must be regarded as the orthodox one. The 
translation, which is here given, is also, for the 
most part, according to his views, though mjr 
own differing opinion will be found freely ex- 
pressed in the notes. Another version, follow- 
ing the order of the text, before it was trans- 
posed by him and his masters, the ChHng, and 
without reference Iq Vna VEkXcit'gc^XA^iQ^Vt^^X)^ 



1 



fio 



THE OnSAT LEABRDro 



fg Z. 1^ ^'^ 




THE TEXT OF COKFUCIUS. 



1. What the Great Learning teaches, is — ^to illustrate illustriow 
virtue ; to renovate the people ; and to rest in the highest excelleDcc 

2. The point where to rest being known, the object of pnmiit 
is then determined; and, that being determined, a calm unperturbed- 
ness may be attained. To that calmness there will succeed a tranquil 




found in the tnmBlation of the Le-ke. — «^j|S 

•7*,— see note to the Ana. 1. 1 The Chlng 
here, is the second of the two brothers, to whom 
tef erence is made in the prolegomena. JpT pt i 

'Confucius,' the K'ung, as ^^ i» found 

continually in the Analects for the Ke, «. e., the 
5*hief of the Ke family. But how can we wy 
that 'The Great Learning* is a work left by 
Confucius? Eren Choo He ascribes only a 
■mall portion of it to the Master, and makes 
the rest to be the production of the disciple 
Tsfing, and before his time, the whole work was 
attributed generally to the sage's grandson. I 
should be glad if I had authority for taking 

;^ p^ M^^[^ P^ , the Confucian school. 

Chapter I. Tns tbxt of Coirrccics. Such 
Choo He, as will be seen from his concluding 
note, determines this chapter to be, and it has 

been dirided into two sections (^), the first 

containing three paragraphs, occupied with the 

keade (|||| ^) of the Great Learning, and the 

second containing four paragraphs, occupied 

irith the partiadars (j^ § ) <>' ^^<>^* 

Par. 1. The headt of the Great Leafninff, -^ 

J|L ^ ^»^' ^® ^<^7 ^^ ^^« Oi^^ Learning,' 
^ being=^g^ %:^'^^,'the methods 
of cultivating and practising it,'— -the Great 
learning, that is. i;^, Ms in.' The first ^ is 
a verb ; the second is an adjective, qualifying 
^&. The illustrious virtue is the virtuous na- 
ture which man derives from Heaven. This is 
perverted as man grows up, through defects of 
the physical constitution, through inward lusts, 
and through outward seductions ; and the great 
business of life should be, to bring the nature 
back to its original purity. — *To renovate the 
people,' — this object of the Great Learning is 

made out, by changing the character jjM of the 

old text into ^. The Ch'ing first proposed the 

alteration, and Choo He approved of it When 
a man has entirely illustrated hia own illustri- 



ous nature, he has to proceed to bring ibeil 
the same result in every other man, till 'vdcr | 
heaven' there be not an -individual, whokBrt j 
in the same condition as himself. — * The hjghijj 
excellence ' is understood of the two prerM 
matters. It is not a third and difi*erent oljecl 
of pursuit, but indicates a persevennce is tki 
two others, till they are perfectly aocompluM 
— According to these explanations, the oljedf 
contemplated in the Great Learning, sre sot 
three, but two. Suppose them realised, uA n 
should have the whole world of maakiiid f»^ 
fectly good, every individual what he oogfatls 
be! ' 

Against the above interpretation, we haie to 

consider the older and simpler. «gi* ^^ 

not the aoAone, but aimply virtue, or rirtiMi 
conduct, and the first object in tlie GnA 
Learning is the making of oneVsrif more us 
more illustrious in virtue, or the prictiee of fe^ 
nevolence, reverence, filial piety, kindaesi^ na 

rinccritjr. Seethej^^C^^^gjI- 

loe, — There is nothing, of course, of the mM«M. 
o/^t^/^eoyife, in this Interpretation. TheieoiM 

object of the Great Leaning is jB |S»|| 

^ ^ ^* '^ ^^^® ^^ people. -The M 
object is said by Ting-t& to be * hi lettiaf ii 
conduct which is perfectly good (^ (£ J{ 

seem to be only two objects, for wlist efMotij 
distinction can we make between the M i" 
third? There will be occasion belov to tm 

to the reasons for changing jffl into %*' 

their unsatisfactorincss. ' To love the yK^% 
doubtless, the second thing taught by the GRll 
Tjeaming. — Having the heads of the Gn* 
licaniing now before us, according to botbn^ 
terpretations of It, we fed that the ^^'^^ 
it should be an emperor, and not sn ocdiitfT 
man. ^, 

Par, 2. The mental process by vkick tkt /«» 
of rest may be attained. I con^ss that I doiw 
well understand this par., in the relation w I* 
parts in itself, nor in relation to the rert rf "* 

chapter. Choo He says :— * jj[^ is the ff^ 

where weought to restf-HUimely, thshi^Ni^*'* 



!•• 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



221 








5. In that repose there may be careful deliberation, and that 
ration will be followed by the attainment of die desired end. 

Things have their root and their completion. Affairs have 
end and their beginning. To know wnat is first and what 

will lead near to what is taught in the Great Learning. 
The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through- 
le empire, first ordered well their own States. Wishing to 
well their States, they first regulated their families. Wishing 
ulate their families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing 
tivate their persons, they first rectified their hearts. Wishing 





mentioned above. Bat if this be known 
itset, where is the necessity for the «^, 
fill deliberation,' which issues in its at- 
t? The paraphnuts make ^ f[- to 

I even all that is understood hj tS^ ml 

f below. — ^Ying-tft is perhaps rather 

telligible. He says : — * When it is known 
! rest is to be in the perfectly good, then 
d has flzednesB. So It is free from con- 
ice, and can be still, not engaging in 
ng pursuits. That still leads to a re- 
i hurmony of the feelings. That state 
'eelings fits for caieAil thought about 

:^J@. it <*♦)•«»« »•»««<»'» 

that what is ri|[ht in affturs is attained.' 
L the par. just intimates that the objects 
J. L. being so great, a calm, serious, 
fulness is required in proceeding to seek 
tainment. 

8. The order of things and methods in the 
eding paragraphs. So, aoc. to Choo He, 
s par. winil up the two preceding. *The 
tlon of yirtue,' he says, * is the root, and 
ovation of the people is the completion 
i branches). Knowing where to rest is 
nning, and being able to attain is the end. 
>t and the beginning are what is first, 
npletion and end are what is lust* — ^The 
Its of the old commentators say, on the 
jr, that this par. is introductoiy to the 



Buoceeding ones. They contend that the illus* 
tration of virtue and renovation of the people 

are doings (^^), and not things ({mJ)- Acc. to 

them, the things are the person, heart, thoughts^ 
&c., mentioned below, which are ' the root,' and 
the family, kingdom, and empire, which are 
' the branches.' The ajffhirs are the various pro* 
cesses put forth on those things. — ^This, it seema 
to me, is the correct interpretation. 

Par. 4. The different steps bg which the iUmstra* 
tion of illustrious virtue throughout the empire mag 

derstood by the school of Choo He as embracing 
the two first objects of the Great Learning, the 
illustration, namely of virtue, and the renova- 
tion of the people. We are not aided in deter- 
mining the meaning by the synthetic arrange* 
mcnt of the different steps in the next par. , for 

the result arrived at there is simply — ^^ V% 

4*, ' the whole empire was made tranquil.'-^ 

Ying-tft's comment is— ^^ St ^ ^ ^ 

fi^ 1^ ^ ^ "F' *to dispUy illustriously 
their own illustrious virtue (or, virtues), making 
them reach through the whole empire.' But 
the influence must be very much transforma- 
tive. Of the several steps described, the cen- 
tral one is i&^y 'the cultivation of the person^' 

which, uideed, \b ccilLedL 3fe> ^^'^ ^^o^xJ ^"^ '^^' 



222 



THE GBEAT LEARNING. 



mroi^ 



w 




-#r- l^^ al^ -l-f- nflr, M- -tf- V 






to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in thar 
thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first ex- 
tended to the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of know- 
'' ledge lay in the investigation of things. 

5. Things being investigated, knowledge became complete. 
Their knowledge being complete, their thoughts were sincere. Their 

chapter is followed by i^^^J^^ {ttlS 



6. This requires * the heart to he correct,' and 
that again * that the thoughts be sincere.' Choo 

He defines Aj) " :^ j^ J^ ^» '▼hat the 
body has for iU lord,' and ^ as ^ ^ffx 
^, < what the i(^ sends forth.' Ying-t& says : 

-16 -S H i IS :^ AaN •«»* ^w«* 

comprehends and embraces all considerings is 

cUed the 45>i' ;g jf ^ 1^ ;^ II ;^ 

jj^, *the thoughts under emotion are what is 

called jgP«' f(^ is then the meta-physical part 

of our nature, all that we comprehend under 
the terms of mind or soul, heart, and spirit. 
This is conceived of as quiescent, and when its 
Bctirity is aroused, then we have thoughts and 
imrposes relative to what affects it. The *■ b»- 

ing sincere' is explained by f^T, 'reaL* The 
sincerity of the thoughts is to be obtained by 
jS^ ^, which means, ace. to Choo He, 'carry- 
ing our knowledge to its utmost extent, with 
the desire that there may be nothing which it 
shall not embrace.' This knowledge, finally, is 

realized >^^^4^« The same authority takes 
^h, * things,' as embracing, ^, * affairs,* as 

well. jAy sometimesaaj^, *to come or extend 
to,' and assuming that the *■ coming to' here is by 
study, he makes its=^e Hp *to examine ex- 
haustively,' so that ' is^ Mn means exhausting 

by examination the principles of things and af- 
fairs, with the desire that their uttermost point 
may be reached.' — ^We feel that this explanation 
cannot be correct, or that, if it be correct, the 
teaching of the Chinese sage is far beyond and 
above the condition and capacity of men. How 
can we suppose that, in order to secure sincerity 
of thought and our self-cultivation, there is ne- 
cessarily the study of all the phenomena of 
physics and metaphysics, and of the events of 
history ? Moreover, Choo He's view of the two 
last clauses is a consequence of the alterations 
which he adopts in the order of the text. As 
that exists in the Le-ke, the 7th par. of this 



^ ;;^ |g -f^, which he has transf ened inA 

made the 5th chapter of annotations. Tinf-fi's 
comment on it is : — * Tkt root means the penm. 
The person (t. e., personal character) bang rs> 
garded as the root, if one can know his on 
person, this is the knowledge of the root; yes, 
this is the very extremity of knowledge.' If i^ 
apply this conclusion to the clauses under m^^ 
it is said that wishing to make our tfaoajM 
sincere we must first carry to the utmosto^ 
self-knowledge, and this extension of self-kiiov* 

ledge :^;|i^(^. Now, the change of Hie s^ 
indicates that the relation of ^ ^ and ||f 

^ is different from that of the parts ia m 

other clauses. It is not said that to get the cat 
thing we must first do the other. RstiMril 

seems to me that the ij^ Mf la a oooasqaMie 
of ^ ^, that in it is seen the other. Kov, 
g^, *a rule or pattern,' and TF, **© «n«^' 
are accepted meanings of ^i^, and fj^ Mifl 
taken generally and loosely assfU^ ^ |§ 
(^ will teUus that, when his sdf-knowMfsli 

complete, a man is m law to himseli^ ™^'^'*'^ 
and measuring correctly, all things with wUdi 
he has to do, not led astray or bedooM Igp 
them. This is the interpretation strosiKly iai^ 

ed on ^y j^^l^^^ ^^ antiior of the "jIF 

^(C^^^gt^^- It is the only view irto 

any sympathy with which I can place my 

In harmony with it, I would print 

^J^ as a par. by itself, between theaasly* 

and synthetic processes described in pair* V^ 
Still there are difficulties connected with it, sad 
I leave the vexed questions, regretting o^a^ 
inability to clear them up. 
Par, 5. 7^ syaMetu o/*tA«/Nneeed£sf ^MMMa 

Observe the Sj^ of the preceding par. is 




into ^, and how ^ now/h^eomef |^ 



) 



J 



US. 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



22S 






^ 





J^. ^ 



m 




ft. viiN 




.„ W ]?^ ft Jlit '^. 




:M: 



^ 




)^ ^ij> ^ 






;5F^^ 



W ^» W M. 




^ 




^» *o Ji ^ ^. # i^. 



;hts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts 
rectifieo^ their persons were cultivated. Their persons being 
ated, their families were regulated. Their families being 
ited, their States were rightly governed. Their States 
rightly governed, the whole empire was made tranquil and 



r. 



From the emperor do^vn to the mass of the people, all must 1 
ler the cultivation of the person the root of every thing A 



9. 



It cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what should 
r from it will be well ordered. It never has been the case that 
was of great importance has been sUghtly cared for, and, at the 
time, that what was of slight importance has been greatly cared 



». jg if expUfaied by 'jA^ J^, 'the 
ruling,' and *^ by ]|| ^^, <the re- 
B is need for ^^, as in p. 2. 

Jk The atkiv€aion of ths penon is the 
adkal, tkbig required from otL I have 
Te that the Great Learning is adapted 

an emperor, bat it is intimated here 
peopk also may take part in it in their 

3^ "T*! '^n of Hearen,' a designa- 
1* emperor, J[JJl ^ f^ ^ ^, be- 
I is ordained by Hearen.' ^^ ■fesa 
^ 'all.' Ching K'ang-shing, howerer, 

bat they ttouonniy do thk' 





Par, 7. RdttTaium of the importance of attend^ 

ing to the root, Choo He makes the root here to 
be the person, bnt accord, to the prec. par., it is 
' the ctUtiTation of the person * which is intend- 
ed. By the ^|r or 'branches' is intended the 
proper ordering, of the family, the state, the 
empire. B jS, 'thick,* and 'thin,*— used 

here metaphorically. ^ I9» ■'^^ ^ ^oo He, 

means ' the family,* and Sr jm» the state and 

the empire, Imttlut I conotondentand. ^ 

1 8 is the same as the root, Mendos has a say- 
ing which may illustrate the second part of the 

, ' He, who is careless in ^h«t^ \s^ w^iNmbX^ 




\ 



k 



THE GtOBOP 




Ba ^ ^ "^ M A "W 2.^1 



B,ta 




=f-mm 



% :&jCM ^ t. 







\ 

4 



I 




mo ^ W 4* fl W -»-» 

The preceding chapter of classical text is m the words o 
handed down by the philosopher Tsdng. The ten 
explanation which follow contain the views of Tsan* 
recorded hy his disciples. In the old copies of the 
appeared considerable conftision in these^ from me rfw. 
<?/ the tablets. But now^ availing myself of the deci 
philosopher ChHng^ and having examined anew the < 
/ have arranged it in order, as foUows: — 

COMMENTABT OF THE PHILOSOPHEB TSANO. 

Chapteb I. 1. In the Announcement to E'ang it; 
was able to make his virtue illustrious." if 



CoMCLUDiiro If 0TB. It has been shown in the , poied to form Hub and 
Prolegomena that them it no groond for the I chaptert. It was, no doul 
distinction made here between so much ki^ at- QB in |he four 
tributed to Confucius, and so much 4A or ^ 

commentarf, ascribed to his disciple TsAng. The 
inTention of paper is ascribed to Ts^ Lun 



(^K j£jt)y an officer of the Han dynasty, in 

the time of the emperor Hwo (3|<Q), A.D. 89 — 

104. Before that time, and long after also, 

slips of wood and of bamboo (|^}» were used 

to write and engrave upon. We can easily 
conceiTC how a collection of them might get 
disarranged, but whether those containing the 
Gveat Learning did do so is a question Tebe- 

uently disputed. >^itt — *jB^'thedia|rter 

of classic on the right ;* ^;^, 'on tlw left;' 

—these are ezpressionsssour * preceding' and 
' as follows,' indicating the Chinese method of 
writing and printing Aram the right side of a 

manuscript or book on to the left. 

CojuuwTAnr of tbs philosophbr Tbaho. 

1. Thb ILLUSIBAnOH OF ILLVSTRIOnS YUTUS. 

The student will do well to refer here to tiie 
text of 'The Great Learning,' as it appears in 
the Le-ke. He will then see how a consider- 

"^^'^-QQrtigia (tf it hai bgeabcgtaiu)^««ito«ii0- 



phrase ^ ^[, which 

to form them into one ( ~ 
to the first head in the 
commentators connect 
business of making tl 
See the Sboo-king, V. 
part of the address of 

Fiing(^), called 
IP^, the koa. ep.) 

marquiaate of 

king Wan, to 
refemd.— We 

par., between tfie ol 

»<rirtuea,' and tiie 
it, — *the heart or n 
the Shoo-king, IVJ 

takes 

<lo 

IT* , *to corraot' 

address of the 
2d emperor of 

1718. The 




c 



THE GREAT LEABKIMG. 



22i5 




Hit 







9 







t,^.BM 




0. 





% ^^ ^\ie T*ae KeX, it is said, " He contemplated and studied 
^•^\^*^^ous decrees of Heaven." 

^. y^ ^^ Canon of the emperor Yaou, it is said, " He was able to 
jp^gjfce 'i^^^strious his lofty virtue/' 

1^ 4. These passages all sfww Iww those sovereigns made themselves 
Klluatrious. 

^ The above first chapter of commentary explains tlie illustration of 



^t 



illustriovLS virtue. 



Chapter H. 1. On the bathing-tub of T^ang, the following words 
J^ere engraved :—" If you can one day renovate yourself, do so 
"*om day to day. Yea, let there be daily renovation." 

2. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said^ "To stir up the 
^^tv^ people," 

3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, " Although Chow was an 
■•icient state, the ordinance which lighted on it was new." 

4. Therefore, the superior man in every thing uses his utmost 
•^deavoups. 



'^ ^KMi IVang^ Ckoo He Kndentandf bf ffi 

^» the HcftTen-giTen, Uluitriotti nataie of 
The ether school take the phrase more 
»rtheg| ^, < displayed ways* of 
& See the Shoo-kuig, L 2. It is of 

■^ emperor Taou thai thk is said. 4. The ^ 

*^t be referred to the three quotations. 

"^ The rkik>vatioh of tub pkoplb. Here 

•^ ^laracter ^»f, 'new,' *to renovate,' occurs 

^ tiaies, and it was to find something corre- 
^Iding to it at the commencement of the work, 

^^h made the ChHng change the j^ of 

BufS> ^^ ^r* ^^^ ^^^ ^(fi ^^^^ ^^^ 



nothing to do with the venoration of the people. 
This is self-evident in the 1st and 8d parr. I'he 
heading of the chnpter, as above, is a mis- 
nomer. 1. This fact about Twang's bathing 
tub hod oome down by tradition. At leasts 
we do not noa' find the mention of it anywhere 
but here. It was customary among the an- 
cieiits, as it is in China at the present day, to 
engrave, all about them, on the articles of their 
furniture, sucli moral aphorisms and lessons. 2. 
See tbe lOang Kaouy p. 7, where K*ang-shuh is 
exh(»rted to assist the emficror *to settle the 

decree of Heaven, and ^ ^Sjj^ ^S,' whicb 

may mean to make the bad people of Yin into 
gcxil people, or to stir up the new people, t. <»,, 
netVf as recently subjected to Chow. 3. See tho 
bhc-kjjig, ULL L Ode L sL 1. The subject of tha' 



fse 



THE GREAT LKARl^iyG. 



COMX. 
















i 




^W^M. 



^o^ M. 





j!^^ A it' it. ^*^ ifc H 




The ahm)e secmid chapter of cammentary explains the renm 
of tlie people. 

CiTArTER III. 1. In the Book of Poetrj-, it is said, "Theii 
rial domain of a thousand le is where the peojile rest." 

2. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, '*lhe twitterinjf 5*ellow 
rests on a corner of the nionnd." The Master said, "When it r 
it knows Avhere to rest. Is it possible that a man should not be e< 
to this bird?" 

3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Profound was King ^ 
With how bright and unceasing a feeling of reverence did hercg 
his resting [daces!" As a sovereign, he rested in l)enevolence. 
a minister, he rested in reverence. As a son, he rested in filial pH 
As a father, he rested in kindness. In communication with hiss 
jects, he rested in good faith. 



0(te 18 the priUM; of kinj; Wfin, whoso Tirtiic led 
to the iM>88i'Knion of the empire hy \\U houne, 
more than a thotHMind yenr* after its first rise. 

8. S^ -?- is here tiic tnaii of rnnk and office 

prohnbl>% ns well as the man of virtue; hut I do 
not. for my own luirt. xeethe iiarticular relation 
of tills to the preeed. parr., nor the work which 
it does in relati<in to the whole chapter. 

3. On kksting in tiik iiiujikst kxcellknce. 
Tlic frequent occurrence of Jp in these pam- 

graphs, and of 3S S* in par. 4, led Choo He 

to combine them in one chapter, and connect 
them with the last clause in the opening; par. 
of the work. 1. See the She-king, IV, iii. CWe 
iJJ. ft't. L llic ode cfiiebratcs the rise and es- 



tablishment of the Shang or Yin djiuft/. 

is the 1<)0() /« around thecapital, ami ron^ 
iiig tlie imix;rial demesne. Tliu qaiiUtioiiA( 

acconliug to Choo He^ that tjfl^^ffl 

ih ^ J^' 'every thing has thcpbo^ 
it ought to rest,' But tlwt sardy i< • ^ 
sweeping conclusion from the word*. *• 
the t>he-kiiig, II. viii. Ole VI, st 2, whrti 
liave the comphiint of a down-tiuiMeii ■ 
contrasting his position with that ^ * ' 

For iSp here, we have S& In the SM 

£S $gff are intemled to express tbe Mif 

the binrs singing or chattering. ''HkII 
bird ' is known by a ^-ariety of otfKi^ '#^ 



■.•^liji 



THE GREAT LEARKINO» 



22T 





1^ 











Mm^iia i 



mmMJ-Mm 




M}k^M^Jfi^. 









In the Book of Poetry, it is said, " Look at that winding 
e of the K*e, with the green bamboos so luxuriant ! Here is 
slcgant and accomplished prince ! As we cut and then file ; 

chisel and then grind : so has he cultivated himself. How grave - 
and dignified ! How majestic and distinguished ! Our elegant 
ccomplLshed prince never can be forgotten." lliat e^vpression — 
ire cut and then file," indicates the work of learning. " As we 
, and then grind," indicates that of self culture. " How grave 

and dignified !" indicates the feeling of cautious reverence. 
V commanding and distinguished," indicates an awe-inspiring 
•traent. " Our elegant and accomplished prince never can be 
tten," indicates how, when virtue is complete and excellence ex- 
5, the people cannot forget them. 



t is a spccicfl of oriole. The -7* |;^ are 

of obicnration. If the first chapter of the 
1 text, as Choo He calls it, really con- 
le words of Confucius, we miij^Iit have 
d it to be headed ' by these characters. 

', lit., ' In resting.* S. 8ee the She-kinj?, 

Me L St. 4. The stress is here all laid 

lie final fp, which does nut appear to 

ly force at all in the original, Choo He 

saying Uiere that it is ^^ gnl, ' a mere 

lental particle.' In Jr^^Mp* jh^ is read 

id is an intcijection. 4. See the She- 
T. Ode I. St. 1. The ode celebrates the 

»f the duke Wijo (^) of Wei (^), in 

irious endeavours to cultivate his person. 
Te some verbal differences between the 
iie ^ihe-king, and a» lien* quoted^ numa- 




is used as= ^y ^says,* 



ly,||for^5||for^igfor 

licre,/joel<>c,read O. «| 

or ' means.* It is to be understood before B 

f^, l^*!!!!* «n*^ J^^ "~'^*® transposition 
of this liar, by Choo lie to this |ilace dix.>s seem 
unhuppy. It ought evidently to come in con- 
nection with the work of {& M^. 5. Sec the 
She-king, IV. i. Sect. I. ()«te IV. »t. 3. The 
former kings arc W&n and Woo, the founders 
of tlie Chow dynasty. ^ |tt are an inter- 
jection, read uroo luto^ In tlw Slie-king we have 
If^ SSl^ J^ P^ are found with the some 

meaning. I tninslute JqI ^r» "Si ^Bt ^7 
'what tliey dcenKnl worthy,' *wliat they loved.' 
When we try to *Wlenw\\\c tcKat\\\aX.^\\«XM?*."s 
wc arc pcrpWx^^OLb^ \\« ^i^fju^^ nv^^* ^^^^ ^^ 



228 



TEt GKEAT LEARNINOi 



COMM. CH.li IC 




4 






4.^ 






old and new schools. Y^ Hf*, — see Analects, 

XV. xix. — ^Acc. to Ying-tS, 'this par. illustrates 
the business of haring the thoughts sincere/ 
Ace. to ChfX) He, it tells tliat how the former 
kings renovated the people, was by their resting 
in iierfect excellence, so as to be able, throughout 
the empire and ti» future ages, to effect that there 
ahould not be a single thing but got its proper 
place. 

4. ExPLAKATiON OF THE ROOT AND THE 

Mmaxcuhs. l!5«e Xh» Anal«cX9 ^U. iLm, tram 



which we understand that the words of Coot 

terminate at ^ ^, and tliat what fbOowf 

is from the compiler. Accoltlii^; to the oM 
commentators, this is the conclusion of the 
chapter on having the thoaghts made sincere, 

and that gjj^ ^ ^ is the root. But aoc 

to Choo, it is the'illastration of fllnstrknis rirtiia 
which is the root, while the renoTation of (be 
people is the rejiult therefrom. Looking at (he 
words of Confucius, we mast conclude M^ 
\ siwfi^rUs H^iM \^<i vi,bviQ( in hiMniwL - - - 



l=f O 

5. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Ah I the former kings are 
not forgotten." FtUure princes deem worthy what they deemed 
worthy, and love what they loved. The common people delight in 
what they delighted, and are benefited by their beneficial arrange- 
ments. It is on this account that the former kings, after they have 
quitted the world, are not forgotten. 

Tlie above third chapter of commentary explains resting in the highest 
excellence. 

Chapter IV. The Master said, " In hearing litigations, I am j 
like any other body. What is necessary is to cause the people to ^ 
have no litigations?" So^ those who are devoid of principle find it 
impossible to carry out their speeches, and a great awe would be 
struck into men's minds ; — ^this is called knowing the root. 

The above fourth chapter of commentary/ explains the root and the 
issue. 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



229 










111 

















Chapter V. 1. This is called knowing the root. 
. This is called the perfecting of knowledge. 

The above Jifth chapter of tJie coimnentary explained the meaning 
of " investigating things and carrying knowledge to the utmost 
extenty*^ hut it is now lost. I have ventured to take the views of the 
scholar ChHng to supply it, as follows: — The meaning of the 
expression, " The perfecting of knowledge depends on the inves- 
tigation ofthings,^^ is this: — Ifiae wish to carry our knowledge to the 
utmost, we must investigate the jyrinciples of all things tve come into 
contact with, for the intelligent mind of man is certainly formed 
to knoto, anatliere is not a single thing in which its principles 
do not inhere. But so long as all principles are not investigated^ 
maris knowledge is incomplete. On this account, the Learn- 
ing for Adults, at tlie outset of its lessons, instructs the learner ^ 
hi regard to all things in the world, to proceed from what 
knowledge lie has of their principles, and pursue his investiga- 



Ok the IlfTESTIOATION OF THIK08, AKB 
YIXO KNOWIJU>OS TO THB DTVOBT EXTBNT. 

bifl is said by one of the Ching to be ^^ 

' superfluous text.* 2. Choo He considers 
o be the conclusion of a chapter wliich is 
ost. But w« have teen that the two sea- 



tences come in, as the work stands in the Le-k& 
at the conclusion of what is deemed the classical 
text. It is not necessary to add anything here 
to what has been said there, and in the prolego- 
mena, on the new dispositions of the work fVom 
the time of the Sung scholars, and the manner 
in which Choo 11^ \v8A v^'*g^^i^^B^ ^soc^^^w^ 
missing cbA^Wt. 



980 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



COXX. CE^ 



^i^ 














i^ iK. iiu M 

7; ^ ^ m li ;'t ^ 













^.^.^ M.m.m m.z 





^ 4oiJt # z: m m 



T.Af 






^ tiofi of them^ till he reaches the extreme poiwl. After exerth^ 
himself in this way for a long tiine^ he will suddenly Jind Idhmf 
possessed of a wiife and far^reachina penetraiion. Then^ Ae 
qualities of all things^ whether external or internal^ the subtle or 
the coarse^ tvill all be apprehended^ and the niindj in its entire 
substance and its relations to things^ will he perfectly intelligefit. 
litis is called tlie investigation of things. This is called the per- 
fection of knowledge 

Chapter VI. 1. What is meant by "making the thoughts sin- 
cere/* is the allowing no self-deception, as when we hate a bad smelly 
and as tchen we love wliat is beautiful. This is called self-enjoy- 
ment. Therefore, the superior man must be watchful over himself 
when he is alone. 

2. There is no evil to which the mean man, dwelling retired, 
will not proceed, but when he sees a superior man, he instantly tries 

4th tone, bnt the diet, makes it up. 2d. 2. Aw 
enforcement of the condnding chuMe im tke kd 

paragraph. Jj^ a|i. 2d tone, the suae as K 
meaning ^ Sjt ^m, 'the appeannee of ei» 

cealing.' A^)S3'~"A'^'^***''^ 
^^ ^^^^ periormannientiunedaboTC,=*theother.^ Q 



,1 



6. On bavino ths thoiiohts sihcerb. 1. 
The sincerity of the thoughts obtains, when they 
move without effort to what is right and wrong, 
and, in order to this, a man must be spedaUg on his 

guard in his solitary moments, JB Wt is taken 
as if it were ^ ^^}='epoae or enjoyment in 



LTt. 



THE GRBAT LEARI^IKa 



fdl 



^ m t. %r 



nM 






N i^» p Bf #* ^l\ ^ 





^ ^UN ^ 0, ^ jtfc I. US 




^U?»o 





I . ~p». Sg -tt' 

^oie <^> i ® 




'ISrto 



o dHguisc himself, concealing his evil, and displaying what is good, 
riie other beholds him, a^ if Tie saw his heart and reins; — of what 
ise h his disguise? This is an instance of the «*aying — " What truly 
s within will be manifested without." Therefore, the superior inair ^ 
iiust be watchful over himself when he is alone. 

3i Tlie disciple Tsang said, "What ten eyes behold, what ten 
lands point to, is to be regarded 'with reverence ! ^ 

4. Riches adorn a house, and virtue adorns the person. The 
niiid is expanded, and the body is at ease. Therefore, the superior 
jiian must make his thoughts sincere. 

The above sixth chapter of commentary explains making the thoughts 
sincere. 



ion signiflcation. Hm SFf^it., Hhe langs and 

iviT.' hut with the meaninp: which we attach 
[> the cxproMion nuhiititttted for it in the trans- 
ttiim. Tlic Cliinese make the lungs the seat 
f rightcousneM, and the lircr the scat of Ixsne- 

olencc. Compare -^ "^ ^ ^ id^ fl^ 

S* ]^ in the Shoo-king, IV. viL Sect. III. 8. 

;. The use of 'g^ -T- at the beginning of this 

lAmgraph (and extending, pcrliaps, over to the 
wixi) slKiuld suffice to show, that the whole 
irork is not his, as assumed by Clioo He. *Tcn ' 
!i A roand nunitier, put for mnwfn Tlie recent 
oinmentstor, Lo Chung-fan, refers Tsing's ex- 
nvffsions to the multitude of spiritual licings, 
i*rvants of Heaven or God, who dwell in the 
efrions of the air, and are contiaually beholding 
nen's conduct. But tliey are probably only an 
•mphatie way of exhibiting what is said in the 
ircci^ling paragraph. 4. This par. is commonly 
olerrcd to Tsftng Sin, but whether correctly so 
ir nut cannot be positirely afiinued. It is of the 



same purport as the two preceding, showing 
that hypocrisy is of no use. Compare Menciua, 
VII. Pt L xxi. 4. Ching K'nng-shing expUint 

flnb, (je^ApwoB) by ^^, 'large,' and Choo He 

by ^r ^^, as in the transl. Tlie meaning la 

profialily the same. — It is only the first of these 
parr, from which we can in any way ascertain 
the views of the writer on making the thoughts 
sincere. The other parr, ctmtain only illustra- 
tion or enforcement. Now the gist of the 1st 

par. seems to be in {St ^ ^j^* 'allowing no 

self-deception.' After knowledge has been car* 
ried to the utmost, this remains to he done, and 
it is not true that, when knowldlge has been 
completed, the thoughts become sincere. l*hit 
fact overthrows Choo He's interpretation of the 
vexed passages in what he culs the text of 
Confucius. Let the student examine iiis note 
appended to tliis chapter, and he will sec that 
Choo was not uncoosciouA ot \.Vi\» \|VBtf^ ^V ^^^ 
difficulty*^ 



232 



THE OBEAT I^ARNIMO. 















1 



^sy 




m-x 




JtfcS^ ^ # 7i IiJ IE 



. 




I- 



IE 

V 



,% ^ jE»^ ^ij> 
^^^d\^ IE.t 








Chapter VIL 1. What is meant by, "The cultivation of thepe^ 
son depends on rectifying the mind," may he thus illvslraied: — ^If ^ 
man be under the influence of passion, he will be incorrect in hii 
, conduct. He will be the same, if he is under the influence of terror^ 
or under the influence of fond regard, or under that of sorrow aoi) 
distress. 

2. When the mind is not present, we look and do not see; ire 
' hear and do not understand; we eat and do not know the taste cl 

what we eat. 

3. This is what is meant by saying that the cultivation of the per- 
son depends on the rectifying of the mind. 

The above seventh chapter of conimentary explaUis rectifying the mnd 
and cultivating . tlie person. 

7. On personal citltivation as dependent 

ON THE RfXTIFICATION OF THE HIND. 1. Uere 

Chuo He, following his master Ch*ing, would 
again alter the text, and change the second S^ 

into J^. But this is unnecessary. The !^ in 

'Ww M^ is not the mere material body, bnt the 
person, the individual roan, in contact with 
' tilings, and intercourse with society, and the 2d 
par. shows that the evil conduct in the first is a 
consequence of the mind*s not being under con- 

^^, the 2d term rises on the signification of 
the &nt, and mtenufi^is iU TUms, 'j^ U calUd 



I** 



ail 
\ • 

;6 



ii 



'a burst of anger,' andJ^c, * pertisteon ia 

anger/ &c., &c. — ^I hare said above that ft, 
here is not the material body. Lo Chvag-Mi^' 
however, says that it is :— ^|| 0^ ^t * j|^ 

is the body of flesh.' See his roasonings, n fci*. 
but they do not work conrictiou in the mto> 

2- j(!^ >f^ ^ M>~' ^^ "^^"^ ^ ^ '^"^ 

in pointi to prove that we cannot tie /|^ mfjs 

work to any very definite application. H 
Chung-fan insists that it is ' the Qod-gif«i| a^ 

ro/ nature,' but >(^^ >^ Jj^ ^ is evidsatlfit 

^ * when the thgugUta are otherwUe o^M^h i^ 



i 

ii 






mx. 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



23S 











Jhapter VIII. 1. What is meant by " The regulation of one's 
lily depends on the cultivation of his person," is this : — Men are 
tial where they feel affection and love ; partial where they de- 
le and dislike; partial where they stand in awe and reverence; par- 
where they feel sorrow and compassion ; partial where they are 
3gant and rude. Thus it is that there are few men in the 
'Id, who love, and at the same time know the bad qualities of 
object of their love^ or who hate, and yet know the excellences of 
object of their Iiatred. 

. Hence it is said, in the common adage, "A man does not 
w the wickedness of his son ; he does not know the richness of 
growing corn." 

. This is what is meant by saying that if the person be not 
ivated, a man cannot regulate his family. 



TnE 2?ECR88ITr OF CULTIVATIKO TIIR FEB- 
:n OBDKE TO TIIB RE0CLAT10K OF TUB FA- 

The IcsHon here is evidently, that men are 
Eioiilly falling into error, in consequence 
i partiality of their feelings and affections, 
this error affects their personal cultlva- 
and interferes with the regulating of their 
ics, is not specially indicated. 1. The old 
iretors seem to go far astray in their inter* 

Uoo. They take ;^ in ;^ ^ ^ j^ 
and the other cUuses, a8=j|g§, 'to go to,' 



^ as synonymous with ^p, Ho compare/ 
tft thus expands K'ang-shing on K^ ^ g^ 



that man. When I see that he is rirtuous, I feel 
affection for, and love him. I ought then to 
turn round and compare him with myself. 
Since he is virtuous and I love him, then, if I 
cultivate myself and be virtuous, 1 shall so be 
able in liko manner to make all men feel affec- 
tion for and love me.' In a similar way the 
other clauses are dealt with. Choo He takes 

^ 04=^, * in regard to,' and J^ (jKodp'eih) 

*®~DS» *P*''^^*^* * one-sided.' Even his op- 
ponent, Lo Chung-fan, interprets here in tho 
same way. ^S/^i ^^'^ the other combinations 

are to be taken as if there were a jj[|^, *and,' 
between tUi^Qi. ^5r\s\i'ct^=^^>''V^waL^''^^ 



234 



THE GREAT LEARNIKG. 



COIOL CLB. 



^wimMmm.z.^m 



v^^in 










J^»^ 







^'.0. 



Ife.,^ fj^ ^ Jl>l 7i 

— i 









^5i 






... . '4 

w W yif* -¥■> 











V 



jTA^ above eighth chapter of commentary explains cultivating Hu 
jjeraon and reijalating the family. 

Chapter IX. 1. What is meant by "In order rightly to govern 
his Stat^, it is necessary first to regulate his fainil}^" is this: — It ia 
hot possil)le for one to teach others, while he cannot tea*!h his owa 
family. Therefore, the ruler, without going beyond his family, 
completes the lessons for the State. There is filial piety : — there- 
with the sovereign should be served. There is fraternal sul)inis- 
sion : — therewith elders and superiors should be served. There is 
kindness: — therewith the multitude should be treated. 

2. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, '^ Act as if you were 
watching over an infant." If a mother is really anxious about it, 
though she may not hit exactly the wants of her infant^ she will not 
be far from doing so. There never has been a girl who learned to 
bring up a child, that she might afterwards marry. 

3. trom the loving example of one family, a whole State becomes 
loving, and from its courtesies, the whole State becomes courteoni) 



ir 






P 



civil/ 2. f^.~* great/ 'Ull;' ]gf :^ ^,- 

I the tallnesH (riclmcss, abundance) of his fsnxw- 
injx crop.* Farmers were noted, it would ap- 
pear, in China, so long ago, for grumbling about 
their crops. 

9. On RKorLATiKo THE family as the means 

To THE WELL-ORDERING OF THE STATE. 1. There 
is /ierf fmp/ierf the ttpressitt/ of sflf-rn/ttvation to the 
rule, both nj the Jamil j and oj'ihc iStalc, and iKal 



being mpposed to exint, — ichich is tkt fonx of-wt 
ipv, — it tM shown how tJte virtues thaisecmtAt 
fegulation of the Jtum/y, have their ewretpe»if 
virtues in the wider sphere of the State, S" ^ 
has here both the moral and the political muMr 

ing; it is ji^ g ;^ ^ -y-, 'the «apeo«r 

m^cEk. ^\\.li ^houi is the govermneot of the sUtt.' 



IX. 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 



335 











AM^^T^mi^ 



^^m^RT^m 




Z M m f-.^ ]>l i=^. 




I 




#IA. 




fel* T»rt TTT -=^4^ trfi # r t3 i-*-^ 



^'hile, from the ambition and perverseness of the one man, the whole 
State may be led to rebellious disorder ; — ^such is the nature of the 
influence. This verities the saying, " Affairs may be ruined by n 
single sentence ; a kingdom may be settled by its one man." 

4. Yaou and Shun led on the empire with benevolence, and the 
people followed them. Kee and Chow led on the empire with 
violence, and the people followed them. The orders which these 
issued were contrary to the practices which they loved, and so the 
people did not follow them. On this account, the ruler must him- 
self be possessed of the good qualities, and then he may require 
them in the people. He must not have the bad qualities in himself, 
and then he may require that they shall not be in the people. Never 
has there been a man, who, not having reference to his own character 
and wishes in dealing with others, was able effectually to instruct 
them. 

' 5. Thus we see how the government of the State dei)ends on the 
regulation of the family. 

it being once suggested to Choo He that "^ « to love the people,' as the second object propos- 

'WiS: •^^"^d ^ >r il ^» be replied- A|^ ^d in the Great Learning. 3 How certainly and 

z^4±L, 6l1::|S^'^ ^^4^ irr^ ^^''^'^ ^^ injluetice of the family extends to the 

?J^\BM??<>1^P.^'/^^ State — 1^ is the one family of the ruler, 

and "^ h. " the nder. — • ^ ,=*I, the one 
man,* is a way in which the emperor speaks of 
himself; see Ana. XX. i, 5. — • W— — 'TO» 
aa in Aua. 11. ii. — .-S"^^, — \^ 
B8 ,— comp. Ana. XIII. "sln , ^^ ^aa>^^^\ag^^ 



itnfwxsibilify of that's being taught is just my 
inability to teach.' 2. See the Shoo-king, V. x. 
a. Both in the Shoo-king and here, some verb, 
lUte act, must be supplied. This par. seems de- 
ilgned to show that the ruler vwst he carried on 
to ki8 object by an inward, unconstrained, fRe/ing, 
ate thai of the modierfor her infant. Lo Chung- 

IftQ insists on this as harmonizing with ^^ ^^ 





« 



->■ «. 



9 r 



♦ ♦ 



^ 1 






• > . 



J \, 






/ ; 



I «» 



\i 



1 * •' 



I . ' 



■' I ' 1 



' .i . 



THE GRSAT LEARNINQ. 



237 



M ±^ 


















Tfie above ninth chapter of commentary explains regulating the 
family and governing the kingdom. 

Chapter X. 1. What is meant by "The making the whole em- 
ire peaceful and happy depends on the govemment of his State," 
this : — When the sovereign behaves to his aged, as the aged should 
2 behaved to, the people become filial ; when the sovereign behaves 
► his elders, as elders should be behaved to, the people learn bro- 
lerly submission ; when the sovereign treats compassionately the 
Dung and helpless, the people do the same. Thus the ruler nas a 
rinciple with which, as with a measuring square, he may regulate 
13 conduct. 

2. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him not display in 
16 treatment of his inferiors ; what he dislikes in inferiors, let him 
Dt display in the service of his superiors ; what he hates in those 
'ho are before him, let him not therewith precede those who are 
ehind him ; what he hates in those who are behind him, let him 



10. OW TBB WBLL-ORDIRIVO OF THB BTATB, 
n> MAKIHO THB WHOLE SHFIRB FBACEFUL AKD 

APFY. The key to this chapter is in the phrase 
K ^€ >^ iS* ^^^ principle of redprocitj, 
le doing to others as we would that they 
KNild do to ns, though here, as elsewhere, it is 
It forth negatively. It is implied in the ex- 

pesnon of the last ch.— ^ |^ JJL ^ ]^ 

n, but it is here discussed at length, and 

lown in its highest application. The following 
lalysis of the chapter is translated freely from 

le pU ^ ftf: ^ :— <This ch. explains the 

ell-ordering of the State, and the tranqnilliza- 
w of the empire. The greatest ftress ii to 



be laid on the phrase — iht meamainq square. That, 
and the expression in the general commentary 
— loving and hating what the peeph love and haie^ 
and not thinking only of ike profit, exhaust the 
teaching of we chap« It is diyided into Ave 
parts. The Jirst^ embracing the two first para- 
graphs, teaches, that the way to make the em- 
pire tranquil and happy is in the principle of 
the measuring square. The secofu/ part embraces 
three paragraphs, and teaches that the appli- 
cation of the measuring square is seen in loving, 
and hating, in common with the people. The 
consequences of losing and gaining are mentioned 
for the first time in tiie 4tn par., to wind up the 
ch. so far, showing that the decree of Heaven 
goes or remains, according as the ^^^\&'%Vks»a\3K 
are U»i oc is^ik^ TV^ Uvixd "^osX ^oi^ssnGfi^ 



ns 



THE GREAT LBABNIHG. 



COMM. OLI 





2r» ^» :^» H 






^o 







ttw ^^ >> 





^wT /^^ ^>V AEtO-^^ -^^ 



not therewith follow those who are before him; what he hates to 
receive on the right, let him not bestow on the left ; what he hates 
to receive on the left, let him not bestow on the right : — ^this is what 
is called " The principle, with which, as with a measuring square, tQ 
regulate one's conduct." 

3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, " How much to be rejoiced 
in are these princes, the parents of the people!" When aprmce 
loves what the people love, and hates what the people hate, then is 
he w^hat is called the parent of the people. 

4. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, " Lofty is that southern 
hill, with its rugged masses of rocks f Greatly distinguished are 
you, orami-teacher Yin, the people all look up to you." Rulers 
of kingdoms may not neglect to be careful. If they deviate to a 
mean selfishness^ they will be a disgrace in the empire. 



eight paragraphs, and teaches that the most un- 
portant result of loving and hating in common 
irith the people is seen in making the root the 

Eimary subject, and the branch only secondary, 
ere, in par. 11, mention is again made of oarn- 
i»g and losing, illustrating the meaning of the 
quotation in it, and showing that to the collec- 
iSon or dissipation of the people the decree of 
Heaven is attached. The fourth part consists 
of Ave paragraphs, and exhibits the extreme 
results of loving and hating, as shared witJi 
the people, or on one's own private feeling, 
and it has special reference to the sovereign's 
employment of ministers, because there is no- 
thing in the principle more important than that. 
The 19th par. speaks of oammg md htingj for 
the third time, showing that from the 4th par. 
downwards, in reference both to the hearts of 
the people and the decree of Heaven, the appli- 
cation or non-application of the principle of the 
Muatum^-sqnar^ depex\da wt tbu^ uand gC the 



sovereign. The fi/th part embraces the oCher 
pariigraphs. Because the root of the eril cT 
a sovereign's net applying Uiat priBciple, hes ii 
his not knowing how wealth is produced, and 
employs mean men for that object, the diiliBe* 
tion between righteousness and profit is he^ 
much insisted on, the fcurmer bringing with it 
all advantages, and the latter leading to sU effl 
consequences. Thus tiie sovereign is aduMRK 
ished, and it is seen how to be careful of his fif* 
tue is the root of the principle of the mettm^ 
square ; and his loving and hating, in coduboo. 
sympathy with the people, is its reality. 

1. There is here no progress of thought, bst 
a repetition of what has been insisted on in ths^ 
two last chapters. In y^y^f ^^-^^^^^ 
characters are verbs, with the meaning v^ch 
it requires so many words to bring out in tte^ 
traiuUtioa. ^^j^ ^.^-lyopcriy, 'i»r 



THE GREAT LEABKING. 



239 



^a.j«j^^ 




II] ^ E 5. 









5* In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Before the sovereigns of 
the Yin dynasty had lost the hearts of the people, they could appear 
before God. Take warning from the house c>/ Yin. The great decree 
18 not easily jpr^A^^i/VCiL" This shoAvs that, by gaining the people, the 
kingdom is gained, and, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost. 

6. On this account, the ruler will first take pains about his otvn 
rirtne. Possessing virtue will give him the people. Possessing the 
people will give him the territory. Possessing the territory will 
dve him its wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have resources 
lor expenditure. 

7. Virtue is the root ; wealth is the result. 

8. If he make the root his secondary object, and the result his 
primary, he will only wrangle with his people, and teach them 
tupine. 

ttierleas ; ' here,«B^ the young and helpless.' "fS^ 

lead OS, andxs'^SP, 'to rebel,* ' to act contrary to.' 

3*-^p, here and throughout the ch., lm» refe- 
Xence to office, and specially to the iiuperial or 

highest. ^ j^^ iM!»~" ^ " * ^^^' ^^^ 
^gf ace to Choo He,s=^4 , ' to measure ;' j^^ — 
the meclianical instrument, *■ the square.' It hav- 
ing been seeu that the ruler's example is so influ- 
fntial, it follows that the minds of all men are 
tho same in sympathy and tendency. He has 
tlicn only to take his own mind, and measure 
lliercwith the minds of others. If he act ac- 
cordingly, tlie grand result — the empire tranquil 
And happy — will ensue. 2. A knytkened descrip- 
4ioti oj' the principle of reciprocity* jVa — ^P- 8d 

tone, ^ to precede.' 8. See the She-king, II. ii. 
Ode v. St. 3. The ode is one that was sung at 
festivals, and celebrates the virtues of the 

princes presents Choo He makes E^ (read 

<h^ up. 2d tone) aj3 expletive. Ch'ing's gloss, iu 




% ^ ii ^' **^^ ^^ "'==>S» a"^ *^ 

whole is — ' 1 gladden these princes, the parents 
of the people.' 4. See the She-king, II. iv. Ode 
VII. St. 1. Tlie ode complains of the emperor 

Yew (tt^), for his employing unworthy minis- 
ters. '^, read ta'&S^ meaning * rugged and 
lofty-looking.' ^=^ *aU.' J^, read />««», 
as in ch. viiL ^^ is explahied in the diet by 
;, ' disgrace.' Choo He seems to take it aa 

s=^^, ' ^ ^^^^>* ^ ^'^ ^^^ ^^^ commentators. 
They say: — *he will be put to death by the 
people, as were the tyrants, Kei! auil|Chow.' 5. 
See the She-king, III. i. Ode I. st. 6, where we 

have j|[ for ^l, and J^ for |^. The ode i« 

supposed to be addressed to king Sliing (j^X 
to stimulate him to imitate the virtues of his 
grandfather Wftn. jgj^)=' the sovereigns of the 
Yin dynasty.' The capital of tha S»VwKa% ^i- 
nasty vraa cbaag'^^ \,<i\*m\>^'£*^^3ftr'tosx'^v^*^« 



240 



THE GREAT LEARNING. 






l^.7iWfMM»Jlf 




)i 






9. Hence, the accumulation of wealth is the way to scatter tke 
people; and the letting it be scattered among them is the way to 
collect the people. 

10. And hence, the ruler's words going forth contrary to right, 
will come back to him in the same way, and wealth, gotten by 
improper ways, will take its departure by the same. 

11. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, "The decree in 
deed may not always rest on us;'' that is, goodness obtains the decree^ 
and the want of goodness loses it. 

12. In the Book of Ts'oo, it is said, "The kingdom of Ts*oo 
does not consider that to be valuable. It values, instead^ ita good! 
men." 

1400, after which the dynasty was so denomi- 
nated, g^ J[|. ^*) ^^"^ to Ctioo He, means 

* they were the sovereigns of the emperor, and 
corresponded to (fronted) God.' K*ang-shing 
says ! — * Before they lost their people, from their 
virtue, they were also able to appear before 
Heaven ; that is, Heaven accepted their sacri- 
fices.* Lo Chung-fan makes it. — *They har- 
monized with God ; that is, in loving the people.' 
K^ang-shing's interpretation is, I apprehend, 

the correct one. iS ~^^* as in ch. iii. 4. 6. 

fft'^^^' — ^ BS ^^'^ accord, to Choo He, is 
the * illustrious virtue' at the beginning of the 
book. His opponents say that it is the exhibi- 
tion of virtue ; that is, of filial piety, brotherly 
submission, &c. This is more in harmony with 

the first par. of the chapter. 8. ^k and pb 
are used as verbs, =^^, J^* ' ^ consider slight,' 

* to consider important.' ^^^^j — * viW wran- 
gle the (i. e., with the) people.' The ruler will 
be trying to take, and the people will be trying 
to hold. Jg ^. — * he will give'— (u e., lead 
the people to,=teach them) — * rapine.* The two 
phrases:=he will be against the people, and 
we/i 0ct them against hiau«U« aad a^axaeX qdl^ ^ 



another. Ying-tft explains them — * people irrn* ' 
gling for gain will give reins to their rapsckM? 

disposition.* 9. ^^> ' wealth bemgacsttei^" 

— that is, difiViiied, and allowed to be so by tka . 
ruler, among the people. Tlie collecting vA 
scattering of the people are to be undeTstoodv| 
with reference to their feelings towards thdr .j 
ruler. 10. The ' words' are to be understood sf ^ 

governmental orders and enactments. fS, real ' 

/>ei;=^, * to act contrary to,' • to rebel,' tint 

which is outraged being ^^, ' what is right,' av 

in the first place, ^^i(|^> ' the people's bearti^' 

and, in the second place, 'St f(^ 'the ndcA 
heart' Our proverb— * goods ill-gotten go iB- 
spent* might be translated by ^Mt fS jjQ ^ 

^, jff\ J!^ iJ5 tii» ^^^ t'***^ wordshsrea 
difT. meaning in the text 11. See the iT'of 
Kaou, p. 23. The only difficulty is with-^. 
K^ang-shlng and Ying-ti do not take it as sa 
expletive, but say it= *^, 'in,' or * on:'—* The 
appointment of Heaven may not constantly rest 
on one family.' Treating -^ in this way, tha 
«a^V»&KQ.V m thfi 8hoo-kiog, shoHU be *v.* 




rc^" 



oV 



THE OBBAT LEABNING. 



241 






^ -J' # j* *: -s; 







D 




.:^^ti» 






13. jDm^ TFtfn'^ uncle, Fan, said, " Our fugitive does not account 
«U to be precious. What he considers precious, is the affection 
re to his parent." 

14. In the Declaration of the duke of Ts'in, it is said, "Let me 
. vebut one minister, plain and sincere, not pretending to other abilities, 
It with a simple, upright, mind; and possessed of generosity, regard- 
J the talente of others as though he himself possessed them, and, 
^€re he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, loving them in 
3 heart more than his mouth expresses, and really showing him- 
bf able to bear them and employ tliem : — ^such a minister will be 
le to preserve my sons and grandsons, and black-haired people, 
d benefits likewise to the kingdom may well be looked for from 
m. But if it be his cliaracter^ when he finds men of ability, to be 
^ous and hate them; and, when he finds accomplished and per- 
icacious men, to oppose them and not allow their advancement, 
owing himself really not able to bear them : — such a minister 

£, M in p, 5. 12. The Book of Ts'oo is found 

Uie H ^^, 'National records/ a collection 

^iKOtini; to be of the Chow dynasty, and, in 
ation to the other states, what Confucius' 
(>rini7 and Autumn* is to Loo. The exact 
rda of the text do not occur, but they could 
ii|y be constructed from the narrative. An 
cer of Ts*oo being sent on an embassy to 

m (^^X the minister who received him asked 

Hit a famous girdle of Ts^oo, called ^ ]^, 
r much it was worth. The officer replied 
t hia coontiy did not look on such things a« 



its treasures, but on its able and virtuous min* 

isters. 18. M :||l, * uncle Fan ;* tlyit is, uncle 

to Wftn, the duke of Ts*in, See Ana. XIV. xvi. 

Wftn is the "f ^» or, * fugitive.' In the early 

part of his life, he was a lUgitive, and suffered 
many vicissitudes of fortune. Once, the duko 

of Ts4n (^^) having offered to help him, when 

he was in mourning for his father who had ex* 
pelled him, to recover Tsin, his uncle Fan gave 
the reply in the text. The that in the transla- 
tion refers to ^^,' getting the kingdom.' 14. 
' The doelaxalioii o/ tKe dukt oj *Il«.'\s^ Si^ \^\m^\ 



242 








THE GREAT LEARNING; 

1^ Mu 



coaoL i 



n 




^1 




•^1 




7^ ^7* 



mi^ 



i=r k 






iS* ^ ^» 4o W 






MM m% w 



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BE 



#^ 






will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons and black-hai 
people ; And may he not also be pronounced dangerous to the Stai 

15. It is only the truly virtuous man, who can send away s 
a man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tri 
around, determined not to dwell along with him in the Mic 
kingdom. This is in accordance with the saying, " It is only 
truly virtuous man who can love or who can hate others." 

16. To see men of worth and not be able to raise them to offi 
to raise them to office, but not to do so quickly : — ^this is disresp 
ful. To see bad men and not be able to remove them ; to rem 
them, but not to do so to a distance : — this is weakness. 

17. To love those whom men hate, and to hate those whom u 
love ; — this is to outrage the natural feeling of men. Calami 
<^nnot fail to come down on him who does so. 

18. Thus we see that the sovereign has a great course to pur. 
He must show entire self-devotion and sincerity to att^ it^ and 
pride and extravagance he will fail of it. 

preceding. ^^^^^J^.^r^^^ ^ 

bad minister, there described. The |/I] 
'four E;* see the Le-ke, IH. iii. 14. >p 

not dwell together with him in the Middle 1 
dom.' China is evidently so denominated, 
its being thought to be surroanded by tai 
ous tribes. |^^^^^^,-<M 

IV. iii. 16. IhaTetransUted^ttiiil* 



book in the Shoo-king. It was made by one of 
the dukes of Ts'in to his officers, after he had 
sustained a great disaster, in consequence of ne- 
glecting the advice of his most faithful minister. 
Between the text here, and that which we find 
in the Shoo-king, there are some differences, 

but they are unimportant. 15. \^-h^ w here, 

ace to Choo He and his followers, the prince 
who applies the principle of reciprocity, ex- 
pounded in the second par. Lo Chung-fan con- 
tends that it is ^ ^ ^, ' the lover of the 
jieople.' The par. i« closely connected with the 



THE GREAT LEARNnrO. 



243 











111 





M.9- i0^ MM 0.^ m 

Jt? -BT ^fe -l-*«Jt ml ^^ -IL. 



^% 




^i 




m m ± 



^* Tliere is a great course ako for the production of wealth. 
tlcie producers be many and the consumers few. Let there be 
ivVty in the production, and economy in the expenditure. Then 
5 ^wealth will always be sufficient. 

%i. The virtuous rulery by means of his wealth, makes himself 
core distinguished. The vicious ruler accumulates wealth, at the 
^pense of his life. 

21. Never has there been a case of the sovereign loving benevo- 
Mice, and the people not loving righteousness. Never has there been 

case where the people have loved righteousness, and the affairs 
£ the sovereign have not been carried to completion. And never 
L as there been a case where the wealth in such a State, collected in 
he treasuries and arsenals, did not continue in the sovereign's 
>08session. 

22. The officer MXng Heen said, " He who keeps horses and 
Gi carriage does not look after fowls and pigs. The family which 



nkf wMch K'ang-shing thinks should he in the 

text. Ching £ (^) would substitute J^, 

r^idle,' instead of IB, and Choc He does not 
inow which suggestion to prefer. Lo Chung- 
nn stoutly contends for retaining 'Q^, and in- 
terprets it as=<fate,' but he is obliged to sup- 
1^ a good deal himself, to make any sense of 
Kte passage. See his argument, in /be. The 

panphrasts all explain 4^ by SL, * early.* 
1^, up ad tone, but with a hiphil force. ^ 
ipreferred ^j^jf^ ui last par., and |^ to 
^j^B4*S' 17. ThiB is spoken of the 



ruler not haying respect to the common feelings 
of the people in his employment of ministers^ 

and the consequences thereof to himself, ^t , 

low. 1st tone, is used as in Ana. XI. ix. 4, ors» 

the prep. J^. This par. speaks generally of the 

primal cause of gaining and losing, and shows how 

the principle of the measuring square musf have itB 

root in the ruler's mind. So, in the ^ ^S. The 

great course is explained by Choo He as — * the 
art of occupying the throne, and therein culti- 
yating himself and governing others.' 'Ying-tft 
says it is — ^ the course by which he practises filial 
piety, fraternal duty, beneyolence^ and tv%\\V 



244 



THB GREAT LEARNING. 



COXH. CLSBiK 



> 






^ 5£ A /J^ MM. Sv% % % 

keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep. So^ the house 
which possesses a hundred chariots should not keep a minister to 
look out for imposts that he may lay them on the people. Than to 
have such a minister, it were better for that house to nave one who 
should rob it of its revenues y This is in accordance with the saying: 

^ — " In a State, pecuniary gain is not to be considered to be pros- 
perity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness.'* 

23, When he who presides over a State or a family makes hi* 
revenues his chief business, he must be under the influence of some 
small, mean, man. He may consider this man to be good; but when 
such a person is employed in the administration of a State or familji 
calamities from Heaven^ and injuries from men^ will befal it together, 
and, though a good man may take his place, he will not be able to 
remedy the evil. This illustrates again the saying, " In a State, gain 

^ is not to be considered prosperity, but its prosperity will be found 
in righteousness.'* 

two dukes, who ruled before the birth of Ooo- 
fuciiu« Uia layings, quoted here, were pn- 
served hj tradition, or recorded in some work 

wbich is now lost. ^ (read kA) ^ ^'- 

on a scholar's being first called to oAoe, he vtf 
gifted by his prince with a caxriage^ nd l<Qtf 
horses. He was then su^wsed to witbdztr 

from petty ways of getting wealth* ^^Wf 
or high officers of a State^ kept ice forme ■ 
their funeral rites and aacrifloea. 4^ {^-^ 
with reference to the autmg the ice to ctoR i^ 

^, 'oonaidentobegoocL' ^j^JH^^ 
«1 passim. 



■ame nature. They are not contrasted as in 
Ana« Xm. xzyi, 19, This is understood by 
K'ang-shing as requiring the promotion of agri- 
culture, and that is included, but does not ex- 
haust the meaning. The consumers are the 
aalaried officers of the government. The senti* 
ment of the whole is good; — where there is 
cheerful industry in the people, and an economi- 
cal administrati<Hi of the government, the finan- 
ces will be flourishing, 20, The sentiment here 
is substantially the same as in parr, 7, 8, The 
old interpretation is different;— 'The virtuous 
man uses his wealth so aa to make his person 
distinguished. He who is not virtuous, toils 
with his body to increase his wealth.' 21. This 
•hows how the people respond to the influence 
of the ruler, ana that benevolence, even to the 
acattering of his wealth on the part of the latter, 
is the way to permanent prosperity and wealth. 
22. Heen was the hon. epithet of Chung-sun 

ife^ (^)i a worthy mUuatei olliQO)\i&diia\3DA 



\ 



THE GBBAT LGABNINO. 



245 






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TA^ a&ot;e tenfA chapter of commentary explains the government of 
the State^ and the mxiking the empire peaceful and happy. 
There are thtiSy in cdlj ten chapters of commentary^ the first four 
of which discuss J in a general Tnanner, the scope of the principal 
topic of the Work ; while the other six go particularly into an 
exhibition of the work reauired in its subordinate brandies. The 
fifth chapter contains the important subject of comprehending 
true excellence^ and the sixths what is the foundation of the attain- 
ment of true sincerity. Those two chapters demand the especial 
attention of the learner. Let not the reader despise them because 
oftlmr simplicity. . , ^\ ^ . ; y^^^ .^ 



tk.i^ ^^ 



t'^'^ 






H\ '-' 



» • ,\ 






\ 



S46 




THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAK 





/ft' 










\ /» 







My master^ the philosopher ChHng^ says, " Being wilJwut inclm^ 
. Hon to either side is called chung; admitting of no changeis 
called YUNG. By chung is denoted the correct course tobepf* 
sued by all under heaven; by yung is denoted the Jixedprinc^ 
regulating all under heaven. This work contains the law of A$ 
mindj which was handed down from one to another^ iniheOj^ 
fucian school^ till Tsze-sze^ fearing lest in the course of tine i 
errors should arise about it^ committeditto toriting^ and delherd^ 
it to Mencius. The book first speaks of one principle; it ned I 
spreads this out, and embraces all things; firmly^ it returns (md\ 
gathers them all up under the one principle. Unroll it, <mdi\^ 

of j^, in this combination, till Gh^gBistn- \ 

duced that of >fC ^, 'nnchanging,' ai in diB 

introductory note, which, howcfc?, the dkl 
does not acknowledge. Choo He himself up 



Thb titui op thx wobk. — m j^, 'The 

doctrine of the Mean.' I hare not attempted 

to translate the Chinese character j^, as to 

the exact force of which there is considerable 
difference of opinion, both among native com- 
mentators, and among preyious translators. 

ChHng K'ang-shing said :-:g P}? j^ ^> 

jsa^iBt^?5(;n;2:^^ife/Thework 

is named pfa js , becanse it records the practice 

of the non-deyiating mind and of harmony.' 

He takes j^, in the sense of B^, ' to use,' 

' to employ,' which is the first given to it in the 
diet., and is found in the Shoo-king, L p. 9. As 

to the meaning of pt|, and 4<t], see ch. i. p. 4. 

Xliis appears tohAy«be«at2byd««yQft^\^i&MSD^ 



for what is without indinatioa or deflecdos, . 
which neither exceeds nor comes short, i^ ^ 
means ordinary, constant.' The diet gig* 
another meaning of Ywng^ with ^edal k^^ 




ence to the point before us. It is said— 

5(4l •&» *^* ^^ means harmony;' and ^^ 
reference is made to K'ang-shing's wotds^w* 
above, the compilers not having observfd ^ 



J 



THE DOCTBINB OS THE MEAN. 



247 









^ ^i^% 



p\t 




III 



#W4.!5|cIiJSi] 

















Jills ilie universe ; roll it up^ aiid it retires and lies hid in mysteri- 
. ousness. The relish of it is inexliaustible. The whole of it is 
solid learning. Whe7i the skilful reader has explored it unth cfe- 
light till he lias apprehended itj he may carry it into practice aJl 
his life^ and will find that it cannot he exhausted, 

HAPTER I. 1. What Heaven has conferred is called the nature; 
iccordance with this nature is called the path of duty ; the re- 
ition of this path is called instruction. 



hat he takes Ywng^ in the sense of *to 
»y,* and not of * harmony/ Many, however, 

this meaning of the term in ch. ii, and my 
opinion is decidedly in faTour of it, here 
e title. The work then treats of the 
n mind: — in its state of chung^ absolutely 
% as it is in itself; and in its State of Amo, 
rmony, acting ad extra, according to its 
;t nature. — In the version of the work, 

in the collection of * Memoires concernant 
ire, let tciences, Sfc, dea Chinois,* yol. I, it is 
{ — '^ Juste Milieu,* Remusat calls it *L^in- 
*le MilieUj' after Ch4ng E. Inton:etta, and 
oa^jutors call it — * Medium couttans vel 
emum.* The book treats, they say, ^De 
> SEMPrTBRNO, sive de aurea mediocritcUe iUoy 
'Mtf ut ait Cicero, inter nimium et parwn, 
nier tt omnibus in rebut tenenda,* Morrison, 

cter Sb, says, ' Chung Yung, the constant 

m) medium.' Collie calls it — ^ The golden 
mi.' The objection which I have to all 
names is, that from them it would appear 

Pu were a noun, and ^b a qualifying 

dye, whereas they are co-ordinate terms. 

VODUGTORT XOTE. -7* j|^ -7*, — tee OD 

note to the ^^ ^^. On Ts£e-8ze, and 
nthorship of this work, see the prole- 
JUL y^ '^ is a phrase denoting — * hea- 
saiih, and the four cardinal point8,'=the 
ne. S-^S^fj — i^ot our ' good reader,' 
I in the tnariatioiL^J will not here aati- 



cipate the judgment of the reader on the eulogy 
of the enthusiastic ChHng. 

1. It has been stated, in the prolegomena, that 
the current division of the Chung Yung into 
chapters was made by Choo He, as well as their 
subdivision into paragraphs. The 83 chapters, 
which embrace the work, are again arranged 
by him in five divisions, as will be seen from 
his supplementary notes. The first and last 
chapters are complete in themselves, as the in- 
troduction and conclusion of the treatise. Th« 
second part contains ten chapters; the third, 
nine, and the fourth, twelre. 

Par, 1. The nrincwlea of duty have their root in 
the evidenced will of Heaven, and their JuU exhibit 

tion in the teaching of sages. By ^Mt, or 'nature,' 

is to be understood the nature of man, though 
Choo He generalizes it so as to embrace that of 
brutes also ; but only man can be cognizant of 

the taou and keaou. '^^ he defines by '^, 'to 

command,' * to order.' But we must take it ai 
in a gloss on a pass, from the Yih-k ing, quoted 

in the diet.— ^ ^ A 'Vr ^ ^' '^"'^ 
is what men are endowed with.' Choo He also 
says that 't(^ is just ^, the 'principle,' char- 
acteristic of any particular nature. But this 
only involves the subject in mystery. His ex- 
planation of ^ by ^&, 'a path,' seems to be 

correct, though some modem writers object to 
it. — ^What is taught seems to be this :~To man 
belongs a mond nature, c»TV^«tt^ ^^iX&sewVj 
Heav^ or Qfi^ \>7 '«[\b[i^ \i& u ^^MiWi^sQ)^ ^ 



1 



248 



THE DOCTRINE OP THE MEAN. 



oom. ciLi. 










»t2i>i 





±m 






mm^^. 









J 



1 



2. The path may not be left for an instant. If it could be left, it 
would not be the path. On this account, the superior man does not 
wait till he sees things, to be cautious, nor till he hears things, to be 
apprehensive. 

y 3. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing . 

/more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man is '^ 

\ watchful over himself, when he is alone. 

4. While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, 
the mind may be said to be in the state of equilibkidm. Whea : 
those feelings have been stirred, and they act in thdr due deprree, 

' there ensues what may be called the state of harmony. This 
EQUILIBRIUM is the great root from tvhich grow all the human actings 
in the world, imd this harmony is the universal path which they all 
should pursue. 



Uw to himself. But as he is prone to deviate 
fh)ra the path in which, according to his nature, 
he should go, wise and good men — sages — have 
appeared, to explain and regulate this, helping 
all by their instructions to walk in it. 

Par, 2. The path indicated by the nature may 

never be leftj and the superwr man — fifi ^S jP^ 

dow , he who would embody all principles of right 
to tran/y — exercises a most sedulous care that he 
the exact iv t^ere/o. ^S ^b is a name for a 
difference of c r ^^^ ^f ^hich there are 80 in 
mentatora, ana * ^^^ phrase is commonly used 
ChingK'ang-shingUi instant.' Kimg Ying-U 

it named pfl0,hecauaeitrec«^°""*^^^- R^' 
of the non-deviating mind and"\ away from.' 
He takes ]^, in the sense of K,Uterally,— 

• to employ,' which is the first given to if.^* il! 
diet., and is found in the Shoo-king, I. p. 9. ^ h^ 

to the meaning of rfj , and 5(<U, see ch. i. p. ^^i ^ ^ 

2^^ ftppeuv to haye heea the ttCcei^tediDAaaiDff I *^not he l€ilt° It is difficvUt to injui^^ 



^ffi^ 1^, ought not to be mitetfMA | 
pas8ivcly,B' where he is not aeen,' «wh€«bei» > 
not heard.' They are so understood by Yiag-tf t 

and the ^^fS> ch. vL, is much in favov, j 

by its analogy, of such an interpietatioiL I 

Par. 8. Choo He says that § i« *• ^>>^ .« 

place;' that JS\ means 'small Batten;* sad J 

that :ffi is *the place which other mcft 4oi| |^ 

not know, and is known only to ooe's-ielt'i 
There would thus hardly be here any sdnswi ■ 
from the last par. It seems to me that lbs »^ ^4 
crecy must be in the recesses of one's own )MSi^t| 
and the minute things, the springs of thosgfel 1 
and stirrings of purpose there. The full ^f^\ 
lopment of what is intended here is probs' ' ^ 
be found in all the subsequent passages 

|(j[, or 'sincerity/ See^Jjif^^l 

Par, 4. ' This,* says Choo He, *spe^ 
virtue of the nature and passiona, to ifis 
the meaning of the statement that the path \ 



^•^i* 



^1 



THK DOCTIUNE OF THE MEAN. 



249 



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ji 7i B« « W 4. 



MM.zr^'^m^jj 



t. 





.pT 






Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, 
a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, and all 
gs will be nourished and flourish. 

In the first chapter which is given above j Tsze-sze states the views 
which had been handed down to him^ as the basis of his discourse. 
First, it shotos clearly how the path of duty is to be traced to its 
origin in Heaven, and is uncliangeable, while the substance of it 
is provided in ourselves, and niay not be departed from. Isext, 
it speaks oftlie importance of preserving and nourishing this, and 
of exercising a watchful self-scrutiny with reference to it. Fi- 
nally, it speaks of the meritorious achievements and transforming 
influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest extent. The 
wish of Tsze-sze teas that hereby the learner should direct hi^ 
thoughts inwards, and by searching in himself, tliere find these 



e it is difficult to QodenUnd it g§ J^ 

trent from ]^ gB in P !• That d^nea; 

iMcribts. What ia described in the first 

•eems to be ^Uz, ' the nature,* capable of 

ings, but unacted on, and in equilibrium. 
5. On this Intorcetta and his colleagues 
e : — ' QftU non videt eo dumtaxai coliimfisse 
ohmnij Kl hominit naturam, quam ah origine 
tamj §ed deinde lapiam et depravatam passim 
10 docent, adpritnaevum innootntiotstatumre" 
f Attpu ita reHquas res creatas, homnijcun 
^ €t in efusdem ruinam armattis, adpruttnum 
mm vehtti revocaret. Hoc/. I, «. /. Uhri Ta 
oe item hie et alibi non tenia/ indicat Kui 
pMkmopimB m9 u prima /eli<iitate 



propter peccatumprimi parentis excidisse^ tamen et tot 
rerum qua adversantur et in/esta sunt Komini, et ipsi" 
us naturae hwnana addetenora tamprona, Itngousu 
et contemplatione didicisse vicktur^ non posse hoc uni» 
versutn, quod homo vitiatus quodam modo vitiaraty 
connaturali sua integritati et ordini resHtui, nisi 
pnus ipse homo per victoriam sui ipsiuSj eamj quam 
atniserat, integritatem et ordinem recuperaret* I 
fancied something of the same Icind, before 
reading their note. Ace. to Choo He, the par. 
descril^ the work and influence of sage and 
spiritual men in their highest issues. The sub- 
ject is dcTeloped in the 4th part of the work, 
in veo' extravagant and mystical language. 
The study of it will modify very much our as- 
sent to the views in the above \^tta^. TWc% 

ifl intbift Yrlu>\e c\^^V^ ikXD^'vsft^ tRoaa v^ 



.250: 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAl^. 



CK.1L. 



>'J^ f K _ 

WB3f 















*0v 

'If A 
4.^ A 

truthsj so that lie might put aside all outivard temptations appeoi- 
iivj to his selfishness^ and fill up the measure of the goodness 
which is natural to him. This chapter is wlmt the writer Yan^ 
called it^ — " The sum of the whole worh^ In the ten diapt&rt 
ivhich folloiVj Tsze-sze quotes the words of the Master to compldt 
tlie meaning of this. 

Chapter II. 1. Chung-He said, "The superior man emhodiesiJsA 
course of the Mean ; the mean man acts contrary to the course of 
the Mean. 

2. " The superior man's embodying the course of the Mean is 
because he is a superior man, and so always maintains the Mean. The 
mean man's acting contrary to the course of the Mean is because he 
is a mean man, and has no caution." 

mysticisinf — of what majr be grasped, and what 
tantalizes and eludes the mind. j\f^ ace. to 

Choo He,= ^ff* JEL j\f, * will rest in their 

positions.* K'ang-shing explained it by 7F > 

— * will be rectified.' * Heaven and Earth' are 
here the parent powers of the universe. Thus 
Ying-t& expounds : — * Heaven and Earth will 
get their correct place, and the processes of pro- 
duction and completion will go on according to 
their principles, so that all things will be nour- 
ished and fostered.' 

CoxLUDiNo KOTB. The writer Yang, quoted 
here, was a distinguished scholar and author in 
the reign of '^ ^, A. D. 1064-1085. He 
wtM a di«ciple of Oh'ing Uaou, tad «^ tdvad 



both of him and his brother, £. ^9 ^^ *^ 
substance and the ab8tract,*ssthe sum. 

2. Only the superior uxk cak folww 
TiiR Mean ; the mean is always ▼iolati56 it. 
1. Why Confucius should here be quoted by his 
designation, or marriage name, is a moot-poiat. 
It is said by some that disciples might in this 
way refer to their teacher, and a grandton to 
his grandfather, but such a rule is constituted 
probable on the strength of this instance, sod 
that in ch. xxx. Others say that it ii tlie 

honorary designation of the sage, andsthe f^ 

^, which duke Gae used in referenee to 

Confucius, in eulogizing him after his dettb. 
See the Le-ke» II. Ft. I. iii. id. Some tub 

Tsrait be uAdecstOQd beiwoen ^ -^ wad (^ 



.— ir. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



251 



^%^z 









^M 4. 7; ^> ^ m 

[AFTER III. The Master said, " Perfect is the virtue which is 
•ding to the Mean! Rare have they long been among the peo- 
who could practise it ! " 

lAPTEH IV. 1. The Master said, " I know how it is that the path 
? Mean is not walked in: — ^The knowing go beyond it, and the 
d do not come up to it. I know how it is that the path of the 
1 is not understood : — The men of talents and virtue go beyond 
id the worthless do not come up to it. 

"There is no body but eats and drinks. But they are few 
can distinguish flavours." 

firat ch.; and 'though there is no connection of 
composition between them,' says Choo He, * they 
are all rehited by tlieir meaning.' 

3. Tub karitv, long existing in Confu- 
cius' TIME, OF THK PRACTICE OF THE MeAK. See 

the Ana< VI. xxvii. K*ang-shing and Ying-t& 
take the lost clause as=*few can practise it 
long.' But tlie view in tlie transl. is better. 

The change from "(^ ^ Q to -7- Q Is 

observable. 

4. How IT WAS THAT FEW WERE ABLE TO 

PRACTisB THE Mean. 1. jg may be referred 
to the 1^ in the first chapter; immediately 
following f^ j^ in the last, I translate it here 
— *the path of the Mean.' j^,^ and & 

^^ are not to be understood as meaning the 

truly wise and the truly worthy, but only those 
who in the degenerate times of Confucius deem- 
ed themselres to be such. The former thought 
the course of the Mean not worth their study, 
and the latter thought it not sufficiently ex- 
alted for their practice. >^,— *as,' 'like.' yK 

^ following ^, indicates individuals of a diff. 

character, not equal to them. 2. We have here 
not a comparison, but an illustra., which may 
help to an understandiu^ oC iVtfi ^otvctfa -^^^^^ 
though it doe% uoX «^\Bk. ^^r^ «bvx« ^«^^<6 ^^\^\ 



nd I have supposed it to be €g, with 

f the paraphrasts. Nearly all seem to be 

that dl Mf iiere is the same as pi) 

1 the last chapter. On the change of 
Choo He quotes from the scholar Yew 
to the effect that FJ) ^ is said with 

tare and feelings in view, and m j^, 

sference to yirtue and conduct. 2. "& 

Ijj ^ pb, is explained by Choo: — 

Lse he has the virtue of a superior man, 

oreover is able always to manage the 

But I rather think that the keun-tsze 

specially to be referred to the same as 

ed in i. 2, and ^ = JE ^ • Wang 
le famons scholar of the Wei (^fi) dyn- 
L the 1st part of the 8d cent., quotes A\ 

r ^ ^* ^^^^ R before pt) , of which 
te approves. If ^F be not introduced 
e text, it must certainly be understood. 
|is the opposite of ^^.^^||, in 
'his, and the ten chapters which follow, 
te the words of Confucius with reference 
p|4 J^, to explain the meaiung ol the 



I 



252 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE BtEAN. 



CB.T.'-TIL 






l^^l 





n m p^ 



K»#»W^ 



f 









Chapter V. The Master said, " Alas ! How is the path of the 
Mean untrodden ! " 

Chapter VI. The Master said, "There was Shun: — ^He indeed 
was greatly wise I Shun loved to question others^ and tx) study their 
words, though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad 
in tiierrij and displayed what was good. He took hold of their two 
extremes, determined the Mean, and employed it in his government of 
the people. It was by this that he was Shun ! " 

Chapter VII. The Master said, "Men all say, 'We are wise;* 
but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, 
they know not how to escape. Men all say, * We are wise ;' but hap- 
pening to choose the course of the Mean, they are not able to keep 
It for a round month." 



know the trae flavour of what they eat and 
drink, but thej need not go beyond that to 
learn it. So, the Mean belongs to all the aetions 
of ordinary life, and might be discerned and 
practised in them, without looking for it in ex- 
traordinary things. 

6. Choo He says : — * From not being under- 
Btood, therefore it is not practised.' Ace. to 
K^ang-shing, the remark is a lament that there 
was no intelligent sovereign to teach the path. 
But the two views are reconcileable. 

6. How Shun pursued thk coursr op the 
Mean. This example of Shun, it seems to me, 
is adduced in opposition to the knowing of ch. 
iv. Shun, tho* a sage, invited the opinions of all 
men, and found truth of the highest value in 
their simplest sayings, and was able to deter- 
mine from them the course of the Mean. ^I> 

Jt J^ jS|, — * the two extremes * are under- 
stood by K^ang-shing of the two errors of ex- 
ceedii^ and coming short of t\xe 'NUwcu Q;\L<y) 



He makes them — ' the widest di flbw nce s in tlie 
opinions which he received.' I conceiTe the 
meaning to be tliat he examined the ansverf 
which he got, in their entirety, from begimmv 

to end. Comp. :|^ ^ ^ J^, Ana. IX m 

His concealing what was bad, and dispbyiiif 
what was good, was alike to encourage pe<?^ 
to speak freely to him. KHuig-shing msketthe 

last sentence to turn on Uie meaning of ^ 
when applied as an honorary epithet of the deidt 
s=*Full, all-accomplished;' but Shun wu» 
named when he was alive. 

7. Their covtrart conduct shows no's 
ignorance of the cour8b and nature ot tbi 

Mean. .The first Hp 4g| is to be nndcntood 

with a general reference, — 'We arc wise,' i. *t 

we can very well take care of oursehrei. Tet 

the presumption of such a profession is seen ii 

. men's not being able to take care of thenudT* 

\Tti« «:^^^^^^dD^'^x)&\s«xi<ia is then mads is 



CB. Tin. — ^x. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



253 



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m4. 












o^^oa^^l 




"¥ w<.B.w M.B^ 













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pfit. 





Chaptkr VIII. The Master said, " This was the manner of Hwuy: 
— he made choice of the Mean, and whenever he got hold of wliat 
M'as good, lie clasped it firmly, as if wearing it on his breast, and did 
not lose it." 

Cn AFTER IX The Master said, **The empire, its States, and its 
families, may be perfectly ruled; dignities and emoluments may be ^. 
declined ; naked weapons may be trampled under the feet ; — but the 
course of the Mean cannot be attained to." 

Chaptkr X. 1. Tsze-loo asked about energy. 

2. The Master said, ''Do you mean the energy of the South, 
the energy of the North, or the energy which you should cultivate 
yourself' ? 



the subject in hand, the cecond -F* 4P|| being 
to be siK^cially understood, with refercace to the 
subject of the Mean. Tlie conclusion in both 
pjirts is left to be drawn by the reader for him- 

«elf . r^, read hwa^ lower 3d tone, * a trap for 

catcliin;; animals.' 10], read ke, like ;fl^, in 

Analects, XIII. x, though it is here applied to a 
nioutl), and not, as there, to a year. 

b. lloW IlWUV HELD FAST THE COURSE OF 

THE Mean. Here the exami)le of Hwuy is 
likewise adduced, in oppos. to those mentioned 
in ch. iv. All the rest is exegetical of the first 
clause- [gj ;^ ^ A i£» *Hwuy's play- 
iug the man,' — • ^&. is not * one good point,* 
so much as any one. ^& is * the closed fist ;' 

j^ ^^1 — * the appearance of holding firm.* 

U. The difficulty of attaining to the 
COURSE or TUJB Mean. ^^~K>— * ti»c empire ;* 



we should say — * empires,' but the Chinese know 
only of one empire, and hence this name for it- 
The empire is made up of States, and each .State 
of Families. See the Analects, V. vii.; XII. xx. 

J*^, *level;'herea verb,=2p y^, *to bring 
to perfect order.' 3j » — * * sharp, stroijg, wea- 
pon,' used of swords, spears, javelins, &c, JN 

fflr ^fe , — lit., * cannot be canned. 

10. On energy in its relation to thb 
Mean. In the Analects we find Tsze-loo, on 
various occasions, putting forward the subject 

of his valour (.S )) and claiming, on the ground 

of it, such praise as the Master awarded to 
Hwuy. We may sui)pose, with the old inter- 
preters, that hearing Ilwuy commended, as in 
ch. viii., he wanted to know whether Confucius 
would not allow that he also could, with his force- 
ful character, seize and hold fast the Mean. 1. 

For HM I have been disposed l<i CL^m \>csa Xv^rssv 



254 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



CB.L 








3. "To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others; 
and not to revenge unreasonable conduct : — tliis is the energ}^ of 
Southern regions, and the good man makes it his stud}-. 

4. " To lie under arms ; and meet death without re/rret : — this 
is the energy of Northern regions, and the forceful make it their 
study. 

5. " Therefore, the superior man cultivates a friendly harmony, 
without being weak. — How firm is he in his energy ! He stands 
erect in the middle, without inclining to either side. — How firm is he 
in his energy 1 When good principles prevail in the government 
of his country, he does not change from what he was in retirement. 
— How firm is he in his energy! When bad principles prevail 
in the country, he maintains his course to death withot changing. 
— How firm is he in his energy ! " 



^liXm^A^ ^» '*^® ^^™® °^ strength 
8ufHcient to overcome others.' 2. jfnC^rfr ) 

HBS must be — * the energy which you should 

cultivate,' not * which you have.' If the latter 
be the meaning, no farther notice of it is taken 
in Confucius' repiy, while he wouUl seem, in 
the three foil, paragraphs, to describe the three 
kinds of energy which he specifies. K*ang- 

sliing and Ying-tft say that Tfn ZS means 

the energy of the Middle kingdom, tlie North 
being * the sandy desert,' and the South, * the 
country south of the Yang-tsze/ But this is 
not allowable. 8. That climate and situation 
have an influence on charjicter is not to be 
denied, and the Chinese notions on the subject 
may be seen in the amplification of the Dth of 

K'ang-he's celebrated maxims (S3 ^ l^^lj)- 

But to speak of their effects as Confucius here 
does is extravagant. Tlie barbarism of the 
South, accord, to tlie interpretaticiii mentioned 
above, could not have been described by him in 
these terms. The energy of mildness and for- 
bearance, thus described, is held to come short 



with a low and light moaning, far short of what 
is has in par. 5. This practice of detenuinii'? 
the force of phrases from the context inakti 

the reading of the Ch. classics perplexing to 
a student. JS JP^, — see the Ana. XII. xi^. 

4. 5^, ' the lappel in front of a coat ;* also '& 

™***' ^ '^ 3f » * ^ ™*^® ^ "*^ ^^ ^^ 
leather dress (3£) and weapons (^V '^^ 
energy of the North, it is said, is in excess 
of the Mean, and the mT, at the beginning of p. 5, 
*thereforc,'=' those two kinds of energy being 
thus respectively in defect and excess.' ^ 

is Hrj^ ^9, * the appearance of being energetic' 
This illustrates the energy which is in exact 
accord with the Mean, in the individual's treat- 
ment of others, in his regulation of himself, and in 
relation to public affairs. ^^ j^, m j§ ••" 
often in the Analects. I have followed Ckoo 
He in translating ^^. Ying- ta paraphrues :- 



1 



0/ tht Mean ; and therefore ^ -^ » l^^ii \ ^ ^"^(^^ ^fX jfc 1^» '^® ^^ 



a.xju— xn. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



255 




I 'I 




T T> Ji. ^ 4^ ^o^ 0. 

it ^«W ^» M S 

# X- ^ 






)^li 








#* 



St 




obscurity, and 
honour in fu- 



Chapter XL 1. The Master said, "To live in 
yet practise wonders, in order to be mentioned with 
lure ages ; — this is what I do not do. 

2. " The ffood man tries to proceed according to 
but when he has gone halfway, he abandons it; — I 
to stop. 

3. " The superior man accords with the course 
Though he may be all unknown, unregarded by the 
lo regret. — It is only the sage who is able for this." 

Chapter XII. 1. The way which the superior man pursues, 
"eaches wide and far, and yet is secret. 



the right path, 
am not able so 

of the Mean, 
world, he feels 



^ what ifl upright, and does not change, his 
irtaotu conduct being all-complete.' A mo- 
ern writer makes the meaning : — * He does not 
baage through being puffed up bj the fulness 
r office.' Both of these Tiews go on the iuter- 

letation of ^g aB=>:SP. 

11. Onlt thb saob can cows ttp to thb 

bquisbmkvts of the Mbam. 1. 




is found 

Titteo ^, * to examine,' * to studj,' in a work 

r the Han dynasty, and Choo He adopts that 
baracter as the true reading, and explains ac- 
atdingly:-— *To study what is obscure and 

tong (^ j^V K'ang-sbmg took it as^ 

\^ * towards,' and both he and Ting-tft ex- 
Lin as in the translation. It is an objection 
i Choo He*s yiew, that, in the next ch., ^ is 
tven as one of the characteristics of the Mean. 
^ Hi IMl Zr ^' "* P- ^» moreover, agree 
eU with the older yiew. 2. S* -T* is here 
)e same as in last ch. p. a A distinction is 
«de between J B L ^ here and "tk ^^ be- 

'^. The former, it is said, implies endeavour, 
Kile the latter is natural and unconstrained 

^oordiaoe. <• ^ -^ bere ha§ itsyery high- 



est signification, aadsj^ 3F in the last daute. 

^ [ti; is said to be diff. from jg ^, the 

latter being applicable to the recluse who with- 
draws from uie world, while the former may 
describe one who is in the world, but does not 
act with a reference to its opinion of him. It 
will be observed how Confucius declines saying 
that he had himself attained to this highest 
style. — * With this ch.,' says Choo He, ' the quo- 
tations by Tsze-sze of the Master's words, to 
explain the meaning of the first chapter, stop. 
The great object of the work is to set forth 
wisdom, benevolent virtue, and valour, as the 
three grand virtues whereby entrance is effected 
into the path of the Mean, and therefore, at its 
commencement, they are illustrated by reference 
to Shun Yen Yuen, and Tsze-loo, Shun pos- 
sessing the wisdom, Yen Yuen the benevolence, 
and Tsze-loo the valour. If one of these virtues 
be absent, there is no way of advancing to the 
path, and perfecting the virtue. This will be 
found fully treated of in the 20th chapter.' So, 
Choo He. The student forming a judgment for 
himself, however, will not see very <ustinctly any 
reference to these cardinal virtues. The utter- 
ances of the sage illustrate the phrase Pu JgP, 
showing that the course of the Mean had fallen 
out of observance, some overshooting it, and 
otbere coming short of it. Wbieair^ wi\ wsi&sa 



< 



256 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE BIEAK. 




%lllli^:^* 



li^fllL Aft ^! 






WW Prw y^- >1^ 



tg4.pr7i 

B(2 M> 




. ^'Jx i^. 





%^ 




TTm% 





2. Common men and women, however ignorant, may intenned- 
die with the knowledge of it ; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that 
which even the sage does not know. Common men and woHien, 
however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry 
it into practice; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even 
the sage is not aole to carnr into practice. Great as heaven and earth 
are, men still find some things m them with which to be dissatis- 
fied. Thus it is, that were the superior man to speak of his way in 
all its greatness, nothing in the world would be found able to em- 
brace it, and were he to speak of it in its minuteness, nothing in the 
world would be found able to split it. 

3. It is said in the Book of Poetry, " The hawk flies up to heaven; 
the fishes leap in the deep." This expresses how this way is seen 
above and below. 

precise directioni how to attain to it, we come 
finally to the condnsion that only the sage is 
capable of doing so. We greatly want teach- 
ing, more practical and precise. 

12. The coursb of the Mean beaches far 
AMD wins, BUT TBT IS SBCBBT. With this ch. 
the third part of the work commences, and the 

first sentence,-^ "F* ^ }S» ® flO IS' 

may be regarded as its text. If we could deter- 
mine satisfactorily the signification of those two 
terms, we should have a good clue to the mean- 
ing of the whole, but it is not easy to do so. 
The old view is inadmissible. K'ang-shing 

takes J@ <m={|q]» 'doubly involved,' 'pervert- 
ed,' and both he and 'Ying-tS explain : — * When 
light principles are opposed and disallowed, the 
•uperior man retires into obscurity, and does 
not hold office/ On this view of it, tiie sentence 
has nothing to do with the succeeding chapters. 

The two meaiiings of J^ m the diet, ore—' the 
Ave cvpenditoie of money,* and ^dsnx^tlQii^' oat 



range of the taou in practice.' Sometfaiiig like 
this must be its meaning: — ^the oonrse of the 
Mean, requiring everywhere to be exhibited. 

Choo then defines^ as ^ ^ ^, 'tte 

minuteness of the taou in its nature or essence.' 
The former answers to the what of the tao^ and 
the latter, to the why. But it rather seeaii to 

me^ that the ^ here is the game with the B 

and ^ft^, L 4, and that the author simply ia> 

tended to say, that the way of the superior ma 
reaching everywhere,— embracing all datiei,— 
yet had its secret spring and seat in the Res* 
ven-gifted nature, the individual canscioiisiietf 

of duty in every man. 3. Jb j|Sa=pCj^f 

pC ^, Ana. XrV. xviiL 8. But I confen 10 
be all at sea in the study of this par. CIno 
quotes from the scholar How (/& j^), M 
^\i»X \3m& v^^Tvot man fails to know, wss o» 



nLXiL — xnu 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



257 









^ 



^.^± 



« 





T 



ViLr» 



-fc#- "m* ^db. — A-- --HH -JUU 



* + 






PI 




Ti^AM 








1=1 I 




4. The way of the superior man may be found, in its simple ele- 
ment^ in the intercourse of common men and women ; but in its 
utmost reaches, it shines brightly through heaven and earth. 

The twelfth chapter above contains the words of Tsze-sze^ and is de- 
signed to illustrate ivhat is said in the first chapteVy that " Tlwpath 
vmy not be left^ In the eight chapters lohichfollmc^ he quotes^ in 
a miscellaneous way^ the words of Confucius to illustrate it. 

Chapter XIII. 1. The Master said, "The path is not far from 
man. When men try to pursue a course, which is far from the 
common indications of consciousness, this course cannot be consider- 
ed THE PATH. 

2. "In the Book of Poetry, it is said, *In hewing an axe-handle, 
in hewing an axe-handle, the pattern is not far oflF.' We grasp 
one axe-handle to hew the other, and yet, if we look askance from 



tnd aboat offices, and what be fails to practise, 
trat exemplified in Conf. not being on the throne, 
ind in Taou and Shan's being dissatisfied that 
they cofold not make every individual enjoy the 
beneflta of their rule. He adds bis own opin- 
ion, that wherein men complained of Heaven 
and Earth, was the partiality of their operations 
In oversliadowing and supporting, producing 
nd completing, tiie heat of summer, the cold 
flf winter, ftc. If such things were Intended 
bj the writer, we can only regret the vague- 
pees of his language, and the want of coherence in 

)t$ argument. In transUting fSc -7- W^ -jsr 



'Slf^S' 



I haye f oUoired Maou Se-ho. 3. See 



the She-king, III. i. Ode Y. st. 8. The ode is 
in praise of the virtue of king Wftn. ^& is in 

the sense of H^ ^E, * brightly displayed.' 

The application of the words of the ode does 
appear strange, 

13. The path of the Mbax is not fak to 
SEEK. Each man has the law of it in him- 
self, AND it is to be PUESUED WITH SAENE8T 

8INCEEITY. 1. A^Slifl5|iA' 

— * When men practise a course, and itmA to be 
far from men.' The meaning is as in the trans- 
lation. 2. See the She-king I. xv. Ode V. st. 2. 
The object of the par, seems to be to show that 



t^ 



258 



TIIE DOCTBISE OF THE MEAN. 












Tv ."S.ij^ fl^ 






3/!^ @ T 1^' 



ilc :^ 1^ 

m BE — 




BfJ^i^ 




1^^ 




^^x 



the one to the other, we may consider them as apart. Therefore, 
tlie superior man governs men, according to their nature, with 
wliat is proper to them, and as soon as they change what is wron^ 
he stops. 

3. ''When one cultivates to the utmost the principles of his na- 
ture, and exercises them on the principle of reciprocity, he is not 
far from the path. What you do not Uke, when done to yourselfl 
do not do to others. 

4. "In the way of the superior man there are four things, to not 
one of wiiich have I as yet attained. — To serve my father, as I 
Avould require my son to serve me: to this I have not attained; 
to serve my prince, as I would require my minister to ser^e me: 
to this I have not attained; to serve my elder brother, as I would re- 
quire my younger brother to serve me : to this I have not attained; 
to set the example in behaving to a friend, as I would require him to 
behave to me: to this I have not attained. Earnest in practising 
the ordinary virtues, and careful in speaking about them, if, in hU 
practice, he has anything defective, the superior man dares not but 






•^ 









tlie rule for doalinpf with men, according to the 
principles of the Mean, is nearer to us than the 
axe in the hand is to the one which is to be cut 
down with, aqd fashioned after, it. The branch 
is liewn, and its form altered from its natural 
one. Not so with man. The change in him 
only brings him to his proper state. 3. Comp, 

Ana. IV. XV. ^t is here a neuter verb,=* to be 

distant from.' 4. Comp. An9. VII. !., ii., zix.» 

etaL ITie admissions made by Cotvt. Yvw^ %tc 

important to those vho ^dU ucoe^i^aj^f ^mxl^^u 



\ 



intercourse with the Chinete, to insist ob bit 
having been, like other men, oompasKd vith 
infirmity. It must be allowed, however, tbi 
the cases, as put by him, are in a meassre bjp* 
thetical, his father having died when be vi** 
child. In the course of the paragrnih, lie V"^ 

from speaking of himsdf by his name (J^]l 

to speak <tf the kewn-tsze^ and the duaie >* 

most naturally made after the last g|{H* 



'I 



>iC^ 




xin,— -wv. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



259 



■A 



;r 



tiscp rftt Sff ^^ a* HB ^ —p* "Sj ~1v 



T 



T m m ff # #-* fi^ 







* -- - /• -^ -- - 








^ ^ '^T ^T» 




exert himself; and if, in his words, he has any excess, he dares not 
allow himself such license. Thus his words have respect to his ac- 
tions, and his actions have respect to his words; is it not just an*^ 
entire sincerity which marks the superior man ? " 

Chapter XIV. ]. The superior man does what is proper to 
the station in which he is; he does not desire to go beyond this. 

2. In a position of wealth and honour, he does wliat is proper to 
a position of wealtli and honour. In a poor and low position, he 
does what is proper to a poor and low position. Situated among 
barbarous tribes, he does what is proper to a situation among bar- ' 
barous tribes. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what 
is proper to a position of sorrow and difficulty. The superior man^ 
can find himself in no situation in which he is not himself. 

3. In a high situation, he doe^ not treat Avith contempt his in- 
feriors. In a low situation, he does not court the favour of his^ 

proper station in wliich lie has been.' Tlie 
meaning comes to much the same in all these 
interpretations. ^ jS| ^ ^ ^hi— comp. 

Ana. XIV. xxviii. 2. :^ ^ ^ M""^ 

the path, which ought to l)e pursued amid riches 
and honours.' So^ in the other clauses. B 

i^, — ^lit.,=* self -possessing.' Tlie paraphrasts 
make it — ^ happy in conforming himself to his 
position.' I consider it equivalent to what is 

said in ch. ii.,~^ ^Z^B'^^Wf 
-^P flO D$ ^- 2- ^ " explained in the 



, |toe of ordinary virtues.' i. e., the duties of a 

•on, minister, &c., mentioned above, and in the 

?^refulness or ordinary speech, i. e., speaking 

ftbout those virtues. To the practice belong 

'ihe cUuK. ^jP^:^^,X^WLlf^^' 

and to the speaking, the two next clauses. |h * 
* — ns a final particle,=B^, 'simply,' *just.' 

♦ 14. How THE SUPERIOR MAN, IN EVERY VARY- 

190 SrrUATION, PURSUES TIIK MeAN, DOING WHAT 

m M BIGHT, AND FINDING HIS RULE IN HIMSELF. 

• 1. Choo He takes ^ *•= M^» * ** present,' 
n fvow ;* but that meaning was made to meet the 
Ikcxlgency of the present passage. K'ang-shing 

^ifken it, as inch, xi., as=:^^, 'towards.' Maou 
Toun to ettablish this view ;— ^|fr^, 



260 



THE DOCTRINE OE THE MEAN. 



€B.llV>4I^I 





T^htt 





superiors. He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from others, 
80 that he has no dissatisfactions. He does not murmur against 
heaven, nor grumble against men. 

4. Thus it is that the superior man is quiet and calm, waiting 
for the appointments of Heaven^ while the mean man walks in 
dangerous paths, looking for lucky occurences. 

5. The Master said, " In archery we have something like the yraj 
of the superior man. When the archer misses the centre of the targ^ 
lie turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself.'' 

Chapter XV. 1. The way of the superior man may be com- 
pared to what takes place in travelling, when to go to a distance wc 
•^ must first traverse the space that is near, and in ascending a height, 
when we must begin from the lower ground. 

2. It is said in the Book of Poetry, " Happy union with wHc 
and children, is like the music of lutes and harps. AVhen there 

And A figure of the lAtter waj AttAched to it in 
leather. It in not meant, hoWeter, by th% tbit 
they were both used in the sAoie taiyet at ioe 
same time. For another lUnstrAtioo of the vi/ 
of the superior mAn from the ciurtoms of •icfc' 
ery, see AnA., III. tH. 
15. In the practicb of trb Mkas mtf 

IS AN OHDBSLT ADYAKCB FBOM STEf TO CTtf • 

1. J^ is reAd as, and^^^. 2. See the Sk- 

king, II. i. Ode lY . st. 7. 8. The ode cdeteM 
in A regretful tone, the dependence of famM 
on one another, And the beAuty of brotMf 
harmony. Maou says : — * Although theie ^ 
\^\\v^Vv«\.w ^nlon of wife and dbildRAftt* 



dict^ After K'Ang-shing, by §S |^, * to dmg 

and cling to.' The opposition of the two clAuses 

makes the meAning plAiu. h. >?^ ^S ^v» 

|\ yK -it* K, — see Ada. XIV. xxxrii. 4. 

J^, Acc. to K'Ang-shing, ^fj^^P^} ^'^ ^^- 
VAient to peaceful and tranquil.' Choo He says, 

*~^ ^ Mb "tfc* ' M ™^"* ^®^®* ground.' 
Tliis is most correct, but we cannot so Well ex- 
press it in the trAnslAtion. -A, as lucd here, is 

often written ^^. B. j[^,up.latlonfc,«ixvd^||« 
Are both names of birds, smAWatidAXetV^^^^^^ 



JScult to be hit. On this accost, apictvw^io^lXxft \ \fe XV^ Xxwrn^m^v^^jiw^^^^ '^'^^^^^^iJ^ 

former wm painted on \h« iwdfai* ^1 x^» \w»a^.\ >''^^ ^^^^«^^^'t\i^^x, ^^ ^Ci»«. iw^ -^'i 



tJB. XT.— XVI. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



261 



mi^w^ji-:^ 




^ A, pT # w ^ 0. 





Is concord among brethren, the harmony is delightful and enduring. 
Tlins may you regulate your family, and enjoy the pleasure of 
your wife and children." 

3. The Master said, " In such a state of things, parents have en- 
tire complacence ! " 

Chapter XVL 1. The Master said, " How abundantly do spiritual 
beings display the powers that belong to them ! 

2. "We look for them, but do not see them ; we listen to, but do 
not hear them ; yet they enter into all things, and there is nothing 
. without them. 

3. "They cause all the people in the empire to fast and purify 
themselves, and array themselves in their richest dresses, in order to 
^attend at their sacrifices. Then, like overflowing water, they seem 
to be over the heads, and on the right and left of their worshippers. 



children be regulated and enjoyed. Brothers 
mrenear to ns, while wife and children are 
more remote. Thus it is, that from what is near 
we proceed to what is remote/ He adds that 
anciently the relationship of husband and wife 
was not among the five relationships of society, 
because the union of brothers is from heaven, 
and that of husband and wife is from man I 8. 

• iThia is understood to be a remark of Confucius 
on the ode. From wife, and children, and broth- 
^rs, parents at last are reached, illustrating how 
fpoia what is low we ascend to what is high. — 

^ Bat all this is far-fetched and obscure. 

I 16. Am u^lustbation, from the operation 

;!a!ID IXrLIJENXE OF SPIRITUAL nSINOS, OF THE 

"'WAT OP THE Mean. What is said of the hoei^ 
f ^ dUa in this chapter is only by way of illustra^ 
' tion. There is no design, on the part of the 
^ sage, to develop his views on those beings or 
^l^enciea. The key of it is to be found in the 

last par., where the ^ 1^ ^ g| evidently 

> lefera ^ ^ |@ -^ ^gj^ i" c^* i* '^^^ P^r^ 
* tberefore, should be separated from the others, 
r ^.«iid not interpreted specially of the kwei-ahin, 
^ \1 think that Dr. Medhurst, in rendering it (The- 
L ^^•iogy of the Chinese, p. 22)—* How great then 
uHb the manifestation of their abstrusencss ! 
HpWhilat displaying their sincerity, they are not 
^*^ be concealed,' was wrong, notwithatauding 



that he may be defended by the example of many 
Chinese commentators. The second clause of 

par. 6,-$^:^:^ pTI^ ^itk' 'pp*^ 

altogether synonymous with the Etfi^jf^ Ph ^^ 

^ jf^ ^l*. in the ;^ !^ ff , ch. yl. 8, to 

which chapter we have seen that the whole of ch. 
1. pp. 2, 3, has a remarkable similarity. However 
we may be driven to find a recondite, mystical, 

meaning for smi, in the 4th part of this work, 

there is no necessity to do so here* With regard 

to what is said of the kwei-Bhin^ it is only the 

first two paragraphs which occasion difiiculty. 

In the 8d par., the sage speaks of the spiritual 

beings that are sacrificed to. Iw^ — ^read chae; 

see Ana. VIL xli. The same is the subject of 
the 4th par. ; or rather, spiritual beings gener- 
ally, whether sacrificed to or not, invisible them- 
selves and yet able to behold our conduct. See 
the She-king, in. ill. Ode II. st. 7. The ode is 
said to have been composed by one of the dukee 
of Wei, and was repeated daily in his hearing 
for his admonition. In the context of the quo- 
tation, he is warned to be careful of his conduct, 
when alone as when in company. For in truth 
we are never alone. * Millions of spiritual be- 
ings walk the earth,' and can ts^e notft ^1 ^^a^^ 



2G2 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



f 



Ce. XTL— IfHM 



— vm^ I 



> 













\<k 






^ m .SoS t,^^ 



4. "It is said in the Book of Poetry, *The approaches of the 
spirits, you cannot surmise; — and can you treat tbcni with indiffer- 
ence ? ' 

5. " Such is the manifestness of what is minute ! Such is the 
impossibility of repressing the outgoings of sincerity !" 

Chafteh XVIL 1. Ihe Master said, "How greatly filial was 
Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity was tlie imperial 



(JB^ is a final particle here, without meaning. 

It is often used so in the She-king. t» , read 
tdh, lower 4th tone, *to coi\jecture,' *to sur- 
mise.* BT, read yih, low. 4th tone, * to dislike.'} 

Wliat now are the hvei-fthin in the first two para- 
graphs. Are we to understand by them some- 
thing different from what they arc in the 3d 
par., to wliich they run on from the first as the 

nominatire or subject of 'ffiP? I think not. 
Tlie precise meaning of what is said of them in 
^is ^ ^ >^ ^X^ c^^not be determined. 
The old interpreters say that Sb=^> *to 
gire birth to ;* that 'p|'= jSfp, ' that which ;* that 

^W|rjS=^^^§, 'there is nothing 

which they neglect;' and that the meaning 
of the whole is — Hhat of all things there is not 
a single thing which is not produced* by the 

breath (or energy ; ^F) of the kwei-sfUn,* This 

18 all that we learn from them. The Sung school 
explain the terms with reference to their phy- 
•ical theory of the universe, derived, as they 
think, from the Yih-king. Choo He's master, 
Ch4ng, explains : — *The kwei-shin are the ener- 
getic operations of Heaven and Earth, and the 
traces of production and transformation.' The 

•cholar Chang (B^^) says:— 'The itirei-iAiii 

are the easily acting powers of the two breaths 

of nature (Z^^LV ^^^^ ^^'* ^^"^ account is : 
—'If we speak of two breaths, then by kwei is 
denoted the efik^ciousness of the secondary or 
inferior one, and by shin, that of the superior 
one. If we speak of one breath, then by shin is 
denoted its advancing and developing, and by 
kwei, its returning and reverting. They are 
really only one thing.' It is difficult — not to 
Bay impossible — ^to conceive to one's-self what 
U xueaat by such deacriplioiia. An^ itfrKW^ 



else in the Four Books is there an approach to 
this meaning of the phnu«e. Maou Se-bo is 
more comprehensible, though, afti^r all it mir 
be doubted whether what he says is more thaa s 
play upon words. His explanation is:— *BQt in 

truth, the kwei-shiH are ^g* . In the Y3hiaig 
the Kg^ and Q|r are considered to be the kwth 
shin; and it is said — mte K^ and ^m w «« 
called yS, Tlius the hwei-shm are the ^, 

embodied in Heaven (§9 ^'C) ^^^ ^^ noorisb- 
ment of things. But in the text we hare the 
term ^^fi instead of ^g* , because the latter is ths 

name of the absolute as embodied in Hesvo^ 
and the former denotes the same not only «■• 
bodied, but operating to the nourishing of thiiigi, 
for Heaven considers the production of tfaingt 
tobe^/ Seethe f|lj^|^,«.foc 

Remusat translates the first psf :— * Q^ ^ 
vertus des esprits soni sublimes! * His Latin Ter- 
sion is : — * sfurituum geniorumgue est virtus : m «- 
pax! ' Intorcetta renders : — ' sptritifms iaest «pff*- 
iiva virtus et efficacitoA, et ketc o qmetm preatass 
est! quam multipfex! quam sttblimis!* In a note, 
he and his friends say that the dignitaTy of tlis 
empire who assisted them, rejecting other inter- 
pretations, understood by heei-skin here—' tlnae 
spirits for the veneration of whom and imj^' 

ing their help, sacrifloes were instituted.* jff 

signifies 'spirits,* 'a spirit,' < spirit;' and ||> 

* a ghost,' or ' demon.* The former is used fx 
the animus, or intelligent soul separated fini 
the body, and the latter for the anima. or sai- 
mal, grosser, soul, so separated. In the tei!^ 
however, they blend together, and are not to W 
separately translated, lliey are together «#> 

valent to ^^ io par. 4, < spirits,' or 'q/^ 



. xrii. 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



263 













throne ; his riches were all within the four seas. He offered his 
Sacrifices in his ancestral temple, and his descendants preserved the 
sacrifices to himself. 

2. " Therefore having such great virtue, it could not but be that 
he should obtain the throne, that he should obtain those riches, that 
Tie should obtain his fame, that he should attain to his long life. 

3. "Thus it is that Heaven, in the production of things, is surely* 
bountiful to them, according to their qualities. Hence the tree that 
is flourishing, it nourishes, while that which is ready to fall, it 
overthrows. 

4. "In the Book of Poetry, it is said, *The admirable, amiable, 
prince, displayed couspicuously his excelling virtue, adjusting his 
people and adjusting his officers. Thereforeyiie received from Hea- 



e 



17. The virtue op filial piety, exempli- 
riED f^ Shun as carried to the highest point, 
AND REWARDED BY Heaven. 1. One does not 
readily see the connection between Shun's great 
filial piety, and all the other predicates of him 
that follow. I'lie paraphrasts, however, try to 
trace it in this way : — * A son without virtue is 
in^afficient to distinguish his parents. But 
Shun was bom with all knowledge and acted 
without any effort; — in virtue, a sage. How 
great was the distinction which he thus confer- 
red on his parents I' And so with regard to the 

other predicate. See the Q ^. ^ j^ 
^w ^ ;— on this expression it is said in the 

encyclopgedia called jm jjjkl ^^ : — 'The four 

cardinal points of heaven and earth are con- 
nected together by the waters of seas, the 
earth being a small space in the midst of them. 

Hence, he who rules over the empire (^^ K) 

is said to govern all within the four seas.' See 



also on Ana. XIL v. 4. The characters ^ 




are thus ezplamed : — * Twng means honour- 
Able. Meaou means figure. The two together 
mean the place wbere the figure* of one's 



ancestors are.* Choo He says nothing on ^j^ 

JaS |Sp J^, because he had given in to the 

views of some who thought that Shun sacrificed 
merely in the ancestral temple of Yaou. But 
it is capable of proof that he erected one of his 
own, and ascended to Hwang-te, as his great 

progenitor. See Maou's pt] ^S M^, m he* 

WL — ' to entertain a guest ;' and sometimea for 

SC, * to enjoy.* So we must take it here, — 

* enjoyed him ; ' that is, his sacrifices. As Shun 

resigned the throne to Yu, and it did not 
run in the line of his family, we must toke 

^S^ ^ as in the translation. In the time of 

the Chow dynasty, there were descendants of 

Shun, possessed of the state of ChHn (H[)i and 

of course sacrificing to him. 2. The 2^ must 

refer in every case to "j^ ^|j£[ ;— ' its place, ita 

emolument,* &e.; that is, what is appropriate 
to such great virtue. The whole is to be 
understood with reference to Shun. He died at 
the age of 100 years. The word ' ^xtw^ XaSiJi^ 

here the igilayc^ q1 ^ t£kxBX^\KX>}; Va. >^ \»afi»\ \«t«^ 



{' 



\ 



i 



264 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE KBAS. 





T W ^ ^ ^ i T- 
^.T\^ ^ f.^ m § Z. A. 




ven the emoluments of dignity. It protected him, assisted him, de- 
creed him the throne; sending from heaven these favours, as it were 
repeatedly.' 

5. " We may say therefore that he who is greatly virtuous will 
be sure to receive the appointment of Heaven." 

Chapter XVIII. 1. The Master said, " It is only king WXa rf 
whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief I His &ther wii 
king Ke, and his son was king Woo. His father laid the foimdar 
tions of his dignity, and his son transmitted it. 

2. King Woo continued the enterprise of king T'ae, king E<^ 
and king W&n. He once buckled on his armour, and got possession 
of the empire. He did not lose the distinguished personal repute 
tion which he had throughout the empire. His dignity was the im- 

ace to Maou, became that ia the root| the first 
and diief , of all Tirtiiea. 8. jdt and ^S (aoc 

to Choo He,= M» ' thick,' liberal '} are explain- 
ed bj moat commentators as equally ci^pable of 
a good and bad application. This may be said 

of jdt^ but not of ^&y and the ^^ in ^ j^ 

/p ajn would seem to determine the meaning 

of both to be only good. If this be so, then 

the last clause 'jS ^^ WS j^ is only an 

after-thought of the writtf , and, indeed, the 
sentiment of it is out of place in the chapter. 

|S^ is best taken, with K'ang-ching, U9^, 

and not, with Choo He, as merely=;|||[. 4. See 
tiie She-king, HL ii. ode Y. at. 1, where we 
have two slight rariatioiit of ^ for ^ and 

S( for ^^. The prince qmken of is king 

Win, who IS thus brought forward to ocMifirm 
the lessoU taken fimn 8hun. That lesson, how- 
ever, ifl stated mufiih toQ IsoidV^ m\2u&\Bi&\>^as, 



I 
I 

1 



It is well to say that only Tirtoe is a soM tKk 
to eminence, but to hold forth the certBia sir 
tainment of wealth and position as an iiids» 
ment to Tirtue is not faTourmble to nonfity* 
The case of Confucius himself, who attaued 
neither to power nor to long life, may beadtao* 
ed aa inconsistent with these teachings^ 

18« On kuio Wait, koto Woo, ajtd Hi 
DUKK OF CHOW. I. Shun's father was bad^ lal 
the fathers of Taon and Yu wen uadikiB* 
guished. Taou and Shun'a aona were both ta^ 
and Tu's not remarkable. But to Win geidtfr 
father nor son gare occanon but for uUiMi 
tion and happinesa. Bang Ke was ti» Mi 

Ke-lik (^ ^X the moat diatinguMisd \9 

his rirtuea, and prowess, of all the pri acei rf 
his time. He prepared the way forthetkiaia* 

of his family. ^SH^^-^likZ^^ 
^ is made to refer to ^ ||^, *tbs 
tion of the empire, but it may as weQ be 
red to Wto himself. 2. ^ ^,— tin 



1 



xTnt* 



THB boCtRtUB Oi* THE MSAN. 



265 




/^ii 








±^. 




f4h% 




%Mm fm 

















*»Jt^±.PJS4.:5fe€.* 



perial throne. His riches were the possession of all within the fouf 
ieas. He offered his sacrifices in his ancestral temple, and his de- 
scendants maintained the sacrifices to himself. 

3. " It was in his old age that king Woo received the appoint- 
tnent to the throne^ and the duke of Chow completed the virtuous 
course of WXa and Woo. He carried up the title of king to T*ae 
and Ke, and sacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the 
imperial ceremonies. And this rule he extended to the princes of 
tfce empire, the great officers, the scholars, and the common people. 
Was the father a great officer and the son a scholar, then the burial 
was that due to a great officer, and the sacrifice that due to a scholar. 
Was the father a scholar, and the son a great officer, then the burial 
was that due to a scholar, and the sacrifice that due to a great officer. 
The one year's mourning was made to extend only to the great officers. 



Hk, a prince of great eminence, and who, in the 
decline of the Tin dynasty, drew to his family 
4m tboiights of the people. «^, — ' the end of 
a oooooil' It it used here for the beginnings 
0f imperial sway, traceable to the Tarious pro- 
fcnitMS of king Woo. ^g^ ^^ ^ ^ inter- 

l^reted by K'ang-shing: — 'He destroyed the 
great Tin ;* and recent commentators defend his 
iriew. It is not worth while setting forth what 
inay be said for and against it. * He did not 
loae his distinguished reputation;' that is, tho' 

fee proceeded against his rightful sorereign, the 
Kaople did not change their opinion of his Tir- 
.laa. a. 5tr»^> 'when old.' Woo was 87 
frben he became emperor, and he only reigned 
7 years. His brother Tan ( B ), the duke of 
Chow (eee Ana. VL %sli YU. y.^ acted as 



his chief minister. In ^A 7, ^P is in the 8d 
tone, in which the character means — ' to exer- 
cise the sorereign power.' Jj^ ^£ ^ ^ 

-^T '2'> — ^^ house of Chow traced their lin- 
eage, up to the emperor ^^, B. C. 2482. But 

in various passages of theShoo-king, king T*ae 
and king K*e are spoken of, as if the conference 
of those titles had been by king Woo. On this 

there are very long discussions. See the pu 

j^ |f^, is loe. The truth seems to be, that 

Chow-kung, carrying out his brother's wishes 
by laws of State, confirmed the titles, and made 
the general rule about burials and sacrifices 

which is described. From WJt jSj -M to the 

end, we are at first inclined to translate in the 
present tense, bat the past with a i«C«Mnaa ^ft 



266 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



CH. XTin.— I1%|%!SC. 





^'0 



^UiH ^o 



^/x 









y2^. 




but the three years' mourning extended to the emperor. In the 
mourning for a father or mother, he allowed no difference betweea 
the noble and the mean." 

Chapter XIX. 1. The Master said, "How far-extending was 
the filial piety of king Woo and the duke of Chow ! 

2. "^ow filial piety is seen in the skilful carrying out of the 
wishes of our fore-fathers, and the skilful carrying forward of their 
undertakings. 

3. "In spring and autumn, they repaired and beautified the 
temple-halls of their fathers, set forth their ancestral vessels, display- 
ed their various robes, and presented the offerings of the several 
seasons. 

4. " By means of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, they 
distinguished the imperial kindred according to their order of de^ 
scent. By ordering the parties present according to their rank, they 



1 






fl 
It 



t 



* 
i 



i 



Chow-kung is more correct. The *yeRr » mourn- 
ing ' is that principally for uncles, and it did 
Dot extend beyond the great officers, because 
their uncles were the subjects of the princes and 
the enii»eror, and feelings of kindred must not 
be allowed to come into collision with the rela- 
tion of governor and governed. On the * three 
years' mourning/ see Ana. XVII. xxi. 

li). Tll£ FAU-KBACUING FILIAL PIETT OF 
KISO Woo, AND OF THE DUKE OF ChOW. 1. i^ 

is taken by Choo He as meaning — *■ universally 
acknowledged;' * far-extending' is better, and 
accords wiih the meaning of the term in other 

parts of the work. 2. This definition of :^, or 

♦ filial piet}',' is worthy of notice. Its operation 
ceases not with the lives of parents and parents' 

parents. ^^ = |||f ^l , * antecedent men ;' but 

English idiom seems to requvie t>:ie «Ad\\.Voiv qI 



season. Reckoning from the spring, the naaei 
of the sacrifices appear to have been — jS, Jm 

or IjjtJ, 1^, and ^^ Others, however, pro 

the names as Jf{tL j^, !^ ^, while soae 

affirm that the spring sacrifloe was jj&. HiOQPili 

spring and autumn only are mentioned in tte 
text, we are to understand that what is said «f 
the sacrifices in those seasons applies to all Ite 

others, jjf^ ^S, — * Halls or temples of aooe** 

tors,' of which the emperors had seven (8«e fiie 

next par.), all included in the name of -^ & 

;, ' ancestral,' or ' venerable, vessels.' Chw 




He understands by them relics, something liki 
our regalia. Ch*ing K^mg-shing makes thtai 
vc\^ «.\>\«x^^\.V^ ^\ilL more oorrectoess, 



i 



cur. 8. ^S^k »— The emperoia ol CVvm*. »ac.t\- 

ilced, HM they atUl do, to il:iett Mtf»ftt»t%«^«^ ^ ^^^!« t^ioKaS*; <viL>^\»»i8L^^*B^^ 



C^. XXX* 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



207 










Fi^ Fi 



vLi Mf^ 



distinguished the more noble and the less. By the arrangement of 
the services, they made a distinction of talents and worth. In the 
ceremony of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to 
their superiors, and thus something was given the lowest to do. At 
the conchiding feast, places were given according to the hair, and 
thus was made the distinction of years. 

t5. " They occupied the places of their fore-fathers, practised their 
ceremonies, and performed their music. They reverenced those 
whom they honoured, and loved those whom they regarded with 
affection. Thus they served the dead as they would nave served 
them alive; they served the departed as they would have served them 
had they been continued among them. 



Pttties personating the deceased irere invested. 
4« Xt was an old interpretation that the sacri- 
^Oes and accompanjing services, spoken of here, 
^ere not the seasonal services of every year, 
L are the subject of the prec. par., but the 

jll^ and IHJ^ sacrifices, and to that view I 

Would give in my adhesion. The emperor, as 

Mentioned above had seven JS. One belonged 

to the remote ancestor to whom the dynasty 
^»ced itfl origin. At the great sacrifices, his 
terit-tablet was placed fronting the east, and 
mn each aide were ranged, three in a row, the 
Whleia belonging to the six others, those of 
^hem which fronted the south b^ng, in the gene- 
tlo^cal line, the fathers of those who fronted 
ibe aofrth. As fronting the south, the region 

•f briSiamy, the former were called H^ ; the 

WtsTy from tiie north, the Bombre region, were 

Called ^B- As the dynasty was prolonged, 

•ad siiooessive emperors died, the older tablets 

irere removed, and transferred to what was call- 

ffl the jjH^ j^, yet so as that one in the R^ 

Une displaced the topmost R3, and so with the 

jfefiL. At the sacrifices, the imperial kindred 
ttraaged themselves as they were descended 
Utom a R9, on the left, and from a ^s, on the 
li^ty ud thus a genealogical comctness of 



place was maintained among them. The cere- 
mony of ' general (jj^™!^) pledging ' occur- 
red towards the end of the sacrifice. Choo He 
takes '^ in the low. 8d tone, saying that to 

have anything to do at those services was ac- 
counted honourable^ and after the emperor had 
commenced the ceremony by taking ' a cup of 
blessing,' all the juniors presented a similar cup 
to the seniors, and thus Were called into em- 
ployment. Ying-tft takes ^^ in its ordinal/ 

tone, "T\ "jgi h.» * *^® inferiors were the su- 
periors,' u «., the juniors did present a cup to 
their elders, but had the honour of drinking 

first themselves. The 4^ was a concluding 
feast confined to the imperial kindred. 6. BB 

"Ml ^, «cc to K*ang-shlng, is— * ascended 

their thrones ;' ace. to Choo He it is ' trod on — 
I. e., occupied — their places in the ancestral 
temple.' On either view, the statement must be 
taken with allowance. The ancestors of king 
Woo had not been emperors, and their places 
in the temples had only been those of princes. 
The same may be said of the four particulars 
which follow. By ^ those whom they*— t. «., 
their progenitors — * honoured ' are intended their 
ancestors, and by * those whom tlicy loved,' their 
descendants, and indeed all the people of their 
govemment. The two concluding seateufiea 



268 



THB DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



CK.m.'-IB II. 






^o^ if ^ a 

" ^ ^ M: % 1^ A.J^ iL 

m.mmm 








^^t.±z 



6. '^ By the ceremonies of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth thej 
served God, and by the ceremonies of the ancestral temple they 
sacrificed to their ancestors. He who understands the ceremomepof 
the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and the meaning of the several 
sacrifices to ancestors, would find the government of a kingdom as 
easy as to look into his palm.! " 

Chapteb XX. 1. The duke (jae asked about government 



important, at the Jetaitt mainly baaed on them 
the defence of their practice in pennitting their 
conrerta to continue the sacrifices to their an- 
cestors. We read in ' Con/keius Sinetrum philoto- 
jvAaif,*— the work of Intorcetta and others, to 
vhich I hare made fluent reference : — Jshi pU* 
rimii d clarissimis textibus Simcii probari poUtt, 
imfitimum prwUcti ax\omati» unaum esse, qwbd ea- 
cfan tn/eahone eiformali moHvo Smejuet natiirtUem 
pieiatem el poUtiatm obMemtUan erga de/unetot exer- 
etantf naUi erga eo$dem txmuc syperMtiiea txerctbcmt, 
ex mabuM si ex injra dkendU prudena hetorJMk 
dtducei^ hoi riius circa de/unctot fiiua€ mere ciVtZu, 
fiwftlutoe diantaxat m honorem et obeegmum pa^ 
rentHM, etiam pott mortem turn mtermitteiulum ; nam 
St guid UHc divinum agnovieaent^ cur dheret Conjk' 
cnif — Pritcoe servire aoUtoi dejwietia^ uti Hsdem 
eerviebant viventibue,* This is ingenious reason- 
ing, but it does not meet the fact that sacrifice 
is an entirely new element introduced into the 
•enrice of the dead. 6. I do not understand 
how it is that their sacrifices to GM are ad- 
duced here as an illustration of the filial piety 
of king Win and king Woo. What Is said 
about tiiem, howcTer, is important, in reference 
to the Tiews winch we should form about the an- 
cient religion of China. K'ang-shingtook^to 
he the sacrifice to Hearen, oflRsred, at the winter 
■olstioe^ in the aouthern suburb (<^) of the im- 
perial city; and jff^ to be that offered to the 

Earth, at the summer solstice, in the northern. 
Choo He agrees with liim. Both of them, how- 

erer, add that after Jr jff we are to under- 
stand j^ -j-, 'Sorereign Earth Q^ "^ jj^ 

i ^^^ ^).' This Yiew of gj- here is 

vehement^ oontrorerted by Bilaon and many -.".«',-, , - , , .-j 

others. But neithw the opin\oTi ot t\k«i %wo «n«X \ liwaroMk*. «t what ia peciOiar to a rak^ ssj 

commentators that K -y \a auypreftTOflL !<« tuA \ ^T^^^ii^vTv^^^a^jecv^V^^^ 
«alE9 of bNTlt/, HOC ih» o»uuoa ^ ^^^MMt^^iiaxX^aBa^ssi^^sAiaM^ ^Mftfcxix^^ 



by jgj^ we are to understand the totehoy deities 

of the soil, affects the judgment of the ssgtkm- 
self, that the serrice of one being— erea of Osi 
— was designed by all those ceremoniesi Scs^^ 
* Notions of the Chinese concerning God sol 
Spirits,' pp. &a-^. The ceremoiues of the ss- 
cestral temple embrace the great and ksi fie- 

quent services of the j& and ^2^ (see the As^ 

in. X. XI.) and the seaaonal sacrifices, of vlnck 

only the autumnal one (tSi) ia specified km 

The old commentatora take ^f^ aaasS. vilk 

the meaning of 9f , ' to plaoe^' and inteiiisl- 

*the gOTemment of the kingdom would te is 
easy as to place anything in the patan.* tlii 

Tiew U defended in the df j^ ||^. It ks 

the adrantage of aceounting belter f or tbs pp 

We are to understand * the meaning of tbe »- 
crifices to ancestors,' as including all the tns 
mentioned in par. 4. I said abore tiiat I cssM 
not undentand the connectimi between the fltfll 
part of this par. and th« general ol^ject sf lbs 
chapter. Taking the par. by itself, it teaekeslkat 
a proper knowledge and practice of the dudM^tf 
religion and filial piety would amply cqsi^ a 
ruler for all the duties of faia gOTemment. 

do. On ootxrhmbnt : anowwo pxDfcirAttT 

BOW IT DKPBICDS OK THX CHJJUCm OT tO 
OFFICIBS ▲DMIKISTSRIKO IT, AHI> BOW IBAT H* 
PBMDS OH TBB CRABACTBB OV THB aOVBBHStf 

BiMSBLF. We have here one of tibe fisUeit^^ 
positions of ConfUcius' Tiews on thissalgse^ 
though he unfolds them only as -a desciipilBa 
of the government of the kings Win sad Woa 
In the chapter there ia the remarkable istff* 
mingling, which we have seen in 'He ClMt 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



2G9 
















Ji: 4» ft A ^M. Am ^' n. 
4. 



2. The Master said, " The goveniment of WSn and Woo is dis- 
played in the records^ — ^the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there 
be the men and the government will flourish; but without the men, 
their government decays and ceases.*^ 

8. " With the right men the growth of government is rapid, 
just as vegetation is rapid in the earth ; and moreover their govern- 
ment miakt he called an easilv-growing rush. 

4. "Therefore the admmistration of government lies in getting 
proper men. Such men are to be got by means of the ruler^s own *" 
character. That character is to be cultivated by his treading in 
the ways of duty. And the treading those ways of duty is to be 
cultivated by the cherishing of benevolence. 

5. " Benevolence is the cJiaracteristic element o/ humanity, and the ^ 
great exercise of it is in loving relatives. Kighteousness is the " 
*^iocordance of actions mth what is right, and the great exercise of 

(so it it defined in the ^ ^) a kind of bee» 

Mdd to take the young of the molbeny cater- 
pillai^ and keep them in its hole, where the/ 
are transformed into beet. So, they said, does 
goremment transform the people. This is in aoc. 

with the paragraph, as we And it in the S^ SS't 

J^ M# . This Tiew is maintained also in the 

^ ]^ Wt' ^^^ ^"^ cannot hesitate in pre* 
ferring Choo He's, as in the translation. The 
other is too absurd. He takes JSj as if it were 

jy,a=-Si which, as well as ^St ^ ^ name 
of TarioQs rushes or sedges. 4. In the ^^ ^S>, 

'«' ^ A» ^* ^^ ii?^# A' ^*^ *^ 
no donbt, the meaning. By ^g here, says Choo 

He, are intended *the duties of uniyersal obli- 
pitioUf in pur* ^ ^friiieb,' adda Mmm^ ^as^ibi^ 



, but 



^his chapter is found also in the ^ 
IrUh considerable additions.' 

^,— See Ana,ILiix, sTo^ 2. The 




n^ were taUets of wood, one of which might 

^twUia up to 100 characters. The ^ were 

J^, or ships of bamboo tied together. In "Ml 

'^f ^^Moft, I 4^ rulers like Wftn and Woo, 

and mimstera such as they had. 8. K*ang-shing 

^and Ying-tt take ^ Majj^, *to exert one's- 

•elff'aad interpret:— * A ruler ought to exert 
Idmself in the practice of goremment, as the 
«arth exerts itself to produce and to nurture 

(j^^jgV Choo He tokes ^ as=}g, 

linen's way hastens goTemment ;' but the A 
iBusi be taken with special reference to the 
^leceding par., as in the translation. The old 
took ^ J2 a« the name of an ioMct^ 



270 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 



C&IBi 



%»^ 




r^m^itut.^ 



^i, r- A.% ^ B '^ r^ ^.± 




t,% 



•-^i-MB* 







\/X % '^ 





pT 




4. 






M s.,% 




n% 







M.% pTT^ I 





it is in honouring the worthy. The decreasing measures of the love 
due to relatives, and the steps in the honour due to the worthy, 
are produced by the principle of propriety. 

6. " When those in inferior situations do not possess the con- 
fidence of their superiors, they cannot retain the government of the 
people. 

7. " Hence the sovereign may not neglect the cultivation of his 
own character. Wishing to cultivate his character, he may not 

' ' neglect to serve his parents. In order to serve his parents, he may 
not neglect to acquire a knowledge of men. In order to know men, 
he may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven. 

8. " The duties of universal obligation are five, and the virtues 
wherewith they are practised are three. The duties are those be- 
tween sovereign and minister, between father and son, between hua- 

wajs of the Mean, in aooordAnoe with the 

natttie.' 6. ^ ^ ^ jj^, * Benerolence it 

nuoi.' We find the same language in Mencius, 
and in the Le-ke, XXXU. 15. This yirtue it 
called Mur, ' becaote loring, feeling, and the 
forbearing nature, belong to man, at he it bom. 
They are that whereby man it man.' See Uie 

^j^ift**"*^ jj^,— upper 8d tone, read 
whoB, It it opposed to Bj^, and meant * decreaa- 
ing,' 'growing leM.' IFot jjjp J^/j^^ we hare, 

teem to mean — * are that whereby oeremoniet 
•reproduced.' But there follow the words — 18 

^^^^'^^ The 'produced' in the 
trantlation can onlys=*dittinguithed.* Ying-tft 
ezplaint ^ by ^ ^, 6. Thit hat crept 
into the text here by mistake. It belongt to 
jMr.l7| below. WedoiK>tftQ)iUY»t«Vik^d;»^^ 



7. 



I fail in trying to trace the oonnectian between 
the different partt of thit par. * He may not be 
without knowing men.' — ^Why ? ' BecMitr' we 
are told, 4t it by honouring, and being cointtoat 
to the worthy, and tecuringthem as frieodi, 
that a man petfectt hia Tirtue, and it able ta 
terre hit relatiret.' ' He may not be witboil 
knowing HeaTcn.'— Why f « Becanie,' it is nSd, 

* the gradationt in the lore of relatiTet tod tkt 
honouring the worthy, are all heavenly inaBg»> 
mentt, and a hearenly order, natural, neoesssiy» 

principles.' But in thia ezplanatioa, ^ ^ 

hat a Tery different meaning ttam what it hst 

in the prtTiont dauae. j^, too, it here ^tnsl^ 

itt meaning being more restricted than ia per. 1 
8. From thit down to par. 11, there is hnn^ 
before us the character of the *>!«•,' mentiaBM 
in par. 2, on whom depends the fionriiluBg « 

* gover/tmeni,' which government is ezhibile' 

in parr. 12-15. 3^ "[^ j^ ^ iE'""*** 
^^^ ^to^icsc \A ^^eoiddsa by ill nndtr hcti^ 



2 



THE DOCTRINB OF THE MEAN. 



271 



>^— — li — U tn-t »L J 













m 



band and wife, between elder brother and younger, and those 
belonging to the intercourse of friends. Those five are the duties 
6f universal obligation. Knowledge, magnanimity, and energy, these ^ 
three, are the virtues univei'sally binding. And the means by 
which they carry the duties into practice is singleness. 

9. " Some are born with the knowledge of those duties; some 
know them by study; and some acquire the Knowledge after a pain- ' 
ful feeling of their ignorance. But the knowledge being possessed, 
it comes to the same thing. Some practise them with a natural 
ea.se; some from a desire for their advantages; and some by strenu- 
ous eifort. But the achievement being made, it comes to the same 
thing." 



«rth€ path of the Mean. 43J=^» >» the 
inowUdge neoeMary to choose the detailed course 
«f duty. ^ (=i(5^ ^ ^, *the unselflsh- 
■css of the heart') is the magnanimity (so I style 
it for want of a better term) to pursue it. ^, 
ia the vatiant mergg, which maintains the per- 
Biancnce of the choice and the practice. jUr 

iiifi^ ^ — '^;^,-this, ace. to Ying-tft, 
ueana— 'From the various kings ("5* Ip ) 
downwards, in the practising these five duties, 
and three virtues, Uiere has been but one me- 
thod. There haa been no change in modem 
times and ancient.' This, however, is not satis- 
factory. We want a substantive meaning, for 
^. This Choo He gives aa. He tay is :— — • 



jplJiKS rfi) 6i> ' — ' i'iimply rincerity;' the 
sincerity, that is, on which the rest of the work 
dwells with such strange predication. I trans- 
late, therefore, — ' here by wiglenett. There 

seems a reference in the term to :^, ch. i. p. 8. 

The singleness is that of the soul in the appre- 
hension and practice of the duties of the Mean^ 
which is attained to by watchfulness over oneV 

self, when alone, ^j^ j^ I understand as in 

the second clause of the paragraph. 9. Compare 

Ana., XVI. L 10. 5^j,--comp. Ana. XV. it ^, 

—up. 2d tone, 'to force,* * to employ violent efforta. 

Choo He says :— 'The j^ in ^ j^, "d ^ 

^ , refers to the duties of universal obligation,' 
But is there the threefold d\fCa«ciia^ Vsl ^% 



273 



THE DOCTRINE OF THE HEAK. 



> 



fi^ 



^^M^^sxm 







4» 




X4. 






iij 




n^ 



^^m^AMi^ 



10. The Master said, *^To be fond of learning is to be nesr to 
. knowledge. To practise with vigour is to be near to magiuuikf 

mity. lo possess the feeling of shame is to be near to energy. 

11. ^^ He who knows these three things, knows how to cultiTite 
his own character. Knowing how to cultivate his own character, 
he knows how to govern other men. Knowing how to govern odier: 
men, he knows how to govern the empire with all its States and 
families. 

12. ^^ All who have the government of the Empire with its Statet 
and families have nine standard rules to follow ; — ^viz., the cultivali<Hi 
of their ovm characters ; the honouring of men of virtue and talentif 
affection towards their relatives ; respect towards the great ministen; 
kind and considerate treatment of the whole body of officers ; deat^ 
ing with the mass of the people as children ; encouraging the resort 
of all classes of artizans ; indidgent treatment of men from a distance; 
and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the States. 

who cut practiBe them with entire ease? 10. 
Choo He obeerres that -7- Q is here tuper- 

fluoas. In the §^ ^S'f howeTer, we find the 
last par. followed by — *The duke said. Your 
words are beautiM and perfect, but I am stupid, 
and unable to accomplish this.' Then comes this 
par.—' Confucius said,' &c. The -7- Q, there- 
fore, prove, that Tsze-sze took this chapter from 
some existing document, that which we have in 
the 2^ ^^1 or some other. Conf. words were 

Intended to encourage and stimulate the duke, 
telling him that the three grand virtues might 

be nearly, if not absolutely, attained to. 4^1 J^j^ 

— ' knowing to be ashamed,' u e^ being ashamed 
at being below others, leading to the determina- 
tion not to be so. 11. * These three things ' are 
the thuee things in the la»t JpMa«t«\!f^,^^^'^\MA^«rt^^^ 'udaitfltt^' 

duty attaimble by every lyoe. \i\»X wia«ftU\^-X W~^^^*X^ 



the various steps of the dhnax la tiie ■«l»«i*»* 
confidence in the power of the example of Iht 
ruler, which we have had occasion to pojst ait 
so frequently in 'The Great Learning.' 11^ 
These nine standard roles, it is to be bonefi 
mind, constitute the govemmcttt of Wlaijlil 
Woo^ referred to in par. 2. Comm. amwtlp 
4th and 5th rules, imder the second ; am fm 
6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th, under the third, so M 
after ' the cultivation of the peraoo,' we hsi* 

here an expansion of ^ jg| and ^^ Jf ,# 
par. 6. Ji^»-)5-=y&- 'togowriL^ »• 
student will do well to Qnderataad a 5S ^^ 
^. 'M 'S,— by the S here are msdenfeool 
specially the officers called 0|fi, ^S, and Wi 
the ^ ^ and the ^ j^. who^ ai tnchB% 



T&E DOCTBINS OP THE MEAK. 



273 



mm 





^4. 





^WJiSiJS.^MiJfti^ 



y/\l J^^ 




aiJM::ri:t.A 





13. "By the ruler s cultivation of his own character, the duties of 
universal obligation are set forth. By honouring men of virtue and 
talents, he is preserved from errors of judgment. By showing affec- 
tion to his relatives, there is no grumbling nor resentment among 
his uncles and brethren. By respecting the great ministers, he is 
kept from errors in the practice of government. By kind and con- 
aderate treatment of the whole body of officers, they are led to make 
the most grateful return for his courtesies. By dealing with the 
mass of the people as his children, they are led to exhort one another to 
what is good. By encouraging the resort of all classes of artizans, 
his resources for expenditure are rendered ample. By indulgent 
treatment of men from a distance, they are brought to resort to him 
from all quarters. And by kindly cherishing the princes of the 
States, the whole empire is brought to revere him. 

the fix in, — the minister of Instmction, the 
minister of Religion, &c. See the Shoo-king, V. 

IkMt of subordinate officers after the two prec. 
K*ang.shing says,-f| 3|g ^ j|t)^, 

to receiFe/ to wliich Ting-t& adds — Qji 

^fit B ^Srt 'being of the same body with 
.* Choo He brings out the force of the 

^ id!' AS ^ ^ id^ -Ifc. '18 ""*»' 

febttt he places himself in their place, and so 
busninea their feelings/ -4-* |ff 0^, — r* is 
i Terh, * to make children of^' ' to treat kindly ss 

*ad««.' ^ ^ X.-^=:K 3^, 'to 

imO. to oame,'8* to encourage.' The S" T , 

kr ' ▼arioQS artisans,' were, by the statutes of 
[23iOir, under the superintendence of a special 
4Bcer, and it was his business to draw them out 
tod. forth fhim among the people. See the 

3bow-k^ XXXIX. 1-5.' ^ J^ ^,— Choo 




He by |^ ^ understands ^ J^, 'guests 
or euToys, and travellers, or trayelllng mer- 
chanti^' K'ang-shing understands by them ^Ae 

Bh i^ ^g ^&t * the princes of surrounding 
kingdoms,' i. «., of the tribes that lay beyond the 
six/uA ( fjR\ or feudal tenures of the Chow rule. 
But these would hardly be spoken of before the 
0^ '0&. And among cAem, in the 9th rule, 

would be included the ST,, or guests, the prin- 
ces themselves at the imperial court, or their 
envoys. I doubt whether any others beside the 

jMs, or travelling merchants, are intended by 

the jS A . If we may adopt, however, K'ang- 
shing's view, this is the rule for the treatment 
of foreigners by the government of China. 13* 
This par. describes the happy effects of observ- 
Ing the above nine rtdes. ^^ "fr , — ^by ^ are 
understood the five duties of universal obliga- 
tion. We read in the R ^S : — * About these 
nine rules, the only VtQ>3i\)V^\&^^^\.vsH^T€v|^ 



374 



TIIE DOGTRINS OF THE MEAN. 













mt 



^0. 





m.J5)f 



S 





Ef.^ 







14. " Self-adjustment and purification, ivifh careful rem 
of his dress, and the not making a movement coutrary to the 
of propriety : — this is the way for the ruler to cultivate his pc 
Discarding slanderers, and keeping himself from tAe seductiai 
beauty ; making light of riches, and giving honour to virtue :- 
is the way for him to encourage men of worth and talents. Gi 
them places of honour and large emolument, and sharing with the 
their likes and dislikes : — ^this is the way for him to encourage 
relatives to love him. Giving them numerous officers to disci 
their orders and commissions : — this is the way for him to encou 
the great ministers. According to them a generous confidence, 
making their emoluments large : — this is the way to encourage 
body of officers. Employing them only at the proper times, 
making the imposts light : — this is the way to encourage the p« 
By daily examinations and monthly trials, and by making t 
rations in accordance with their labours: — ^this is the way to encou 
the classes of artizans. To escort them on their departure and i 

are not able to practise them strenuously. Let ; are all the younger branches of the mler^ 
the ruler be really able to cultivate his per- 
son, then will the universal duties and universal 
Tirtucs be uU-completc, so that he shall be an 
example to the whole empire, with its States 

and families. Those duties will be set up (; 



dred. >fC^=>f^^, but Uie deoeplk 
mistake will be in the affairs in cfaug« «1 
great ministers, ^z p and -J^^ '^'^ ^ 

parties. JM, — ns in Ana. II. xx. Tiof- 
plains it here — 'They will exhort andstli 
one another to serve their ruler.' On ED 

J£. Choo He «y.:-3f{^X. fA^^ 

* The resort of all classes of articaos ben 
, couraged, there is an intercommnmcatiQD * 

precedinjrpar.,their«ovo^grf.«>uiv«.\VoT»»j^A I ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ ^ inte«*« 

^ide*. Tlie addition of gg d«tetm\tte%\\» >t.\ TO«C»«Kr«\t«»,»m!\'i!t«V\iSo«»&!a^ 

to be uncle*. Sec the ^ H|, 1. w. |^||,\*»5fc.< <:>x\»^i^'iM*^\s«2«vN»«rt^pA 



II X *n<J ^^^ ^iAl know what to imitate.' 

^ means, aoc. to Choo He, * ^^ ^^^ ^,' 

* he will have no doubts as to principle.' K^ang- 

shing explains it by ^ ^^ ^, Miis counsels 

will be good.' This latter is the meaning, the 
Worthies being those specified in the note on the 



I 



THE DOCTIIINE OF THE MEAK. 



^^#E4.#-lL 



37S 



1<I ^ii ^o^ 





VEl 



t 



<A'" 




^ ^ W 




.nm.KMMMn^.^ 











A W X 



n on their coining ; to commend the good among them, and show 
passion to the imcoinpetent : — ^this is the way to treat indulgently 
t from a distance. To restore families whose line of succession 
been broken, and to revive States that have been extinguished ; 
•educe to order States that are in confusion, and support those 
ch are in peril; to have fixed times for their own reception at court, 
the reception of their envoys ; to send them away after liberal 
tment, and welcome their coming with small contributions : — this 
le way to cherish the princes of the States. 

5. " All who have the government of the empire with its States 
families have the above nine standard rules. And the means 

^hich they are carried into practice is singleness. 

6. " In all things success depends on previous preparation, and 
lout such previous preparation there is sure to be failure. If 
kt is to be spoken be previously determined, there will be no 



lidini; to one another. Hence the resour- 
>r expenditure jure sufficient.' I suppose 
Uhoo felt a want of some mention of agri- 
re in connection with these rules, and 
111 to find a place for it here. Maou would 

|f=»^,and jfl=|§^. Seethe 
j"^, mfoc Comp. al«o"^^'j^,x. 
L'sng-shing understands DH 'yf as mean- 

EF S9' *^^^^i^ kingdoms,' but the usage 
; phrase is against such an interpretation. 
After ^ TC -^ ^, we hare in the 

H&w are these rules to be practised f* and 
follows this par., preceded by 3fJ^ Hp Q , 

hKitusBid.' ^^i^^j^jg— comp.ch. 
Tbe Umding together, aa equally im* 



portant, attention to inward parity and to dress, 
seems strange enough to a western reader. Sn, 
throughout,—' to encourage,' 'to stimulate in a 
friendly way.' I have translated SS jS^ after 

the^^whichsaysHHjjgj^ll^ 

the 2d the rerb, just the reyerse of the phrase 

in its previous occurrences. The use of jft in 

reference to the prince's treatment of the offi* 
cers is strange, but the translation gives what 
appears to be the meaning. K'ang-shing explain- 
ed : — * Making large the emolument of the loyal 
and sincere ;' but, according to the analogy of all 

the other clauAoa, ^^ wv^^s^xsiXiSXXsfe ^^jwsk^- 
tWe oi the tuVw. ^ A^v-^^^- fe^^-^«^ • 



1' 



276 



THE DOCTRIHE OF THE KEXS. 








UM^. 






stumbling. If affairs be previously determined, there will be no 
difficulty with them. If one's actions have been previously deto- 
mined, there will be no sorrow in connection with them. If princh 
pies of conduct have been previously determined, the practice o( 
them will be inexhaustible. 

17. "When those in inferior situations do not obtain the con- 
fidence of the sovereign, they cannot succeed in governing the peor 
pie. There is a way to obtain the confidence of the sovereign ;— 4f 
one is not trusted by his friends, he will not get the confidence of hk 
sovereign. There is a way to being trusted by one s friends ; — if one 
is not obedient to his parents, he will not be true to friends. There 
is a way to being obedient to one's parents ; — ^if one, on turning \m 

irhich K'ang-Bhiiig explains bffSfi^^, 'ntiona 
allowed by government.* See Morrison, char. 
JEb . Choo He follows K^ang-shing in this, but 

I agree with Maon, that SE and not ^a is to 

be substituted here for j^. ^ffi, up. 8d tone, 

* to weigh,' * to be according to.' The trials and 
examinations, with these rations, sliow that tlie 
artizans are not to be understood of such dis- 
persed among the people, but as collected under 
the superintendence of the government. Am- 
bassadors from foreign countries have been re- 
ceived up to the present century, according ^ 
the rules here prescribed, and the two last re- 
gulations are quite in harmony with the moral 
and political superiority that (jhina claims over 
the countries which they may represent. But in 
the case of travellers, and travelling merchants, 
passing from one state to another, there were 
anciently regulations, which may be adduced 
to illustrate all the expressions here. See the 

P}7 ^ 1^, and the Q ^. in ibc j^^ 
iialunrfljr underaUad f^ \^^ ^ >&' 



4tt, as meaning—-* the meana bj wUdi tbey 

are carried into practice is one and the ssne.* 

Then this means will be the ^A, or *pravk«a 

preparation' of the next. par. Tliis is tbe farfep- 
pretation of K*ang*shiug and Ting-ti, wbo tske 
the two parr, together. But aoc to Cboo He^ . 
Uhe one thing' is suicsrify, as in par. 8. 1&. 
The 'all things' is to be understood with refe> 
rence to the universal duties, the universal vir-^ 
tues, and the nine standard rules. 17. Tlie ob- 
ject of this par. seems to be to show that tiir 
singleness, or sincerity, lies at the basis of tfai|t 
previous preparation, which is easentiat t»-see> 
cess in any and every thing. The at^is of tW 
climax conduct us to it as the mental ststc^ 
necessary to all virtues, and this sincerity is 
again made dependent on the understandiDgof 
what is good, upon which point see the ssit 

chapter. >fC||[ ^ J^,==aoc to Ting-tl, ^